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JOURNAL
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL
New Series, Vol. VII.
1911.
CALCUTTA :
PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, AND PUBLISHED BY
THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 1, PARK STREET, CALCUTTA.
1915.
DATES OF PUBLICATION.
Journal, pp
1-14 Proceedings, pp
15-52
53-8G
87-118
119 27(5
277-430
431-464
465-520
521-636
637-712
713-81<>
1-172 (Extra Number)
• •
9 9
9 9
9 9
9 9
?
9 9
9 9
9 9
9 9
9 9
1-11
iii-xcvi
xcvii-cii
ciii-cvi
cvii-cx
cxi-exii
cxiii-cxvi
CV11-CXXV11I
cxxix-cxxxii
cxxxiii-cxxxiv
exxxv-cxlii
9 9
9 9
9 «
20th April 1911
13th June
loth ,,
17th Aug.
11th Oct.
22nd Nov.
12th Dec.
24th Jan.
23rd Feb.
8th April
29th May
23rd April
1912
• 9
9 9
DIRECTIONS FOR BINDING.
The pages of the Journal should be bound first ; they are
numbered in Arabic numerals. Next should be placed the
Extra Number. The pages of the Proceedings should follow
this ; they are paged consecutively in Roman numerals, with
the exception of the title-page which is issued separately. The
Index is paged in continuation of the Proceedings.
Plates
i >
3 3
35
5 5
55
3 5
55
5 5
5 5
55
XV11
* »
XV111
5 5
5 5
78
84
86
518
522
570
622
619
698
face Extra No.
follow page 690
i-ii to follow
page
iii 5,
9 3
)J 35
v-viii ,, face
3 3
1 3
•
1^ 5 5 J5
3 3
x-xii ,, ,,
xiii-xiv ,, follow
3 3
3 J
XV 99 5 5
3 3
xvi ,, face
5 3
ERRATUM.
In page 644, Translation I, line 2
For To introduce the Church-bell, after delay, unto the
K'aba
Head To cause the Church-bell to tinkle in the Ka'ba.
LIST OF PAPERS
in the Journal.
'Abdu'l Wali.
The Ruba'Iyat of Abu Sa'id ibn Abu'l Kliayr
'Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy :
DULL A AL Ma'mUN.
Page
.. 037
See Suhrawardy, 'Ab-
Allan, J.
Some rare coins of the Pathan Saltans of Delhi
• • • •
Some rare Mughal coins . .
• 9
•
(>98
701
Anand Kotrii : See Koul, An and.
Annandale, N: See West, Wm.
Azoo, R. F.
Chronographic Quatrain
Banerji, Rakhal Das.
Gold coins of Shamsu-d-Din Muzaffar Shah of Bengal
Inscribed
• •
The Belkhara Inscription and the Machlishahr grant of
candra
The evidence of the Faridpur grants
Note on the StambheSvari
HariS
713
097
43
757
28! >
443
Besse, L., and Hosten, H.
List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries in Bengal and Burma
(1570-1742) ..
Beveridge, H.
A dubious passage in the Ilminsky edition of the Babur-
naraa
Errata, etc., in the A.S.B. Edition of Abu Turab's History of
Gujarat. Edited by Dr. E. D. Ross
Bhide, R. K.
New and revised species of Gramineae from Bombay
Brown, J. Coggin.
17
5
459
513
Shan and Palaung Jews Harps from the Northern Shan
States .. - ..521
• •
• •
Burkill, I. H.
Swertias chinemes quatuor Novas, ex herbaria 0. Bonati
The Polarity of the Bulbils of Dioscorea bulhifera, Linn.
Burkill, I. H., and Finlow, R. S.
Gorchoriis capsulars var. oocarpus— a new variety of the
common jute plant
81
407
405
•
VI
Burr, M.
Page
Contribution to our knowledge of Indian Earwigs . . 77 1
• *
615
C hand a, Rama Prasad.
Dinajpur Pillar Inscription
Chaudhtjri, B. L.
Freshwater Sting Rays of the Ganges . . . . . . 025
CSOMA DE KoROS, ALEXANDER.
Tibetan studies : Being a reprint of the articles contributed to
the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Edited by
E. Denison Ross Extra No. i.
Das Gupta, Hem Chandra.
On the occurrence of Maestrichtien fossil* at Kftcoh station in
British Baluchistan . . I
• • • • • • I
De, B. B., and Sen, H. K.
Interaction of hydrazine sulphate with nitrites .. .. I (Ml
Finlow, R. S.
See Burkill, I. H., and Finlow, R. S.
KiiAMjEfi Jamasjee Thanawalla. See Thaxawalla, Kramjkk
JAMASJEE.
Gupte, B. A.
Folklore of the origin of the constellation M igarshiraha . . 93
Note on the Dark Monday Soinavati . . . . . . <>;;|
Haraprasad SastrI.
Notes on the newly-found manuscript of CatuhSatika . . 48]
Hem Chandra Das Gupta. See Das Gupta. H.:m Chahdra.
Holstein, P.
Note sur les denominations a donner au.v sabres hindous . .
Hooper, David.
The Composition of Indian Yams
Some Asiatic Milk Product
Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs
» *
-
■ ■
■ -
Mosten, Rev. H.
fe*. TuZeb ' D "* ri P*» of *** (1581); Firoz
• •
57
313
•
Frey Jo*o da Cruz, O.S.A. (+1638) . . . ,,
father A. Monaerrate'a Deserinfi,*., nt rv.iu: ,li* ** ,J
09
■ s 'ee Besse, L., and Hosten, H.
9n>AYAl! Husain, M.:See UtxsA.N, M . HlDAYAT.
HU8 AIN, M. HlDAYAT.
Transla^ ,,, one ^^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^
The Life and Work of Bahr-ul-'Ulum " * ' ' ' ,T '
um •• •• .. 693
Vll
Irvine, W. Gaveta
Javaswal, Ka£i Prasad.
« •
Page
115
Elucidation of certain passages in I-Tsing . . . . 309
.Jitcndra Nath Rakshet : See Ray, Prafulla Chandra, and
Jitendra Nath Rakshit.
On Methylamine Nitrite
Joshi, Tika Ram.
- • • • • • - - • •
KlNGSMILL, T. W.
The Vikramaditya Sarhvatsara and founding of the Jvushan
Kingdom
- • • • • •
KlRKPATRICK, W.
A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli or Argot of the Kunclibandiya
• * • •
Mazumdar, B. C.
The StambheSvari : communicate I with a note by R. D. Ban-
nerji
Murphy, C. C. R.
A hundred modern Arabic Proverbs
Pargiter, F. E.
The Ghagrahati (KotwallparS) grant and tliree other copper-
plate grants
■ *
• •
91
A Dictionary of the Paharl Dialects as spoken in the Punjab
119
Himalayas
Notes on the Ethnography of the Bashahr State, Simla Hills,
Punjab . . . . . . . . . . 525
IvAfllPRASAD JAYASWAL : See J AYASWAL, Ka&I PRASAD.
Kaye, G. R.
A brief Bibliography of Hindu Mathematics . . . . 679
References to Indian Mathematics in certain medieval works . . 801
721
Kan jars . . . . . . . . . . 277
Folksongs and Folk-lore of the Geliaras (Kanjars) . . . . 437
Exogamous Septs of the Gehara section of the Kunchbandiya
Ivan jars
Oaths and Ordeals of the Geliaras (Kanjars) of the Delhi
District
6<><>
i:>:\
Konow, Sten.
Mundari Phonology and the linguistic survey . . . . 37
KoRos, Alexander Csoma de : See Csoma de KoRos, Alexander.
87
Koul, An AND.
A visit to Kapala Muchan . .
Maitra, A. K.
Two Buddhist Stone-Images from Malda - . • • <>2l
443
503
475
Vlll
Page
• 9
117
(591
Phtllott, D. C.
Some Notes on Urdu Grammar
Note on a Shi 'a Imprecation
Prafulla Chandra Ray and Jitendra Nath Rakshit. See Ray
Prafulla Chandra. '
Rajani Ranjan Sen: See Sen, Rajani Ranjan.
Rakhal Das Banerji : See Bannerji, Rakhal Das.
Rama Prasad Chanda : See Chanda, Rama Prasad.
Ray, Prafulla Cantdra, and Jitendra Nath Rakshit.
On Methylamine Nitrites
1)1
Rose, H. A.
Persian Letters from Jahan Ara, daughter of Shah .Tnhan, to
Raja Budhparkash of Sirmur ' ~
149
Note on the Ethnography of the Bashahr Stato .' ." .'* -,25
Sen. Rajani Ranjan.
A Firman of Emperor Aurangzeb . . . . G87
Smith, W. W.
Plantamm novarum in Herbario Horti Regii Calcuttensis
bogmtaram Decas
Gentian
i^ltf^T 1 ^ R .° Xb - var - irr ^<*ri8,-* remarkable
instance of leaf variation
Suhrawardy, 'Abdullah al-Ma'mun.
The Waqf of Moveables
69
77
85
• •
323
Taylor, G. P.
IlahT synchronisms of some Hijr
Thana walla, Framjee Jamasjek.
7on
A Silver Dirham of the Sas.anian Queen Paran dakht . . 703
TfKA
See Joshi, Tika Ram.
Wali, 'Abdtx'l : See 'Abdu'l Wali.
Whitehead, R. B.
On an unpublished medieval
coin
West, Wm.
700
three
freshwater VowZ^ %.**» associated with
-i. A <-"y^oa. With notes hir n* at
Annandale . ^° a ' W,fch "Otoe by Dr. N.
83
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
New Series.
Vol. VII.— 1911.
♦
I, On the occurrence of Maestrichtien fossils at Kacch
station in British Baluchistan.
By Hem Chandra Das Gupta.
was described by Mr. Oldham as
from
The fossils obtained from them have been examined by Dr.
Noetling % who assigned a lower cretaceous, neocomian (hauteri-
vien) age to these rocks. Fossils from the belemnites shales have
also been obtained by Mr. Tipper. 3 These belemnite shales
are overlaid by another group of upper cretaceous (maestrich-
tien) shales which are often lithologically much alike. Moreover
as there is a stratigraphical gap between the upper and lower
cretaceous , and as either one or the other may be missing in
certain sections, some oare is needed to distinguish them. As
an instance of this I may cite the case of an exposure of shales
at Kacch, a station on the Sind-Pishin section of the North
Western Railway, which was visited by me in the summer of
1907 with the Presidency College Geological party.
A geologically coloured map of British Baluchistan has
been published,* and it appears from the map that a
neocomian age has been assigned to this locality. A few
fossils collected from this locality, however, go to prove that
1 Bee. Geol. Surv., Ind., Vol. xxv, pt. 1,
2 Pal. Ind., Ser. XVI, Vol. i, pt. 2.
8 Rec. Geol. Surv.. Ind., Vol. xxxvm, pt.
4 Rec. Geol. Surv., Ind., Vol. xxxi. pi. 18.
2 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911.
the shales exposed here are maestrichtien in age. Fossils from
the maestrichtien beds of Baluchistan have been described by
Dr. Noetling, 1 and we are indebted to Prof. Vredenburg for a
paper dealing with the zonal distribution of the upper cretace-
ous fossils of this area.* The Presidency College collection
includes Trochosmilia sp., Pachydiscus sp. (an immature
specimen), Heteroceras polyplocum, Roem., and Baculites
binod os ws, Noetl. It may be mentioned here that two species
of Pachydiscus and Heteroceras polyplocum have been recorded
from the upper cretaceous rocks by Prof. Vredenburg in his
work above alluded to.
The specimen of Trochosmilia has been found to be speci-
fically different from the only species of the genus described
from the unoer p.rataceons beds by Dr. Noetling. 8 The height
mm
47 mm., and the small diameter is 32 mm. The corallum seems
to have been widened at a short distance from the base. The
calyx is elliptical, and the upper surface being worn out, the
number of the septa could not be distinguished. The columel-
lar fossula is marked, narrow and elongated and occupies
about two-fifths of the major axis of the calyx. The corallum
is markedly bent in the direction of the small axis. The
surface is covered with continuous costae which are alternately
equal and the intercostal space is very finely granulated. The
basal portion is lost and there is no trace of an epitheca.
The specimen described above differs from Trochosmilia
protectans, Noetl., found in the upper cretaceous beds of Balu-
chistan. This difference consists chiefly in the shape of the
dimension
specimens of his species, and, with the exception of the small
specimens the large diameter of the calyx of his species has
been found to be more than double the length of the small
diameter of the calyx, but the corresponding ratio in the
present case is only 1-46. The costae of T protectans are
granulated at the upper margin, a feature not noticed in the
specimen described here while the intercostal granulation is
enttW frS? 'I \ Noetlin g' s specimen. The absence of
S urT Thet ^ if Pedmen iS als0 another noticeable
wfrl 7rrnIn!J?r C ™7 hl V 80mewna t general resemblance
from ZtZw m ^* eu ^ 4 which has also been obtained
from the Tnchmopoly beds of Southern India « There is
mentTf ^7?^ *?*"%» between them in the arra^:
me nt of the c os tae as in Reuss's species a group of three
1 Pal. Ind., Ser. XVI, Vol i, Dt 3
2 Rec. Geol. Surv Ind Vni \~ • * o
» op. ou., p. 9> pi: i, figs'. ^'i o ' pt - 3j pp - 172 ~ 182 -
^ Denk. Akad. Wien. Math. Naturwiss . Klasse ^ p ^ ^ ^
• Pal. Ind.. Se, VIII, Vol. i v , no . 4-5, p. 15, pl. II, figB . !_ 4 .
Vol, VII, No. 1.] Maestrichtien fossils at Kacch station. 3
[N.S.]
unequally thinner costae is bounded on two sides by two stronger
ones. After consulting all available information, I have very
little doubt that we are here dealing with a new species of
Trochosmilia, but I have advisedly refrained from naming it on
the evidence of a single and rather ill- preserved specimen.
2.
A dubious tDassaee in the Ilminsky
rnama
By H. Beveridge.
In an interesting passage of his Memoirs the Emperor
Babur gives some particulars about the birth of his third son
Hindal Mlrza. This took place at Kabul early in 925 A.H.,
and about the end of February, 1519. Babur was out in camp
at the time and in a valley north or north-west of Peshawar,
and was engaged in a raid against the Yusufzais.
The passage in which he refers to the coming birth of
Hindal occurs at p. 220a of the imprint of the Haidarabad
MS., and at p. 250 of Leyden and Erskine's translation, and
is as follows :
" After Humayun's birth, his mother bore several other
children, but none of them survived. Hindal had not yet been
born. While I was in these parts, a letter came from Mahim
in which was written, 'Be it a boy, or be it a girl, give me
whatever my Fortune grants me, I shall regard the child as
mine, 1 and shall rear it.'
On Friday, the 26th of this month (Muharram 925 equal to
28th January, 1519), I, in this very camp, gave Hindal to
Mahim, and I wrote a letter to this effect and sent it to Kabul
by Yusuf 'All Rikabdar. As yet, Hindal was not born."
In a subsequent passage, 258 of Leyden and Erskine, and
227a of the Haidarabad text, Babur says that on Friday
2 Rabl'u-l-awwal (4th March, 1519) he received a written report
of Hindal' s birth. He adds, cl As the news came at the time I
was making an expedition against India, I took the birth
l In the Elphinstone MS. and in the Haidarabad text the words are
^Jl^Lo ^lU. *j\J f arzand chalal saJchlal. I cannot find the word chalal,
but possibly it is connected with the word jll JU^ which according to
Pavet de Courteille's Diet, is a word added to other words and has the
meaning of " like to." Ilminsky, 281, has farzand qllal u sakhlai. Very
likely the word qllal ^JU.i is right, and what is wrong in Ilminsky is
the conjunction u after it. This conjunction does not occur either in
the Elphinstone MS. or in the Haidarabad!. It is perhaps the occurrence
of the conjunction that has made Pavet de Courteille to translate <l met
tre F enfant an monde." If we read qllal and omit the conjunction we
can take farzand qllal to mean M regarding it as my child," literally
"making it a (my) child I shall rear it. " The qllal would thus agree
with the Persian translation of 'Abdu-r-Rahim u farzand handa," or
with the farzand gufta of the older translation by Muhammad QulL
6 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 191 1.
as a good omen and called the child Hindal {i.e., taker of India)."
By this time he had left the Yusufzai country and was in
India, near Bhera and the Jhilam.
With the exception of the Kehr MS., which is the founda-
tion of the Ilminsky edition, the above is all that the manu-
Mem
Persian, tell about
Hindal's birth. The Ilminsky edition, however, p. 281. pp. 45,
46, vol. ii, of Pavet de Courteille's French translation, has the
wi
" The explanation of the above statement (i.e., the state-
Mahim
had been several children by the same mother as HumayunV,
namely, one boy, younger than him, but older than vail my
other (male) children, and three girls, of whom Mihr Jan was
one, but they had all died in infancy. I wished much for a
full brother or sister to Humayun. At this time Dildar
Aghacha conceived, and I kept on saying, « How nice it would
have been if it were the offspring of Humayun's mother ! ' Her
Highness my mother (Hazrat Walida)' observed (honorific
plural), < If Dildar Aghacha bear a son, how would it be if I
took him and brought him up.' I said, ' Capital.' Now, the
usual way in which women take a prognostic about the sex of
a coming child is to take two pieces of paper, and write on one,
AH or Hasan and on the other, Fatima. Then they shut up
tUose in two balls of clay and put them into a cup of water. The
hrst to open is to them a prognostic of the sex. Should it con-
nZ~ f 0J S n n u me ' tl 1 le Child wiU be a bov: if there be a girl's
name it w.ll be a gir . The experiment was made, and a bov's
and JTV n \\. When I * 0t the g° od news > T <* *ce wr«".te
son ™„ * ^ A , ieW davs Awards, Qod bestowed a
son upon me. Three days after the birth, and before mv
w Xirh f, ( °' they , t0 .° k the Chi,dfr0 - fche nmt her with o^
reared Wh.nT' r dbrou « ht * t0 our house " h ™ i*"i
the new,^ th. Sen t th ! n f WS ° f the birfch <™ re probably,
mi ^H^' -^ ? P i ?P eriment )' 8he (my mother)
nm^l" kT had been fu,filled > gave the child the
arraLeLn T V ^\ ™ 8 0ne of 8 ood ^gury. By this
T^lL^* b °f a voun g er brother and a son."
into th £xt b ?h ^ °^ u this P a ™g™ph " that it comes
tZ Vi y he head and shou ders, so to sneak That is
texts , but comes i^r ?Jh l' a " d Which occurs in »« the
and is descnWn" how he put U n *1 g ° TO f <° TV 1 " 8U,>iect »
valley. Tliis ,eem,7„ „,?♦ P a , rge stone P^tform in the
belong J ZIZ f Z MeE tut tUe T |,h d ° eS not
which in the courec nf !1"T ' . ,s an explanatory note
But the ZZ £nSf^7hif£ ^T ^ the text '
reference to Babur's ^ ^ Z^^^ ^
Vol. VII, No. 1.] A dubious passage in the Baburnama. 7
[N.S.]
of fact, she died 14 or 15 years previously, in the beginning,
namely, of 911 A.H., or July, 1505. This at once disposes of
the idea that the paragraph is the work of Babur. Nor can
we get out of the difficulty by supposing that Hazrat Walida
is equivalent to Walida-i-Sultan, mother of the king, or of the
heir, and that it is Mahim the wife of Babur and mother of
Humayun to whom the words refer. Against this interpreta-
tion there is the fact that Pavet de Courteille, the experienced
Turk! scholar, has taken the words to refer to Babur' s mother,
and there is the still more convincing circumstance that the para-
graph ends by saying that the result of the arrangement was
that the writer (i.e., Babur) got both a younger brother and a
son. If the child was made over to the grandmother, that is,
to Babur 's mother, he might say that the child became his
younger brother. But the expression has no meaning if the
infant was givfen to his wife. It certainly seems to me that
the writer of the paragraph, whoever he was, had forgotten or
>w that Babur 's mother had died in 911. He also,
kn
-hin
The
and we are indebted to
whoever wrote it. But it seems impossible that either Babur
or Humayun was the writer. Apart from the mistake already
referred to, there are the errors of making the lady give the name
Hindai to
Mali
the mother of three daughters before Hindai' s birth. Accord-
Main
had only had two daughters, Mihr Jan (or Jahan) and Ishan
Daulat (p. 90 of the translation of the Memoirs). The boy
om Mahim
Mihr
father to Samarkand in 916 or 917 (Gulbadan Begam's Memoirs.
91).
Nor do I think that strict Sunnis like Babur and Huma-
yun would in exemplifying the names written on pieces of
paper have only referred to three specially Shi^a names, viz.,
Fatima, 'All and Hasan.
\vr
the paragraph, but one would expect him to have been better
informed about the date of death of his great grandfather'**
mother.
3* Note sur les denominations a donner aux sabres
hindous.
Remise par M. P. Holstein de Lyon.
Dans son ouvrage * ' A Description of Indian and Oriental
Armour " (new Edition, Londres, 1896), LordEgerton of Tatton
donne frequemment aux sabres les noms de * 4 Shamshir " et de
"Talwar."
Le mot " Shamshir," ou " Shamsher " n'est-il pas le mot
persan qui veut dire Sabre d'une fagon generate, et lemot " TaU
war ' ' n'est-il pas le terme Hindou ay ant la meme signification ?
S'il en est bien ainsi, " Shamshir " est le terme generique
de tout sabre persan, ou d'origine persane, quelle que soit la
forme, mais dont la poignee est generalement en forme de crosse
de pistolet, sou vent revetue de deux plaques de corne, d'i voire,
de morse ou autre matiere recouvrant la soie. Tels sont les
types qui sont representee dans la Planche XV du dit ouvrage
sous les numeros 658-659 et 755-757.
" Talwar " serait le terme generique de tout sabre hindou
ou hindo-musulman, quelle que soit la forme de la poignee,
munie ou non d'un arc de jointure, la courbure ou la nature et
qualite de la lame, aPexception duKhanda, ouKhounda (Sabre
de Sacrifice) et de la Pata (epee a-gantelet) qui constituent Tun et
P autre des types tres speciaux faciles a reeonnaitre.
Ce qui precede est-il exact ?
Dans le catalogue de "Tsarkoe-Selo," (museedePEmpereur
de Russie) il n'est question que de trois noms :
L Le " Johour" qui, d'apres les reproductions, aurait
la poignee munie d'un arc de jointure.
2. Le ' Poulouar" dont la poignee est ouverte, sans arc
de jointure.
3. Le * Khounda.'
Lord Egerton ne parle du Johour (ou Jauhar) qu'une fois :
Page 132, en note du Sabre No. 652 qu'il appelle simplement
"Talwar."
fois
7 ">
Le meme Lord Egerton ne parle du 4; Poulouar *' que deux
Page 51, With a hilt of a characteristic outline, and with
drooping quillons. Page 109 en note du sabre No. 392 qu'il
appelle aussi ' ' Talwar.
II sembledonc bien que nous voila en presence de trois termes :
1. Talwar, nom du sabre en general.
2. Johour, sabre dont la poiirnee est munie d'un arc de
jointure.
10 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911.
3. Poulouar, sabre dont la poignee ouverte est sans arc de
jointure.
v i tt ? 1 o^ lair '^ n8 rindian Antiquary (Edited at Bombay,
vol. 11, 1874, p. 216) cite de son cote les noms suivants :
1. Surm, nom mahratte du sabre droit jusqu'aux f de sa
longueur et de la courbe ;
2. Ahir, nom mahratte du sabre dont la courbure com-
mence des la poignee :
3. Phirangi, nom mahratte d'un sabre a Ja.ne droite
d ongine europeenne ou fabriquee en imitation de celle-ci.
4. Patta, nom dans l'Hindustan d'un sabre a lame tongue,
mince, avec garde a gantelet et prise a angle droit
avec la lame, utilisee par les tireurs de profession.
« chiull e n T / n S J r ° hir L ° rd E «ertoaparlo (page 105) du
nnt ?! fa T r in ° f aU th ? various swords found throughout Raj-
e r,h * W F Y i C iT ed bl ^ e » sha P ed like that of Damascus ''
e, plus loin (page 113), sous le nom de " Serve " (Sirol.i) " One
ot a hard temper, consequently brittle and very sharp " porte
hi "t"'"*.™" 3 Ue T Ie ", Sumi " de M - Sinclair et le " Siro-
e toe le „J r Z c, "f ^ Ff^ 80nt la ,nSme a '"> e . "' aia
est-cee genre de courbure de la lame qui determine ce nom ?
D apres Tod ( Annals of Rajasthan , I , p 640) leShohi est ,,„
sabre legerement eourbe ayant la forme deCde D™ rf„i
tZuht/v T * '* P i US 8 rande P-dileetion tee
KoTsans 'alW STt ? ° " *? qUe rcco P ier ceW « descri,,
fi^res"ucu„ typt 8 " " d ° nnant ^ "« P h """ eS
usage^bez^WR^r"^''/^''' nn lar 8" «*" «"rbe en
ee no!f de ^TeX 7 6 e t tr& """•l* de la Ia ™ <l»i ««t«mine
chose i g de Lord E 8 erton seraient-ils la meme
Lord^ertontCnetsl ST** ," ""^ ««*-■*
mais c'est bien la X. »r , ? ?, , Farm V> ou " Kra^i ";
est „ne lameTepeHu de^bre T r „ f 1™° ^ ' 1<>ngUe * ™™
poignee munie d'un arc 1 ? . dr0, » eur0 Peen, montee avec une
fig 24, No. 579). J " Ct «™« a l e ment ouatee (voir
le M^SS^kZ^f q " e . L ° rd Egerton donne aussi
figure 24 sous le Sa« ewlftS ' IT Pr0duit ( P 1041 danB la
«* introduit par tal*^.^^. 1 "*""-* V***
d'europeen dans cette arme et ,'•„,( I " J V™ <le P° rtu g ais ™
No. 523, que Lord Eeert ^ if ^ '' e " r de nla P"*. ce sabr «
a 14 une inad v e r tlof o, "!*£ el J e ?"»« ■* "" Khanda. II y
°" une confusion que je ne m'explique pas?
<)U
5 5
Vol, VII, No. 1.] Note sur les sabres hindous. 11
[N.S.].
Voici encore un autre nom qui je trouve dans l'ouvrage de
Lord Egerton, celui de c; Abbasi.
Les descriptions qu'il en fait sont si differentes que Ton
ne sait a quel genre de sabre ce nom doit s'appliquer :
Ainsi (page 110), No. 400 (Abbasi) estdecrit: Straight blade
of Damascus steel, strengthened at the back with perforated
steel supports. No. 401 : watered Khorassan blade.
(Page 118), Les Nos. 539 et 540: Deeply curved blades,
et en note : (c/. from Codrington collection) Abbasi, scimitar
of superior steel.
(Page 132), le No. 653: Slightly recurved fluted blade
of bright steel ; hilt with knuckle guard and griffin-head pommel.
Voila done trois sabres portant le meme nom (Abbasi),
dont l'un a la lame droite renforcee sur le dos par des renforts
d'acier, l'autre tres courbe comme celle d'un cimeterre, la
troisieme au contrail e tres legerement courbe.
Cela n'est pas vraisemblable ; trois types si different^ ne
peuvent pas porter le meme nom ; alors, que veut dire le terme
' ' Abbasi i ' '
Vient maintenant 1' "Asseel " ou " Asil
Ala Page 113, Lord Egerton, d'apres 5
? ?
more
tough (than the Serye) and less sharp ; et a la page 124 (en note) :
Slightly curved sword of watered steel with two grooves ; plain
handle. Time of Tippoo.
Qu'est-ce done que V " Asil " ?
Lord Egerton donne le nom de " Paitisa " a un sabre large,
droit, a double tranchant s'elargissant vers la pointe (page
117, No. 526). D'apreslareproductionquMlendonne (p. 104, fig.
24), la lame set ermine effect ivement en forme de spatule : elle est
droite, a double tranchant et lapoignee se termine enun pommeau
a coupole et est munie de quillons se prolongeant en un long
ecusson ou languette de chaque cote du plat de la lame.
Sauf contre indication, je retiens ce nom pour tout sabre de
cette forme. Suis-je dans le vrai ?
Le " Sosunpattah" (voir page 124, et fig. 24, No. 578) serait
un sabre court, large et lourd, legerement incurve, la pointe inclin-
ant du cote du dos. D'apres la figure, la poignee ressemblerait
beaucoup a celle du Khanda. Est-ce que e'est la forme de la
lame (Susanpatta : Lily Leaf) qui affecte en effet un peu celle
nom
Katti
ainsi nomme parce qu'il aune lame presque droite, dont la pointe
est formee par le dos qui se recourbe legerement du cote du tran-
chant ou parceque la poignee, surmontee d'une pointe beaucoup
plus courte qu'elle ne Test generalement, est munie d'un arc de
jointure en simple arc de cercle. Que veut dire le mot ' ' Katti ' ' ?
. 7 — — —
Egerton dans la fig. 24 (page 104) :
reproduit
No. 528 : lame legerement courbe, a un seul tranchant,
12 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911.
la pointe se relevant legerement du cote du dos ; poignee, avec
are de jointure en double courbe, couronnee d'un pommeau en
coupole surmonte d'un petit bouton ;
No. 530 : lame large et droite avec nervure mediane et
paraissant etre a double tranchant ; poignee semblable a celle du
No. 528 ;
No. 576 : lame droite a double tranchant dont la pointe est
a forme obtuse ; poignee comme celle des precedentes ;
No. 405 : lame analogue a celle d'un grand couteau, a do>
droit, et tres pointue, tranchant en dents de scie ; poignee
ayant la forme des scies a main des menuisiers.
Lord Egerton, malgre les caracteres differents de ces sabres
ne leur donne aucun nom ; dans quelles series faut-il les classer ?
Ce n'est pas tout. Lord Egerton cite d'autres noms, mais,
malheureusement, ses descriptions sont des plus sommaires et
aucune reproduction ne les accompagne :
Page 118, No. 537 et 538 :— " Farang Katti " ; lames canne-
lees (Vizianagram) . D' apres le mot ' ' Farang, ' ' ces lames seraient
d'origine ou d'imitation europeenne ; consequemment elles
seraient droites et minces comme des lames d'epee ou de latte
de ca valerie.
Le " Katti ' ' par contre (voir ci-dessus) aurait une lame
tres legerement courbe ; comment ces deux noms peuvent-ils
se concilier ?
Page 117, En note du N° 527 :— " Dk<mp," straight blade
used by most of the Deccanees (Ain-i-Akbari).
Le mot " Dhoup " est-il le nom d'un sabre et en ce cas la
description du No. 527 se rapportant a un Firangi, les mots
Dhoup et Firangi ' ' voudraient-ils dire la meme cliose ?
Ailleurs, page 123, Lord Egerton publie un longue note
accompagnant le No. 581,dans laquelle il passe en revue d'autres
noms tires des collections de la Tour de Londres, de Codrington
et autres :
1. " Sultani " : Very heavy clumsy sword of coarse
waved steel. Plain handle (Seringapatam). Time of
lippoo. Invented by him for the use of officers in
his service. 338, Tower, additional collection. The
stripes.
inscri
2. Jumgheerdha ' : Long, narrow, straight sword at,
T?™ t?x % k,1 J v ° f ba sket-handle slightly plated.
o . , ^r \ » Hyder ' Al1 - Worn by the poligars of Nugger.
wZS l ? ea J y , 8word ' sli g htl y b ent, made of fine
mSLl**' , ba ? k and ha ndle inlaid with silver.
of tZ ? d Lahore ' 178 °- Tak *n at the ^iege
^ of Senngapata m . Used by men of rank.
n T^f. e C : J1 Sabre of fi ne waved steel, blade
with
Vol. VII, No. L] Note sur les sabres hindous. 13
[N
Hindostan, 1794. Taken at the siege of Seringa-
pat am.
' : Narrow curved sword, made of waved
verv broad back and srilt hilt. Hindostan.
5. c< Lall-i-wall
steel, with
Tippoo Sultan's time.
6. " Mahmud Bandar": Large broad sword slightly
curved, with two wide grooves of very fine waved
steel with old plated handles. Used by men of rank
in Tippoo' s time.
7 Ci Nimcha," or " Tegha," or " Goliah" : Small light
sword, slightly curved, made of hard waved steel
(pigeon's eye); plain handle. Hindostan, 1760.
Boorhampore. Taken at Seringapatam.
vu
un
legerement recourbe ; comment peut-on assimiler un
sabre (Nimcha) petit et leger, au ' Tegha ' large et au
"Goliah" lourd ?).
8. " Shah Nawaz Khani " : Pour celui-ci nos incertitudes
sont encore plus grandes ;
Lord Egerton en cite trois et chacune des descriptions que
donne la note sont differentes :
A. A broad heavy sword of coarse waved steel. Scythe
shaped, figured iron handle.
B. Point inclined downwards. Plain handle.
C. Handle of watered steel. Back strengthened by plates
of figured iron, ornamented with gold and silver.
This weapon taken at Seringapatam was invented
by a Persian Officer of Hyder's army (Nawaz Khan)
whose name it bears. It was used chiefly by men of
9. "J lamani ' ' : Shaped like the old German Hussar sabre.
Hence probably its name. Fine, hard, clouded steel ;
gilt handle. Guzerat, 1600. Used probably by
Hyder's German cavalry.
1600
H>
waved
allemands !) ,
10. " Saif ' ' : long, heavy, two-edged sword of good
steel. Plain handle. , . ■
Voila done dix noms de sabres qui paraissent dater des
dernieres annees du XVI siecle. Pour etablir les distinctions qui
les font differer les uns des autres, et qui les font differer aussi
des autres sabres cites plushaut portant tous des noms toutdiffer-
ents, il faudrait en avoir des reproductions ou photographies.
Comment et ou puis-je me les procurer ?
Ces reproductions seraient d'autant plus necessaires que je
remarque que des personnalites aussi autonsees que e Col. H.
Yule,C.B. dans la note qui figure en premiere page de 1 ouvrage
4
14 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [January, 1911.]
traduire
(probably Telugu qu'est ce que Telugu ?), " Jum
Kassidgode , " " Lall-i wall , " " Mahmud-Bander , ' '
k dire des trois derniers qu'ils sont ' ' apparently nam
in Hyder's dominions."
Kathi
4* List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries in Bengal
and Burma (1576-1742),
Bv Revs. L. Besse, S.J., and H. Hosten, S.J.
From the end of the XVIth century down to the middle
of the XVIIIth, Bengal was one of the mission-fields of the
Society of Jesus. But, the Jesuits were not alone. The
Augustinians, who came to Bengal in 1599 and withdrew only
in 1867, were a much
They were
the principal missionary body. About 1714, we find the
Capuchins with a house at Chandernagore. French Jesuits
were settled there c. 1693-1778. There was, besides, always a
certain number of the secular clergy doing parish-work in the
Portuguese settlements. The whole of the Coromandel Coast,
Orissa, Bengal, Pegu, etc., all depended on the Diocese of
Meliapur from the time of its erection in 1606 to the modern
times when the Vicariates Apostolic were created (1834).
Of the work done by the Augustinian Friars, the
Capuchins and the secular clergy, we are less able to speak.
The literature on the subject, though not wanting, is difficult
to reach. We are somewhat better situated with regard to the
history of the Jesuit Missions, though here, too, we wish we
were in possession of fuller information. Printed records of
the work done in the first decade of the XVIIth century are,
relatively speaking, plentiful. The newly arrived missionaries
lived in eventful times and wrote long accounts ; but, it did
not last. After 1610 little appeared in print; after 1632, the
history of the Portuguese Jesuits is almost a complete blank.
By way of compensation, the French Jesuits of Chander-
nagore (1690-1778) are repeatedly heard of in Lettres edifiantea
et curieuses.
To write a detailed history of our early Missions in Bengal
is yet an impossibility. The materials for such a history have
not been collected.
Meanwhile, we must welcome, as a valuable contribu-
tion towards that history, a list of Portuguese Jesuits in
Bengal communicated by the Rev. Fr. L. Besse, S.J., and
derived from the Catalogues of the Malabar Province S.J. I
have translate 1 it from the Latin and annotated it. adding at
times details descriptive of persons to be found in Catal. Miss.
Ma<lurensis, Trichinopoli, 1910, Appendix. However incom-
plete this list will appear, every name, every date will serve
as a landmark on the path of the historian.
16
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
At no time in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries were
the Jesuits very numerous in Bengal. The following statistics
culled bv Father Besse from
this
and Annual Letters
1601
1613
1615
1616
1617
1618
1620
1623
1626
7
3
6
7
7
8
9
4
7
1628
1630
1632
1633
1640
1642
1654
1688
1697
7
7
8
2
3
4
3
4
4
1705
1708
1718
1729
1730
1731
1737
1740
• •
2
1
1
2
1
I
9
1
H. H., S.J.
1604
IN BENGAL [BENGALLA].
In the Residence of Chandecan [Chandrcanensi \.
Confi
Oonf
THE
d Confessor.
Preacher and Conf
J Cf. Catal. Miss. Madurensis, Trichinopoli, 1909, App.
mL" 41 ?*?* Boves : a letter of his, dated Siriam. in Pegu, March 28,
1600, is found in Copia d'nna del P. Nicola Pimento, Visitatore del la
O. d% G. nell India Orientale. . . . Roma. 1601. 8°. pp. 80-X3. < '/•
SOMMEBVOGEL
S'n? * « 9 ; * drmtted in 1 586 ; taught Humaniora ; a missionary in
1600-06 ; Procurator of the Province of Cochin in 1606-10 ; was 7 years in
the Mission of Mogor [this means probably Bengal 1600-06], and died in
Malabar m 1634. He had come to India in 15!)7, not yet a pri t
(Franco). His arrival is noted only under 1602 in da Camara Manoel's
list : Mtssoeados Jeamtaa no Oriente, Lisboa, 1894, p. 153.
JJITaT^ £"**: b ° rn at Boe y ro ' Diopese of Braga, in 1555 ; was
admitted to the Society m 1586; taught Grammar ; went to India in ? ;
came to Bengal in ;,98 No trace of him being found in the records of
ll'hitrn**? 6died in 1608 ' though, on the other hand, he
nfJ If Dominic de Sousa, of the Province of Entre Douro e Minho,
Diocese ot Braga, who died at Cochin in 1623, aged " 65 years." 38
a Pn^Z^T.l p ?hittago, lg died in 1612 Father Blasius Nunes,
snent iHn ni 5 6 P " orat< \o f Crato, aged 41 years, of which he had
spent 24 in the Society, and 12 on the Bengal
panion Fa-her Emmanuel Pire,, was away at the
of Sundiva. Father Xunes had come to India
Camara Manoel mentions him
priest.
* Natalia Salerno: a Sicilian, died on April 3, 1608, in the Bay of
111
Mission. His com-
\n the Island
da
in his list under
time
1597
1597
(Franco).
as not yet a
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 17
[N
1610.
In the Residence of the Island of Sundiva
Fr. John Mary Grecus, 1 Professed of 4 vows.
Fr. Blasius Nunez, Professed of 4 vows.
Deceased.
Fr. Balthasar de Sequeira , on his way from the Kingdom
of Siam [Si So] to the Port of Tenasserim, in the month of
November of the year 1609. 2
In the House of Pegu with one Residence only.
Fr. Emmanuel Pires, Superior ; Prof, of 4 vows.
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca 3 [a Fonsequa], Preacher and
Confessor.
1611.
In the House of Pegu with one Residence only.
Fr. John Mary Grecus, Superior ; Prof, of 4 vows.
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca [a Fonseca], Preacher; Ccm»
fessor.
In the Residence of the Island of Sundiva.
Fr. Emmanuel Pires, Super, of the Resid. ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Blasius Nunes, Prof, of 4 v.
Bengal. He was doing duty as Chaplain to the Portuguese fleet, then
at war with the king of Arrakan , when , in the course of the engage-
ment, the ship which bore him caught fire. All perished to a man.
Father Salerno had come to India in 1600, a priest {Franco), and had
laboured some years among the Portuguese stationed in the fortress of
Siriam (Pegu).
1 John Mary Grecus : we find mentioned under 1600 as leaving for India
11 P. Joao M> Graeci, Italianus. " (Da Camara Manoel). Franco calls him
P. Joannes Greco, Siculus. He cannot be identified with Fr. Jean Maria
of C. Sommervogel, op. oft.. Vol. V, Col. 546. The works ascribed to
him by Sommervogel are those of Fr. John Mary Campori, who came
in 1597. Cf. ibid., Vol. II. However, Greco's biography as given by
Sommervogel may be accepts!. Born at Catania in 1572; admitted in
1587; taught Grammar and Rhetoric, in 1604, at Punicael, Fishery
Coast; in 1608 in Pegu; died at Coulam (Quiion) on September 25, 1641.
a Balthasar de Sequeira : came to India, already a priest, in 1578, a
Portuguese. Cf. Francos and da Camara Manoel's list. Ho is certainly
tho same as Bartholomew Sequeira in Sommervogel.
s One Emmanuel de Fonseca came to India in 1599 ; not yet a priest
(Franco); "humanista," writes da Camara Manoel.
18 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911
1613.
{From the 3rd Catalogue).
House
In this house of Pegu there are two, whereas in that of
Bengal there reside three. Commander [dux] Sebastian Gon-
salves gave them 1 ,000 gold tangas.
(From the 1st Catalogue.)
3. 1 Fr. Emmanuel Pires : from Monte Mor o Novo, in the
Diocese of Evora; mediocre strength ; aged 46 ; 29 of Society :
after completing his course of Philosophy, he studied Theo-
logy during 4 years; taught Humaniora ; has spent 16 years in
the Missions [in Christianitate]; was during 9 years Superior of
the Residence of Pegu, that of Bengal and others ; Prof, of
4 vows. 4
4. Fr. John Mary Grecus : a Sicilian from Catania- ro-
bust ; ased 40 ; 25 years of Society ; after his Philosophy he
)logy during 3 years ; taught Rhetoric 1 year' in
tudied
the Mission 7 years; Superior 3 yu..„, AIUIl ^ ^ VUW8 .
5. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : from the town of Cabeca
de Vide, in the Diocese of Elvas ; mediocre strength ; aged 35 •
18 years of Society ; studied Philosophy; nearly completed his
Theology ; has now been over a year Superior in Pegu.
7. Fr. Didacus [sic] Nunes : from Monte Mor o Novo in
the ; Diocese of Evora ; aged 31 ; 15 years of Society ; studied
Philosophy; Theology during 4 years; taught Grammar dur-
ing one year and a half.
I T?a •*! the 8erial number in the Catalogue.
M^,« i?^- al °u g ?? ea8tem em bouchure of the Ganges died on
May8, K. 16, m the fulness of his labours ^//i«. Fmml^;' p
Portuguese, born at Monte Mor, in the AroSiocese "of ^oT ^TeaS
mthe Annual Letters of Cochin (1617) that wl,Pn fh„ v » * f£
Sundiva, Father Pir*s betook hirnself to SiVapur raSfaS^SETl left
offering an easier road to reach Dacca where he torenH^ «' P u" ] ' ?
as a substitute for the Superior of tta'£ n ttaS^R 1 ??
having spent 10 years in Pe»u and n n mW - P er# Hed,ed >
Philip di Brito Ntoeto, the ^mr^^r^^J^^ " B ^'
saves Thibao the Lord nf SnnHi J t ? m ? and Sebastian Gon-
revered and loved him bu he made tfiuSfVE ™ h ™*T' ^^
they coveted, that he would hear in , r ™f! • ^ fr, l endshl P. which
hi. Superior/and before hetould te^tf^^^*
men carry out manv things for the good of thefJ ™i™t- a S , WO
pening to pa-s through SVipur during h is line I £ p A pr ' est ha P;
Extreme Unction. He told Hi * I ■,«, Jl* a* S) , "' Psres receiver!
the next Sunday" th" t^ ?^&Htl„ ,m H th 1 ?° W ° Uld die °"
one day a church would ./bunt on the sdT vL ," ^f' and that
th prophecy was fulfilled, the Annual Letters of ^7 ^ ^ W* ° f
but they insist that the othA,. ♦„" • 1 ° "'17 do not tell us;
Pires ha y d arritd at Goa in lo8 8 ! ^^ ^ true ' fc « E ™»anuei
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 19
[N.S.-]
1619.
In the Mission of Bengal [Missio Bengalensis].
Fr. Andrew Pereira, Superior ; Visitor ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Michael de Faria, 1 Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. James Gomes [Gomesius], Preacher.
Fr. Francis Nunes [Nonius],- Preacher.
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roder icus] , s Preacher.
Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Rodericus] , Preacher.
Fr. Simon de Figueiredo, 4 Preacher.
Fr. Francis Pinto [Pintus], Preacher.
Fr. Emmanuel de Fonseca, Preacher ; in captivity since
ars in the Kin
1620.
In Bengal [in Bengala] : 8
Fr. Andrew Machado, Visitor. 5
Fr. Michael de Faria, Superior
Fr. Francis Pinto.
Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Roiz].
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz).
Fr. James Gomes.
Fr. Simon de Figueyredo.
[R,
1623.
In the College of Hugli [Collegium Ogulense]
and one Residence, there are 4.
Fr. Peter Gomes , 6 Rector of the College ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus] , Consultor ; Admomtor ;
Prof, of 4 v.
1 "P. Michael del^*r~fa,Lus:' came to India in 1605 (Pmnco).
a "P. Franciscm Nunes. Lus." came to India in 1611 (franco).
3 One " P Antonius Rodriguez, Lus. came to India in losi ,
. ., ' , i 21 i ;„ ir.aa. Ait.t.n in lfill (Franco).
'ranco).
One™ P AndTels MaXdo Lus." came to India in 1614 iFranco).
« One «• P. P-iru. <*>»»«. £*••" came to India £ 1607 ^T^ I th_
On Jan I 1623, died at Hugli Fr. Peter fl_»iez, Rect >r of the
Ho™ j8 He was born at Onadia (Diocese of Coimbra), had taught Latin
and Rhetoric and came to India probably in 1607 lr A exande r de
vtu ______ x«»..4-__o nf Viim • "He who was Rector of our College 01 iua
Scca^Sel wis "ere [A*. 16221. was called Fr. Diego Rebel^ a
person o high virtue ; and Fr. Peter Gomez, on his departure for Ben-
gala, bidding him farewell and embracing him, said : I leave you now
mv road Father to go where my superiors send me ; but, 1 know that
w^th^a^Iwmonths g we shall both find ourselves on a V^J^fj^
we ahall meet and enjoy great conflation. The prophecy wa, fulfilled^
They died on the first day of the year li>23, the one at Malacca, the
20 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
Fr. Simon de Figueiredo, Theologian.
Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Rodericus], 1 Theologian.
1627
In the Kingdom of Ava.
Fr. Emmanuel da
f
Conf
These last 13 years he has been in captivity [concaptivus]
in the Kingdom of Ava.
In Bengal [Bengala].
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus], Super.; Preacher;
Conf. ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Gonsalvus [Gondisalus] Paes, Preacher ; Conf. ; Prof.
of 4 v.
Fr. Simon de Figueiredo [a Figueiredo], Preacher ; Conf.;
Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Aloysius Orlandini [Orlandinus] ,* Preacher : Conf. ;
Prof, of 4 v.
Sent to Cathay [in Catayum].
Fr. Stephen [Estephanus] Cacella, 3 S'uper. ; Preacher ;
Conf. ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. John Cabral/ Preacher ; Conf.
Bro. Bartholomew Fontebona, 5 Formed [Coadjutor] ; Painter.
other at Bengala.'* (67. A. de Rhodes, S.J., Voyages et Missions du
P. A. de Bh., Paris, Julien, 1854, p. 51).
The Annual Letters of Cochin (Dec. 5, 1027) tell us that Fr. Gomez*
body was found incorrupt on June 8, 1626, while the Fathers proceeded
to disinter it in order to deposit it in a place where the faithful, who
greatly revered his memory, might more easily satisfy their devotion.
) Father Benedict Bodrigues died in 1626. Though only 39 years old
at the time of his death, he was a man of singular holiness of life. He
was commonly called *« the saint," and many instances of his prophetic
insight are on record. Many minute particulars of the fall of Hugli
(1632) had been foretold by him, and, as Father John Cabral, S.J., an
eye-witness of the catastrophe, points out, they came true to the letter.
One year before his death, while preaching before the Sodality of the
Bl. Virgin, Father Benedict suddenly interrupted his discourse, and
asked to count those present, beginning with himself . This done, he
declared openly and plainly that, within a year, 15 of them, himself
among the number, would be dead. The prediction was fulfilled.
Fourteen of fche Sodalists died the same year, Fr. Benedict closing the
number. He had been 20 years a Jesuit.
9 4 * P. Ludov. Orlandino, Lus." came to India in 1623. {Franco).
8 " Stephanus Cacella, Lus. M came to India in 1614. (Franco). He
accompanied Father John Cabral to Thibet in 1627 and died in Guge,
Western Thibet, in 1629 or 1630.
* M P. Joannes Cabral, Lus." came to India in L624. (Franco). Cf.
SOMMKKVOGEL.
6 Barth. Fontebona [Fonteboa, de Fuente buena] came to India in
1602, a temporal coadjutor. (Franco and de Camara Manoel.)
V
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 21
[N.S.]
1628.
f Bengal in the town of Ogolim [Hugl
with two Residences.
Prof
Prof, of
/■
Fr. Louis [Ludovicus]
[Gondisalus] Paes, 1 Prof, of
In the Mission of Cathay [Catay], in the Kingdom of
Bhutan [in regno Potentis].
Fr. Stephen Cacella, Super. ; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Emmanuel Dias, Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. John Cabral, Preacher and Conf.
In the Kingdom of Ava.
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca [a Fonseca], Prof, of 4v. ; i
n
captivity.
34. Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus] ; a Portuguese ;
from Lisbon ; mediocre strength ; aged 40 ; 26 years of
Society ; Prof, of 4 v. ; after his Philosophy, he completed his
Theology ; was Minister at Malacca 2 years ; at Cranganore 1
year ; has laboured 11 years in the Missions [in conver sione\.
9. Fr. Gonsalves Paes: from Ormuz, in the Diooese of
Goa ; good health ; aged 44 ; 29 years of Society ; after his
Philosophy, he studied Theology 4 years ; taught Grammar
3 years ; taught cases of conscience over 1 year ; Prof, of 4 v.
68. Fr. Simon de Figueiredo : a Portuguese; of the Dio-
cese of Coimbra ; robust; aged 38 ; 22 years of Society ; after
his Philosophy, he studied Theology 3 years; has spent. 11
years in the work of conversion ; Prof, of 4 v.
81. Fr, Emmanuel da Fonseca ; . . . . these 15 years in
captivity in Pegu ; Prof of 4 v.
107. Fr. Stephen [Estephanus] Cacella : from the town of
Avis, in the Diocese of Evora; health good [integris viribw] ;
aged 43 ; 24 years of Society ; studied Theology 3 years ;
taught it 3 years ; for nearly 1 year Minister in the College of
Cochin ; Master of Novices during nearly 2 years ; Prof,
of 4 v.
108. Fr. Emmanuel Dias : from the town of Alpanham,
in the Diocese of Portalegro ; health good [integris viribus] ;
aged 39 ; 21 years of Society ; completed, studied, taught
1 In 1632 he is said to have been one year Rector of Bengala ; but,
that year he was Rector of Negapatam and a Professed of 4 vows.
22 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
Philosophy 3 years ; Theology 2 years ; was during 1 year
Minister {Collectorum) ; during nearly 3 years Rector of the Col-
lege of San Thome [Meliapur] ; worked as a Missionary [in
conversione] another 3 years ; Prof, of 4 v. 1
166. Fr. Louis Orlandini : from the Diocese of Sarzana ;
. . . ; health weak ; aged 33; 11 years of Society; com-
pleted his studies in 3 years ; labours as a Missionary [in con-
versione] ; Preacher and Confessor.
181. Fr. John Cabral : from the town of Cerolico, in the
Diocese of Guarda; health good; aged 29; 13 years of Society ;
completed his studies ; has been for 2 years in the Mission of
Missione
1632.
110. Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz] :.•... has how been
Rector of Bengala during several years ; knows Bengali [callet
linguam Bengalicam],
4. Fr. Simon de Figueiredo : .... knows Hindustani
[callet linguam hidosta.nam].
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca ..... has been kept in
80.
captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu 18 years.
65. Fr. Anthony Farinha: from the town of Golegam, in
the Diocese of Lisbon ; health good [integris viribus~] ; aged 30 ;
16 years of Society; completed his studies of Philosophy and
Theology ; labours in the work of conversion.
34. Fr. Ignatius Fialho .- from the town of Onrique, in the
Diocese of Evora ; health good ; aged 31 ; 18 years of Society;
completed his studies of Philosophy and Theology.*
66. Fr. John Cabral : . . . . i s now for 6 years in the
Mission of the Kingdom of Bhutan [in Missione Reqni
Potentis.f
1634.
In the College of Bengal [Bengala].
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz], Rector; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Anthony Farinha, Preacher.
Dias (Diaz) Emmanuel : nephew of another Jesuit of the same
name ; born at Aspalham o. AlpalhSo in 1692 ; entered in 1G08: left for
o?S a Thn^nA4^ ht Ph ;'f°P h y ««d Theology at Cochin ; Rector
of S, Ihome ( 62, ; 2K); went to Cathay, 1628 : died in the " kingdom "
S5wff\£ Pa ' Ta ™ ^PP^t'.v, Nov. 13, 1629 (Lin. Ann.
blo^deTlSK "" k,1,eddown ^ Hugli Rive,, while running the
C a U*<? list , com P;i ed » nder 1632 is mere guess-work, a, nothing in the
Catalogue shows the place of residence of the Fathers. Further the
.nSuSfi^mV 010 / 1 "^- LLB., S.J.] Father Cabral was back
in ±iugn in 1632, and wrote an account of the fall of that place.
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 23
[N.S.]
In the Kingdom of Ava.
mmm -*" • ^^ A.LX Li.lCVXX Vi U^ V((
Preacher ; in captivity.
i. of
.1
1639.
11. Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior : . . . . health good;
aged 54; 35 of Society; .... was several years Rector in
Bengal, where he is now Superior; knows Bengali.
44. Fr. Anthony Farinha : . . . . aged 37 ; 23 years of
Society ; .... he is now kept in bondage in Bengal by our
enemies, the Moors, and though he was not cast in bonds for
religion's sake, yet, he has been more than once threatened
with death, and would have been set free before this, if he
had renounced our holy faith.
29. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : . . . . now for 25 years
detained in captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu.
1644.
Fr. Francis de Silveira : from Barcellos, in the Diocese of
Braga ; health good ; aged 30 ; 11 years of Society ; studied
Philosophy 3 years ; Theology 2 years ; labours now in the
Mission of Bengal.
Fr. Anthony Soares ; of Porto ; good health ; aged 28; 5 of
Society; completed his studies; at present in the Mission of
Bengal.
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca: .... already 30 years in
captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu.
Mi
Fr. Anthony Farinha ; . . . . was visitor of the Bengal
, in which he now lives.
Fr. Melchior Garsao : from Cuba, in the Diocese of Evora ;
mediocre strength ; aged 41 ; 26 of Society ; after his studies,
he taught Grammar 1 year ; w^as Vice-Rector of the College
of San Thome 6 months ; employed as a Missionary [in conver-
sione] 7 years; now chosen Visitor and Superior of the Bengal
Mission.
Fr. Emmanuel Madeira : aged 40 ; 20 of Society ; was
Superior of the Bengal Mission 4 years; Prof, of 4 v.
Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior : (as in the Catal. of 1639).
Fr. Denis Anlunes : from Lisbon ; robust ; aged 46 ; 22 of
Society ; after studying Philosophy, taught Grammar 1 year ;
studied Theology 2 years ; employed in the work of conversion
1 years ; is now in the Mission of Pegu.*
1 He is always said to be a Professed of 4 vows ; in reality, he was
not, for want of a Father to receive his last vows. He made them later,
when Fr. Denis Antnnes went to take his place, and as he refused to
leave the Christians of Ava, they were both captives. [L.B., S.J.]
* In 1648, it is not said whether he has left or not. [L.B.]
24 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
1648.
29. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : . . . . good health ; aged
68; 51 of Society ; already 34 years a prisoner in the Kingdom
of Pegu.
47. Fr. Melchior [Belchior] Gargao : .... was commis-
sioned by Fr. Provincial to visit the College of Bengal ; and
now he is Rector of the same College ; Prof, of 4 v.
11. Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior: .... was during
some years Rector of Bengala, where he now resides. 1
Deceased.
Fr. Anthony Farinha : | at Bengala [Bengalae], March
1645.
t
19 of Society.
•2
t
1652.
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca ..... aged 72 ; 55 of Society ;
already 39 years in captivity in the Kingdom of Ava ; twice
appointed Provincial of this Province, but the choice did not
take effect because of his absence.
1655.
In the College of Bengal
Fr. Anthony Pacheco [Paciecus] 9 Rector.
Fr. Didacus de Oliveira. 3
Fr. Roderic [Roderisius] Gomes, Visitor.
t
found].
In the Residence of Pegu.
Fr. Simon Rodrigues.
[The name of Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca is not to be
1659.
22. hrRodenc Gomes: of Cochin, in this India ; health
good; aged 44 ; 26 of Society ; completed his studies ; laboured
tor some years as a Missionary ; taught Grammar 2 years ;
wa« Rector of the College of Bengal.
20. Fr Simon Rodrigues [Roiz] : from Bataiha, in the
diocese of Leina [Liriensis] ; good health ; aged 47 ; 23 of
1,1 ■ ■ ■ - ■ wa rn n *l «n„ , _i._.i ii L j._ ii M j i M ii ii
J One^ V^T* h - m S the C ? Ue S e of Cochin [L- B -l
3 One « Li H, COTea V iM4 " came to llldia in l ^30 (Franco).
° De Dtdacus de Ohvetra , Lu*.» came to India in 1614 (Franco).
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portucjuese Jesuit Missionaries. 25
[N.S.]
Society; has been working many years for the conversion of
Pegu.
1664.
In the College of Bengal, in the Residence of
Chandecan [Chandecanensi] .
Two Fathers : Preachers and Confessors.
Finances .
Expenses for the year 1666 —
Sent to the Fathers of Bengal, considering that the
College has not the wherewithal to provide for them :
Expenses for the year 1667
Pardaos : 0037 : 4 : 10 '
Given for the passage of Fr. Manoel Gonsalves, when
0085: 4: 04
he went to Bengal :
Expenses for the year 1668
Sent to the Fathers of Bengal for their support, at the
time that Fr. Manoel Gonsalves was Rector :
0052: 3: 4
Expenses for the year 1670
Sent to the Fathers of Bengal for their support :
0081 : 3: 00
1671.
In the Mission of Bengal.
Fr. Emmanuel Gonsalves.
Fr. Anthony de [a] Figueiredo.
Fr. John de [a] Magalhacs.
1673.
Fr. John de Magalhais : a Portuguese ; from Porto ; not
yet professed; aged 38 ; 21 years of Society ; now Rector of the
College of Bengal; robust health. [In 1677, he appears as
Procurator at Goa.]
Fr. Anthony de Figueiredo.
1 " The principall and commonest money is called PardansXeraphijns,
and is silver, but very brasse(read ' base '), and is coyned in Goa. They
have Saint Sebastian on the one side, and three or four arrowes in a
bundle on the other side, which is as much as three Testones, or three
hundred Reija Portingall money, and riseth and fallet little lesse or more,
according to the exchange.*' [Van Limchoten, Ch. 35. circa 1596.] Yule
in his erudite article on the values of the Pardrio estimates it as worth
4:8. 2d. to 4s. tid. at the end of the XVIth century. Cf. Hobson-Jobson,
1886, p. 840.
26 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
1677.
Fr. Benedict da [de] Costa : from Ceylon ; of Portuguese
parentage ; aged 40 ; 21 of Society ; not yet professed ; . . . .
at the end of his studies he was applied to the Madura Mission,
and laboured some years in that Mission in the condition of a
Brahman [Sanyasi] ; was next occupied for a short time in the
Missions of the Travancore Coast and the Fishery Coast ; finally,
was sent to the College of Bengal ; there he lost the use of his
reason ; but, remedies are at present applied. 1
Fr. Emmanuel Gonsalves .... was Rector of the College
of Bengal ; he is now again Rector of the same College : weak
in health and sometimes ill.
Fr. Anthony de Figueiredo : from Negapatam; formed
spiritual coadjutor ; aged 70 ; 50 years of Society ; was twice
Rector of the College of Negapatam ; then Rector of the Col-
lege of San Thome ; finally Rector of the College of Bengal, in
which he was once before and is now again acting as Visitor.
Finances (1077).
In this College there live three Fathers of the Society of
Jesus : a Rector and two companions ; all priests. The Hector
and one companion are supported by the revenues of a certain
property [praedii] liberally granted by the Prince of that King-
dom for such purpose; the third is maintained by the revenues
of Betti. 2
1 Cf. Catal. Miss. Madur. Trichinopolv : 11)10, Appendix, p. 43, (1673)
and (1677).
* M The coconut-garden of Betim the great (o grande), in the village
of Pilerne, in which was the casa of the Catechumens, from the year
1762, with its hill and annexes; 1,400 xs. : 100 t. : 00 6. [yearly revenue.]
"That coconut- garden belonged to the Mission of Manduerem
[Madura] in Malabar, and was bought by an order of the Viceroy
Count da Ega, of September 11, 1762, for lodging and maintaining the
Catechumens and those charged with their casa, which a Royal Letter
of April 9, 1704, ordered to be kept, in order that the Catechumens
should not be educated out of it.
%i The casa of the Catechumens, situated in Betim, in the village of
Pilerne, on the right bank of the Mandovi river [Goa], is a small building
with nothing remarkable about it ; in charge of it were the Father of
the Christians, 1 Chaplain, 1 Sacristan, 1 Clerk {escripturario) and ser-
To?« 8 '\ Cf * pp ' 303 ' 304 of An ™*<* Maritime* e Coloniaes, Lisbon,
1843; also pp. 300, 301, 302.
This garden of Betty or Betti in the territory of Bardez (Goa) is
mentioned in 1667, 1688, 1667. (Cf.CW. Miss. Madurensis, 1910, pp. 38,
\n^ 1734 ' ifc y ielded 2500 Xs ; was devastated by the Mahrattas
m ' ;i »* nd o | aveS °00Xs.inl7^and 1746. (Ci.CataL Miss. Madur. 1911,
pp. 7.., 79, 83, 86.) The King of Portugal ought to have provided for the
maintenance of the Missionaries of the Madura Mission. In reality, only
finn serafins ' J - J * - 1 ■ ...... . __ J> - 7
wuwannswereawamed tor the upkeep of 4 Missionaries. Hence with
the permission .of the Governors, Francis [?] de Mello de Castro and Anthony
ae aousaCoutmho, the revenues of the palm-grove at Betty were applied
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 27
[N.S.]
1685.
15. Fr. Didacus Leitad ; a Portuguese; from the town of
was
Alcaide ; admitted in Portugal ; aged 34 ;
Rector of Bengal, where he is still; health good; last year, I
let him know he might make his profession ; but, whether lie
did, I am not yet aware. 1
48. Fr. Louis de Sylva, senior : a Portuguese ; from Faro
[Pharensis] ; admitted in Portugal ; aged 56 ; 39 years of Society ;
professed of 4 vows ; was during some months Vice-Rector in
Travancore, and Rector in the College of San Thome ; now he
went to Bengal both as Visitor and Rector ; health robust. 2
Deceased.
Fr. Emmanuel de MagalhaZs, Rector of the College of
Bengal, departed this life in the beginning of 1685 at the same
College. 8
1688.
[Four Fathers are said to be in Bengal in 1688, but their
names are missing. Cf. Catal. Miss. Madurensis, 1910, p. 47.]
From another source : Three Fathers live in this College
[of Bengala] : one a Professed of 4 vo*s ; the others not yet
Professed. They live on revenues left to them ; in future, when
the permission will have been obtained from Rome, they will
enjoy ampler resources, since Don Nicholas de Payva has
recently left for the foundation of the College a sum of xerafins
sufficient, according to all. for the maintenance of three Der-
sons.
1694.
37, Fr. Louis Fernandes : a Portuguese; from . . . • ;
admitted at Lisbon ; aged 40 ; 20 years of Society ; Professed
of 4 vows ; has been Preacher for about 10 years in the College
of Bengal, where he was Vice-Rector during some months, and
now he is Rector there ; strong and in good health. 4
co the Madura Mission. A. de Sousa Coutinho was Com missi oner in
1052-53; Anthony de Mello e Castro was Governor in 1662-3. Cf. also
on Pilerne, p. 29 of Index in Felippe Nery Xavier's Bosquejo Histo-
rico 9 Nova-Goa, 1852, a work containing much rare information on the
village communities of the Ilhas, Salcette and Bardez. At pp. 45-55 of
mous Jesuit.
an an on y
J M Dirlacus Leitam, L?*8." came to India in 1673 (Franco).
9 u Ludov. Silva, Las. " came to India in I6S2 (Franco).
" Emmanuel Magalhans. Lus." came to India in 1673 (Franco).
* " P. Ludov. Fernandes, Lus" came to India in 1681 (Franco).
28 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
Finances.
(From the 3rd Catalogue.)
Though the College of Bengal be at a great distance, no
Provincial ever neglected to send thither at the right time
the necessary labourers. If, at any time, it had not sufficient
revenues for the maintenance of its subjects, the Superiors did
not omit maintaining them ; and now, that according to the
will of the founder, there ought to be in it three of ours, we
must all the more endeavour that subjects be not wanting to
minister to the salvation of the neighbour. But, alas ! for the
Provincials to send ours two by two to Bengal is the same (God
allowing) as for death to summon them to the tribunal of God,
either on the way, or shortly after their arrival in the College.
So, last year, and shortly before, it happened that five of ours
men
to take their place.
will
nly
if they can be found — from the revenues of the foundation.
Deceased (1682—1694) : 34. ]
16. Fr. Boniface da Costa, in the College of Bengal.
17. Fr. Alphonsus Ribeyro,* 2 do.
18. Fr. Anthony de Proen^a, 3 do.
19. Fr. Joseph de Sylva, 4 do.
20. A French Father. 6 do.
21. Fr. Francis de Vejga, 6 at sea during the voyage to
Bengal. [He was studying Philosophy at Goa in 1685.]
22. Fr. Dominic Carvalho, at sea during the voyage to
Bengal.
1 This applies to the whole Province of Malabar or Cochin.
2 " P. Alfonsus Ribeir >, Lus." came to India in 1682 {Franco).
3 Fr. Anthony de Proenza; from the town of Solodacasa ; admitted in
Portugal; aged 26; 11 years of Society; went to the Madura Mission
last year; robust health. (Cat. of 1685, cf. Cat. Miss. Mad., 1910). " P.
Antonius Proenza, Lus." came to India in 1681 (Franco).
* Fr. Joseph da Sylva : a Portuguese ; from Lisbon ; admitted in Por-
tugal ; aged 35 ; 20 of Society ; Professed of 4 vows ; was at first in
the Madura Mission : was nfivt spnt. tn thn Vrr\\/\r\ofH c\i rinn. t,n Anh as
Procurator of this our Province [of Cochin]; falling ill, he returned at
once ; is not yet very strong. (Cat. of 1685. Cf. Cat. Miss. Mad, 9 1910).
One " Josephus de Silva, Lus. " came to India in 1673 (Franco).
* James Duchatz: born at Sens, March 16, 1652; admitted September 2,
1668; taught Grammar 6 years, Rhetoric 2 years; left for Siam in
1687; died at Ougoul [Hugli], in Bengal, in April 1693. Some of his
astronomical observations were published by Father Gouye, S.J., at
«^ 1688 " 92 ' °f- Sommervogel, Vols. III and IX, Col. 254.
« » ." P * Franc Veiga, Lus:' came to India in 1066: another
Uranciscns Veiga, Lus. " in 1682 (Franco).
Vol. VII, No. 2.1 List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 29
[N.S.]
1697.
38. Fr. Louis Femandes : from Scalabi has spent
about 13 years in the College of Bengal, preaching the Word of
God ; was Rector there formerly during 3 years ; at present he
[Born,
ain
Sept. 7, 1655; joined, Jan. 31, '74; Prof, of 4 v., Aug. 15,
*91 ; in 1705, Super, of Travancore. Catal. 1705,]
Deceased (during this triennium).
Fr, Didacus Leitao, in Mozambique, on his voyage to
Rome. He had been elected Procurator to Romp, in 1 fi05>
Finances.
Formerly, the College was not founded; now, a few years
ago, a certain nobleman gave 20,000 serafins towards its
foundation. In it resides the Rector, with two companions,
priests, and one temporal Coadjutor Brother. Until now they
were maintained by means of the revenues of the foundation
which was placed out at interest. Now, there is question of
buying a certain palm-grove, that they may be supported from
the income thereof.
1705.
36. Fr. Frederic Zech [Zex] : a German; born, March 22,
1667 ; entered the Society, August 24, 1695 ; before entering
the Society, he studied Philosophy and Theology ; lias laboured
for 2 years in the Missions [Ghristianitatibus vacavif] ; is now
at the head of the College of Bengal ; mediocre health ; aged
38; 10 years of Society. 1
29. Fr. Nicholas Missoni : an Italian : born in January
1667 ; entered the Society in November 1687 ; not yet pro-
fessed ; after spending less than two years in this Province,
he was sent to Goa, whence he was sent back hither ; is now in
the College of Bengal; in full health; aged 38; 18 years of
Society 2
Finances.
We learn from the Rector and his companions : they are
maintained from the foundation left to the College ; they
devote themselves to preaching and hearing confessions, as is
1 "P. Federcius Zech, Breilens." [Bractens, ?] came to India in 1699
(Franco). Of the Province of Upper Germain ; laboured at the Fishery
Coast (Ramesuram). Of. Sommervogrl, sub Czech and A. Huoxder,
Deutsche Jesuitenmissi ndre, p. 180.
* One •« P. Nicolaus Missoni, I talus" came to India in 1699 {Franco).
30 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
customary in the other small houses of the Society ; in this
in
souk, though we undertake this charge in our other houses.
Bengal.
1708.
From the 4dh Catalogue.
6. Fr. Frederic Zech [Czech, elsewhere Czeth], Rector of
Fr. Nicholas Missoni.
1711 and 1715.
[The residence of the Missionaries is not indicated.]
45. Fr. Frederic Zech; born near Bracten, March 22,
1667; entered the Society in 1695; made his profession of 4
vows at Hugh [Ugulini] in 1710 ; health sufficiently good; gov-
erned [sic] the College of Bengal.
[The Catalogue of 1718 states that he has been appointed
Rector of Meliapur.]
19. Fr. Nicholas Missoni: born at Friuli in January
1671 ; entered the Society in November 1687.
[Professed of 4 vows on November 1, 1717. Catal. of
1718.]
1715.
Catal. of the Churches of the Malabar Province.
In the Kingdom of Bengal, in the town of Ugulim, there
is the Church of our College dedicated to Our Lady's Na-
tivity.
1722.
Fr. Frederic Zech [Czech] .... governed and now governs
the College of Bengal.
1729.
In the College of Bengal.
Fr. Peter Dias, appointed Rector in June 1726. l
Fr. John de Andrada, ordered to go elsewhere.*
1730.
In the College of Bengal.
Fr. Peter Dias, appointed Rector in June 1726.
Dias
l.™- came to India in 1703 (Franco).
Joannes Andrade, Ltis." came to Tndia in 1699 {Franco).
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 31
[N.8.-]
1731.
In the College of Bengal.
As in 1730.
Finances.
In the College there resides only the Rector. For the
expenses of the College, 1,200 serafins are given from the
income of the Gantacomprem estate. 1
1734.
In the College of Bengal.
Fr. Anthony Huetlin, sent thither quite lately to govern
the College, owing to the death of the Rector, Fr. Peter Dias.
36. Fr. Anthony Huetlin: a German; born at Constance,
March 6, 1700; received into the Society, October 9, 1715; was
in charge of parishes on the Travancore Coast ; then appointed
Vice-Rector of the College of Bengal. 2
Deceased.
Fr. Peter Dias, at Bengala, December 21, 1733
Finances.
The Rector only.
200
serafins are given from the income of Gantacomprem.
1737.
In the College of Bengal.
Fr. Anthony Huetlin: appointed Vice-Rector in April 1734.
29. Fr. Anthony Huetlin: [the same word for word as
under No. 36 of 1734 ; then :] made his profession ; is in
good health.
1 This estate must have been in the Ooa territory »/»JJrf «"
nually 004300 xerafms, more or less In 740, the Mahrattas had taken
possession of it. Cf. Catal. Miss. Mad., 1 9 1 1 pp. 73 , 74, 79.
* Huetlin Antho,y; born at Comtance, on March 6 1700 ; received^to
the Society on October 9, 17 IS;, professed Gramma -and Humanmra
embarked in 1730 for the Mission of Malab ".where he » bo ^ 2
years. He returned to Germany about 1740 to collect alms for theM^s
sions; but remained in Germany, ^^J^J^JS f Studies
Law at Amberg. Munich and Trent, and d.ed while /^ °* f * f»*
at Landshut, March 31, 1761. Cf. Sommebvooel and A. Huokdkb, S.J.,
op. cit, p. 176.
32 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
Finances.
Only the Rector. — 1,200 Xerafins from the income of
Gantacomprem.
1740.
, 17. Fr. George Deiterman [sic] : born at Munster, May
11, 1692 ; entered the Society on June 7, 1710 ; strength shat-
tered ; laboured in Missions in Germany ; now Rector of the
College of Bengal since June 20. 1738; made his profession on
August 15, 1725. 1
27. Fr. Anlhoyw Huetlin
as
district
1735.
1742.
The College of Bengal.
Since the death of Fr. George Deisterman [sic], of happy
memory, no one else has been sent thither.
1743.
Deceased (during this triennium).
Fr. George Deiterman [sic], at Bengala, in 1740
1752.
# The College of Bengal.
No one of Ours lives in the College, for [want of subjects
and for] reasons exposed by the last Provincial Congregation
and often represented at Rome.
We subjoin an alphabetical list of those missionaries
whose names are mentioned in the above Catalogues. The
years show under what dates they are found.
Andrada de, John, 1729. Carvalho, Dominic, f between
Antunes. Dents, 1644. 1682-94 at sea.
Boves, Andrew, 1604. Correa, Ambrose, 1648 (f
Cabral, John 1627, '28/38. Bengala, 1648).
Cacella, Stephen, 1627, '28. Costa da, Benedict, 1677.
1 Deutermann George; born on Mav 11, lf>92, " ira Miinstersehen " ;
entered the Society on June 7. 171o (Rhen. Inf.); accompanied Father
Bischopinck to India in 1726; Superior of the Missions on the coast of
T^ an ^ ; . 'L^ 1 ! 011 ' 1727-34; *ick, 1734 ; consumptive atManapad,
1737; died in 1740 m Bengal (C.L). Cf. A. Huonder, S J.. Deutsche
Jt9uitenrmas%onare dea 17 und 18 J ahrhundprt* F^iKn^ igoo ~ 171
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries.
33
[N.8.]
Costa da, Boniface, f between
1682-94 at the Coll. of Ben-
gala.
Deistermann , George, 1740,
( f at the College of Ben-
gala 1685).
Missoni, Nicholas, 1705, '18,
'11, '15.
'42, '43 (f at Bengala, 1740). Nunes, Blasius, 1604, '10, '11,
Dias, Manoel, 1628.
'13.
Dias, Peter, 1729, '30, '31, Nunes, Francis, 1619.
'34. ( f at Bengala, 21 Dec. Oliveira de, Didacus, 1655.
1733).
Orlandini, Louis, 1627, '28.
Duchatz, James ( f 1693, Hug- Pacheco, Anthony, 1655.
li).
Faria de, Michael, 1619, '20.
Paes, Gonsalvus, 1627, '28.
Pereira, Andrew, 1619.
Farinha, Anthony, 1632, '34, Pinto, Francis, 1619, '20.
'39, '44, '48 ( f at Bengala, Pires, Manoel, 1610, '11, '13
March 1645).
Fernandes, Louis, 1694, '97.
Fialho, Ignatius, 1632.
Proenca de, Anthony ( | be-
tween 1682-94 at the Col-
lege of Bengala).
Figueiredo, Anthony, 1671, Ribeyro, Alphonsus (f be-
'73, '77.
Figueiredo de, Simon, 1619
'20, '23, '27, '28, '32.
Fonseca de, Manoel, 1610,
tween 1682-94 at the Col-
lege of Bengala).
Rodriguez, Anthony, Bro.,
1620.
'11, '13, '19, '27, '28, '32, Rodriguez, Anthony, Junior,
'34, '39, '44, '48, '52.
1619
'20, '23, '27, '28,
Fontebona, Bartholomew,
Bro., 1627.
Garsao, Melchior, 1644, '48.
Gomes, James, 1619, '20.
Gomes, Peter, 1623.
Gomes, Roderic, 1655, '59.
Gonsalves, Manoel, 1671, '77.
1610,
Grecus, John Mary,
'11, '13.
Huetlin, Anthony, 1734, '37 Silva de, Louis, Senior, 1685.
'34, '39, '44, '48.
Kodriguez, Benedict, 1619,
'20, '23.
Rodriguez, Simon, 1655, '59.
Salerno, Natalis, 1604.
Sequeira de, Balthasar, 1610.
Silva de, Joseph (f between
1682-94 at the College of
Bengala).
'40.
Silveira, de Francis, 1644.
Leituo, Didacus, 1685, '97. Soares, Anthony, 1644, '48 (f
(t at Mozambique between
1694-97).
Machado, Andrew, 1620.
Madeira, Manoel, 1644.
Magalhaes de, John, 1671, '73. Zech, Frederic, 1705, '08, '11,
at Bengala, Aug. 22, 1646).
Souza de, Dominic, 1604.
Veiga de, Francis ( f at sea
between 1682-94).
Magalhiles de, Manoel, 1685
'15, '22.
Besides these 58 names found in our Catalogues, we have
met with the following 20 :
Anonymous : 1
Barbier, Claude.
Capputi, Fulvius.
Castro de, Joseph.
Coelho, Manoel.
Fernandes, Francis.
Ferreira, Gaspar.
Fonseca, Melchior.
34 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
Gomes, Andrew. Santucci, Mark Anthony.
Gomes, Ignatius. Sarayva, Manoel.
Gomes, Paschal. Sehipani, Anthony Octavius.
Laynez, Francis, Bishop. Secco, Manoel.
Morando, Francis. Sequeira, Simon.
Rodrigues, John, Bro. Vaz, Anthony.
A few particulars on each.
In 1576, two Jesuits came to Bengal and insisted with
the Portuguese traders on their refunding to Emperor Akbar the
moneys due for anchorage and annual taxes of which they had
defrauded the exchequer. But through the influence of Pedro
Tavares, the Captain of Hugli, then [1578J at Fathpur Sikri, all
arrears were condoned. The Fathers' conscientious scruples and
Pedro Tavares' petition favourably impressed the Emperor, and
led eventually to the first Jesuit Mission at Fathpur Sikri in
1580. The name of only one of these Fathers in Bengal has
been preserved : Father Anthony Vaz. Cf . F. de Sousa,
S.J., Oriente Conquistado, Lisboa, 1710, Vol. II, p. 148, and
D. Bartoli, S.J., Missione at Gran Mogor, Roma, 1714, p. 8.
Francis Fernandez came to Bengal with Dominic de Sousa
in 1598, and died in prison at Chittagong, Nov. 14, 1602.
He was born in the Diocese of Toledo, Avertensis, in 1547
"Fr. Francis Hernandez, a Spaniard, came to India in 1574,
and was martyred." (Franco), da Camara Manoel mentions
him as not yet a priest. Cf. P. du Jarric and C. Sommer-
vogel, S.J., Vols. VII and IX, Col. 325.
yr Fonseca must have arrived in Bengal in 1599,
letters being dated from Chmidecan, Jan. 20, 1600.
He died at Chandecan on Jan. 1, 1603. Born at Linhares
(Portugal), in 1554; admitted in 1573; sent to India in 1595,
already a priest {Franco) ; Minister 11 years ; Socius to the Pro-
vincial. Cf. du Jarric and Sommervogel, Vols. Ill and IX,
Col. 351, and da Camara Manoel, p. 151.
^a^f aSCha } G ° mez died in the island of Sundiva in or before
1615, aged 28, of which he had spent 12 in the Society of
Jesus. J
Fulvius Capputi : a Neapolitan, according to Franco ;
perished in a shipwreck along the coast of Arrakan, on Octo-
ber 11, lbl7. He had come to India in 1609, already a
priest (franco). Fr. Laerzio destined him to be the compa-
Sougtt^therJise ** Madm; bUt ' the followin g Provincial
p,^"? °*? Octavius Sehipani died in 1623 in the " Gangetic
Reonr U nf a r i ^ i«L NapleS ab ° ut 1540 > ^red » ^59;
Ki^J 80 - 8, gf. Sommervogel. He must be iden-
IndtTn l^^V nt T U ^? Z ^ ui P ano ' Italus >" wl >° came to
Va^r w { nC °\ ? L ab0 DA Camara M ^oel, P- 146.
Caspar Ferreira, Andrew Gomez and ftinum. si^ltn Ai*A
Melch
one of his
Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 35
[N.S.]
of the plague at Hugli in 1626. One " Gaspar Ferreira, Lus."
came to India in 1614; one "Andrew Gomes, Lus." in 1603.
(Franco).
Joseph de Castro wrote on Nov. 20, 1631, from " the
Kingdom of Bengala," that he had been in Bengal during the
last two years, as Chaplain to a Governor of several provinces,
Mirza Zu-1 Qarnin, an Armenian Catholic. The place was
more than 250 miles from Agra and more than 300 from Hugli.
On August 8, 1632, he mentions Father Francis Morando as his
companion. Cf. J.A.S.B., 1910, p. 529. " Joseph de Castro ,
Lus.," had come out in 1602; " P. Francis Morando, Lus."
in 1629. Cf. Franco and da Camara Manoel.
Two Jesuits were among the casualties on the Hugli
River after the capture of Hugli : Father Ignatius Fialho, cut
down with a scimitar (t 26 Sept. 1632), and Bro. John Rodri-
guez, shot dead with arrows.
Three others — Manoel Coelho, Manoel Secco, and Louis
Orlandini '— died shortly after (before the end of 1632) of the
pestilence which decimated the Portuguese fugitives entrenched
in the island of Saugor. Two of the name of Emmanuel
Coelho, both Portuguese, and neither a priest, left Lisbon, one
in 1609, the other in 1623.
Between 1678 and 1681, a movement of conversion among
the ryots of Don Antonio de Rosario, son of the Raja of Busna,
had brought to Bengal Father Mark Anthony Santucci. In a
letter from Nalua Cot, Jan. 3, 1683, in which he reports un-
favourably on Don Antonio's motives, he mentions two other
Jesuits then in Bengal : Manoel Sarayva and Ignatius Gomez.
Cf. da Cunha Rivara's O Chronista da Tissuary, 1866, Goa,
pp. 319, 320; also J.A.S.B,, 1910, pp. 449 451, where a number
of letters, now in the Brit. Mus., and dated 1678-84, are pointed
out. Father Santucci had come to India in 1668, already a
priest; one "Emmanuel Saraiva, a Portuguese, not yet a
priest," came in 1672; one "Ignatius Gomes, ditto," in
1670. (Franco). I believe that Saraiva must be identified
with Manoel Saray (read : Sarayva), Provincial at Goa in 1711.
Cf. Lettree Edif., 1781, X, 99.
For Bishop Francis Laynez 1 visit to Bengal, the nrst
episcopal visitation on record (1712-1715) see Fr. CI. Barkers
letters in Benaal : Past and Present, 1910, Vol. II, pp. <W-2Z7.
5* '■ Mundari Phonology and the Linguistic Survey.
By Professor Sten Konow, Ph.D.
ft
The Revd. C. Mehl has written a review of the Mundari
section of the Linguistic Survey of India in this Journal,
vol. vi, pp. 247 and ff., in which he asserts that the sounds of
Mundari have there been wrongly described and noted. The
Munda Volume of the Survey has been written by me, and as the
questions raised by Mr. Mehl are of some importance, I hope
that I am justified in stating the reasons which lead me to
differ from him.
There are two points in which he maintains that I am
wrong, viz., in stating that Mundari like Santa] I possesses
double sets of the vowels e and o. and that the Mundarf semi-
consonants are hard and not soft. If I am not mistaken the
latter point, the marking of the semi-consonants as hard in the
Linguistic Survey, is, in the opinion of my critic, the most
serious mistake.
With regard to the sounds e and o I have said in my
treatise of Mundari phonology that there are apparently two
e-sounds, one which I mark e and another which I mark a.
Similarly I have distinguished two o-sounds. an o and an a.
Mr. Mehl states that the sounds a and a do not exist in
Mundari. Now I have not put any stress on this point. I have
not distinguished the two sets in the specimens printed in the
Survey. I have only tried to do so in the List of words. I
think it is necessary to state this because Mr. Mehl's words
cannot fail to give the impression that I have carried the dis-
tinction through in all specimens. Then I must confess that a
mere dictum like Mr. Mehl's does not carry immediate convic-
tion. He has not given us a description of the sounds in ques-
tion which enables us to judge. It will be necessary to go a
little into detail in order to explain what is meant. Before
doing so, however, I should like to say a few words in explana-
tion of an expression I have used in the Munda Volume, and
which seems to have given offence to Mr. Mehl. I refer to my
remark that the materials collected for the purposes of the
Linguistic Survey have not been prepared by scholars with a
phonetical training. The systematic study of phonetics is of
recent date and of a highly technical kind, and I do not under-
stand how my words can be understood as reflecting any dis-
credit on those excellent linguists to whose unselfish assistance
the Linguistic Survey owes its best materials. It is a well known
fact that very few people, even among good linguists really
know which sounds they use in speaking their own language
38 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
and the difficulty is still greater when we have to do with
strange tongues.
To return to the Mundarl vowels it w T ould have been
impossible in a work like the Linguistic Survey to give an
exposition of the phonetic system on which the marking of the
various sounds has been based. The ear is often a very unsafe
guide, and the marking of vowels in phonetic books is
therefore based on an analysis of the various positions of the
tongue. I cannot do better than to quote Mr. Sweet ' in order
to explain this. He says : —
' As each new position of the tongue produces a new
vowel, and as the positions are infinite, it follows that the
number of possible vowel-sounds is infinite. It becomes neces-
sary, therefore, to select certain definite positions as fixed points
whence to measure the intermediate positions.
The movements of the tongue may be distinguished gene-
rally as horizontal and vertical — backwards and forwards, up-
wards and downwards. The horizontal movements produce
two well-marked classes : (1) 'back' (guttural) vowels, formed
by the root; and (2) 'front' (palatal) vowels, formed by the
fore part of the tongue. In the formation of back vowels,
such as a in father, a in fall, the back or root of the tongue is
brought into prominence partly by retraction of the whole
body of the tongue, partly by pressing down the fore part of
the tongue. In the formation of front vowels, such as i in it
and a in man, the front of the tongue is raised towards the
front of the palate, so that the main body of the tongue slopes
down from the front of the mouth backwards. There is a third
class of ' mixed ' (gutturo-palatal) vowels such as the e in err,
where the whole tongue is allowed to sink with its neutral
flattened shape, in which neither back nor front articulation
predominates.
The vertical movements of the tongue, which are gener-
ally accompanied by lowering and raising of the jaw, produce
various degrees of ' height ' or distance o* Jl ' ' il "
from
fill
tongue is raised as high and as close to the palate as possible
without causing audible friction, or buzz. In [pronouncing
thee] in men, it is somewhat lowered, and in [pronouncing
the a in man ] it is lowered as much as possible. From among
the infinite degrees of height three are selected: (1) ' high'
[as in fill], (2) mid' [as in men], (3) Mow' [as in man].
Ihese distinctions apply equally to back and mixed vowels, so
we have altogether nine cardinal vowel-positions :
high back high mixed high front,
mid back mid mixed mid front,
low back low mixed low front.
I A Prim<r of Phonetic. Second edition. Oxford, 1902. pp. 13 and >■
Vol. VII, No. 2. | Mundari Phonolcxw. :\)
[N.S.]
Mr. Mehl explains the neutral a of Mundari as the sound of
a in Hindi rakhna or of e in German after or of a in English
oral. Now the a of rakhna is mid back; the e of aber is mid
mixed, and the a of oral is mid mixed or low mixed. I do
not doubt that Mr. Mehl himself knows the sound in question
well enough. But it is impossible to form a clear idea of its
precise character from his description, such as we could obtain
from the experiments of a scholar trained in the methods and
technicalities of modern phonetics. The example will, I hope,
show that my words in the Munda volume about phonetic al
training ought not to give offence to anybody, and I am very
sorry to learn that they have done so.
The sound which I have marked e in the Linguistic
Survey is mid front as the e in men and the first stage of the
vowels in say and take ; a is low front as the a in back, man or
the beginning of a in care. Similarly o is mid back (with
rounded lips) as the beginning of the vowel in so, sow, or the o
in German Sohn, Sonne. A is low back as the o in not or the
initial vowel sound in saw, naught.
Now it is not easy to state in all cases whether a word is
pronounced with an a or an e, an a or an o, respectively, with-
out a careful training of the ear. Mr. Mehl denies the existence
of the two sets in Mundari. Similarly most of the missionarie
among the Santa Is long maintained that there was only one
e-sound and one o-sound, is San tall, where we now know that
each of these vowels has two sounds. I have already remarked
that 1 have not distinguished between the two sets in the
Mundari specimens printed in the Linguistic Survey, and I do
not think that any practical inconvenience can arise from my
mention of the two* sets in the introduction. I should feel much
obliged to my critic if he would let us have not a categorical
statement but an exact description of the formation of the
Mundari vowels, with indications of the position of the tongue
in each individual case. The value of such a description would
be greater still, if it gave information whether the individual
vowels are narrow or wide, and so on. It would then be pos-
sible to judge about the actual sounds. Mr. Mehl's criticism
does not, in this respect, add anything to our knowledge of
Mundari phonology. We must remember that Mundari orthogra-
phy has not been settled, and the fact mentioned by Mr. Mehl
that an educated Munda failed to recognize Father Hoffmann s
Mundari specimen as Mundari, does not prove anything but
that he was accustomed to another orthography. I have my-
self tried to show a phonetic English text to an excellent
English scholar, who did not at all think that it was English
before it was read aloud. % ,
I now turn to the second question raised by Mr. Mehl,
about the character of the Mundari semi-consonants which he
maintains are soft, while I have marked them as hard Above
40 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.
»
all it is necessary to know exactly what is meant with hard and
soft sounds. A hard consonant is pronounced without voice,
it is breathed, i.e., to quote Mr. Sweet, " the glottis is wide open
and no sound is produced by the outgoing breath, except that
caused by the friction of the air in the throat, mouth, etc."
Soft consonants, on the other hand, are voiced, i.e., the glottis
is at least so inueh closed that the vocal chords vibrate.
With regard to the semi-consonants we are here not con-
cerned with the open consonants such as the nasals, liquids
and s-sounds, but only with the so-called stops, gutturals,
palatals, dentals and labials, and with these only as finals.
Like other consonants the stops ' consist acoustically of
three elements, the consonant itself, and its on- and off-glide.'
Glides are ' transitional sounds, produced during the transition
from one sound to another.' ' The on-glide after a vowel is
generally voiced.' The off-glide is always voiceless after voice-
less stops. In the case of g, j, d, b we may, according to Mr.
Sweet, distinguish three different kinds : (J) voiceless stop and
o vowel precedes ; (2) voice-stop
as
and voiceless glide as in egg ; (3) voice-stop and voic
in eager. It will be seen that many 'soft' consonants are
actually voiceless, i.e., hard, if we do not consider the off-glide.
Final stops are, more especially, very often voiceless. Accord-
ing to Mr. Sweet, 1 English and Swedish are the only Teutonic
languages which possess voiced (i.e., soft) final stops. Most
people would, I think, protest against this statement, because
ade
Simi-
larly the French and South German k, t. p will strike an
Englishman as g, d, b, respectively.
Mr
Mund
He says :
1 The process of pronouncing a consonant may be divided
into two parts, (1) the putting into position the organs with
which it is pronounced, and (2) the relaxing these organs and
causing the air from the lungs to strike against them. Now the
difference between the consonants, whether they are to be soft,
hard, or aspirate, is caused solely by the second part of this
process and depends on the more or less abrupt relaxation of
the respective organs and on the measure of force with which
the air is made to pass over them. For instance, in pro-
nouncing labials, the lips have first to be closed. This being
done, 1 can pronounce a p, or b, or ph, or bh, as I like. Now
first part of
Mundari consist only of the sound
, ... the process described . . . They, there-
tore, naturally cannot be hard, but must be neutral. A neutral
sound, however, stands, I think, nearer to a soft than to a
hard sound.'
1 Handbook of Phonetics, p. 154
Vol. VII, No. 2.] Mundari Phonology. 41
[N.8.1
I confess that I absolutely fail to understand this. If the
difference between ' hard' and 'soft ' rests with the final part
of the consonant, i.e., with what phonetic scholars call the off-
glide, and this off-glide is missing, the vocal chords cannot
vibrate. The consonant cannot accordingly be voiced, or, to
use the popular expression, ' soft.' It must consequently be
voiceless, or, popularly, • hard.' Mr. Mehl's definition of the
semi-consonants is therefore to the effect that they are, as I
have marked them, ' hard ' sounds. The term voiceless is a
negative term, and such sounds as are devoid of voice, must
necessarily fall under it. To call them neutral is simply to
abstract from phonetic , physiological considerations and to refer
the question to that most unreliable judge, the human ear.
6. "Inscribed Guns from Assam ."
By Rakhal Das Banerji, M.A.
In a previous paper I have dealt with two Inscribed Guns
from Assam, which are now in the possession of Mr. W.
Simson of London. Mr. Gait in his history has mentioned
several guns, which the Ahom Bangs captured from the
Mughals of Gauhati and Ghoraghat. 1 Various other travellers
have, from time to time, noticed the existence of inscribed
guns in various parts of the now depopulated province of
Assam. The present paper deals with seven inscribed guns,
of which four are, at present, in Assam, two in the house of a
Zemindar in Bhagalpur, and one in the Industrial Section of
the Indian Museum*
In January last I paid a visit to Gauripur in the Goalpara
district of Aissam. In the courtyard of the palace of the
Hon'ble Raja Prabhat Chandra Barua I found six iron guns, four
only of which were inscribed. The Raja is descended from a
Bengali Kayastha, who was appointed Qanungo by the Mughal
Emperor Jahangir. Most probably, he accompanied Islam
Khan Fathpuri or Shaikh Qasim. According to the Padishah-
nama, Sayyid 'Abu Bakr, the governor of Hajo under Qasim,
attacked the Ahom kingdom." 2 The Raja possesses numerous
Persian documents among which are to be found a number
of Sanads and Farmans issued in the name of the Mu gh al Em-
perors from Jahangir downwards, conferring the Qanungoship
of different villages on the family.
The oldest gun hitherto discovered in the province of
Assam is in the possession of the Raja of Gauripur, It is an
exact replica of the gun described by Mr. Stapleton of the
Indian Educational Service. 3 A monster field gun in the
grounds of the Gauripur palace stands next in order. Next to
it comes the gun in the grounds of the Jhawa Kothi, the pala-
tial residence of Babu Saurendra Mohan Singha of Bhagalpur.
The gun in the Industrial Section of the Indian Museum was
taken from the Mughals in the time of Gadadhara Simha of
Assam. One of the guns, in the grounds of the Gauripur
palace, bears a short Persian inscription, which cannot be
correctly made out on account of the absence of all diacritical
marks. This one and another gun in the grounds of Babu
Saurendra Mohan Singha come last of all. The gun in the
1 Gait's History of Assam, p. 534.
' 2 Ibid., p. 105. 3 Ante, vol. v, p.
44 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February
Industrial Section of the Indian Museum is of brass, the rest
of the guns dealt with in this paper being made of iron. I
have heard that there are several inscribed guns in the civil
headquarters at SibSagar, and at Gauripur I learnt that the
Zemindars of Bijni possess several inscribed guns. In a future
paper I hope to deal with_the guns at Bijni and Sibsagar.
(1) Gun of Sher Shah. — I have already mentioned that
one of the guns in the Gauripur collection bears a striking re-
semblance to the gun of Sher Shah recently discovered in the
village of Dewanbhog, subdivision Narayanganj, of Dacca, and
Mr
issue of this Journal.
very
with great difficulty. Some portions of it have entirely peeled
off. Had it not been for Mr. Stapleton's gun, I would never
have succeeded in deciphering the whole of the inscription.
The Gauripur gun differs from that of Narayanganj in one
respect only. The long projection behind the breach notice-
able in Mr. Stapleton's photograph is absent in the Gauripur
gun, but I believe this portion was broken off by some acci-
dent. This projection demonstrates that both were naval
guns (Nawwara top). Small guns of various sizes were em-
ployed by the subahdars or naibs stationed in Dacca in the
flotilla of boats.
as
tt^* * l *t iri# r li * e>W >** J*l' &>j&
The gun measures 4'-9i" in length and the diameter of the
muzzle is 4".
(2) Inscribed Field Piece.— This gun also is of iron and
measures 3'-9" m length, while the diameter of the muzzle is
cl'-i The mscri P tion consists of four or five lines in very bad
bhikast I failed to make out anything of this inscription
with the exception of a portion of it where it says that the
piece was cast in the 21st year of the reign of acertain emperor,
lhe inscription is also very faint and I could not get either
a satisfactory impression or a rubbing of it. If it can be read
by anybody it might possibly be of great interest, as in the
has
Mr
Whoever
has been
power withi
power was c
ascribed Field Piece of Raghudeva of Cooch Behar.
has studied the rise of Kochs of Northern-Bengal,
Mughal
gradually extending its boundaries towards the East, Mr.
of S'ukladhvaja, the renowned
Vol. VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam. 45
Gait has done ample justice to the subject in his History of
Assam and in a paper in the Journal of this Society. 1 Raghu-
deva was the grandson of Visvasimha, the founder of the
Koch Kingdom, and the son
Koch General who gained the surname of "Cilarai," 4 the
" Kite King," on account of his fleetness of manoeuvre of
troops. During the first part of his life he was the heir-appa-
rent to the Koch Kingdom, but, subsequently, on the birth of
a son to his uncle Naranarayana or Malladeva, he revolted and
was only appeased by the division of the Koch Kingdom.
According to the vamsavali of the Darrang Rajas, Raghudeva
was given the portion of Narananayana's kingdom that lay
East of the Sankosh river. 3 On Naranaray ana's death his
nephew threw off the allegiance and declared himself indepen-
dent. The Society possess one coin of this Prince dated
saka 1510.
Obverse.
(1) S'n -Sri (2) Raghudeva
sake (5) 1 510.
Reverse.
(1) S'n-S'rl (2) Haragaun- (3) carana- kama- (4) la-ma d-
huka (5) rasya.
Madhava
he is said to have repaired that temple in the year 1583.
The Hon'ble RftjS Bahadur of Gauripur possesses two guns
of Raghudeva. The larger one is in a good state of preserva-
tion. The muzzle is shaped as a tiger's head and the portion
behind the trunnions is decorated with parallel ribs of iron.
Close to the breach is a vertical projection with a parrot on
each side of it : see pi. There is a parrot on the lion's head also.
The length of the gun is 7'-4* and the diameter of the muzzlr
11". The inscription runs as follows:
Sri-S'rI-Raghudeva-narayanasya-sa[ka]sam 1514; i.e., 15?>2.
(4) Inscribed Field Piece of Raghudeva.— This gun is of mo-
derate proportions, the barrel being dodecagonal in shape. It
measures 4'-6|" in length and the diameter of the muzzle is
5£", but the inscription on this gun is of great importance, as
it proves beyond doubt that Raghudeva did not die in 1593
A.D., as supposed by the chronicler of the Darrang Rajas.
The inscription runs as follows :—
S'ri-S'n-Raghudevanarayana-karitam-idam-saka 1519 ; i.e.,
1597 A.D.
1 J.ASB.Partl, 1^93, p. 268. .
* Silarai in Bengali becomes Cilarai, as Ca is invariably pronounced
in Assam &<* Sa
3 Gait's History of Assam, p. 60.
46 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 191 1.
This proves beyond doubt that Raghudeva was alive in
that year, and the proof is based upon a contemporary
record and not upon a modern manuscript. 1 Babu Dwijesh
Chandra Chakrabarty, Dewan of Gauripur, has kindly supplied
me with notes regarding the discovery of the guns now in the
possession of the Hon'ble Raja. According to him these guns
were found during the time of Vira Chandra, who came to the
gadi in 1808. They were found in the bed of a river called
Chataguri and their existence was made known to the Raja in
a dream,
(5) Inscribed Gun of Jayadhvajasimha. — During the last
session of the Literary Conference of Bengal I had the oppor-
tunity of inspecting this gun at Bhagalpur in the grounds of
the residence of Babu Saurendra Mohon Singha. This gun
bears three separate inscriptions, one of which is in Sanskrit
and the remaining two in Persian. The Sanskrit inscription
runs as follows:
na
(2) jitva-gubakahattyarn idam astram praptam saka 1580,
i.e., 1657-58 A.D.
Jayadhvajasimha is said to have attacked the Mughal domi-
nions near Gauhati immediately after the death of Shah J ah an
I, thus following the footsteps of Prananarayana of Cooch
Behar. The Muhammadan Faujdar of Gauhati fled without
waiting for the attack and twenty cannon are said to have
been captured by the Ahom King. 2 This led to the celebrated
M
It
-eems that the gun was recovered by the Muhammadans under
Mir Jumla and then removed by them to Behar. They were
found by the present occupant of the Jhawa Kothi on the
banks of the Ganges, close to a Muhammadan mausoleum,
which from its technique can safely be assigned to the later
Mughal period. This building also is included within the vast
compound of the Jhawa Kothi. The gun measures 9' 10"
in length.
The larger Persian inscription has been incised on a square
plate of brass rivetted on the gun. It is almost illegible and
only the following words were made out with great difficulty
by Prof. Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., of the Patna College :\r a^jlu
There are no diacritical marks in this inscription. He is
of opinion, however, that this should be read as \f**&jV
and the regnal year should be referred to the reign of Shah
Jahan I, as Mir Jumla's invasion of Assam had taken place
long before the twelfth year of Aurangzeb. He notes that
the usual expression on similar inscriptions is Rekhta Shud,
< i ...r*« ««nf 5 '
cast instead of " was manufactured.
* 1
1 Cf. ibid., p. 62, and J.A.S.B., 1893, Part I, p. 304. « Ibid., p. 162.
Vol VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam. 47
[N.S.]
The smaller Persian inscription is incised on a tiny plate of
brass ri vetted near the muzzle of the gun, and is quite unde-
cipherable. The gun is made of a thick spiral ware, similar to
that already described by me in the pages of this Journal.
(6) The other gun shown in the photograph is a Held
piece and bears four Persian letters without any diacritical
marks as in the inscriptions mentioned above, thus :— Jj sjJ
It measures about 9' in length.
(7) The Brass Gun of Gadadharasimha. -This gun is at
present in the Industrial Section of the Indian Museum to
which it was transferred by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in
1867. They are said to have been presented by Capt. Butcher.
The gun seems to be a field piece and measures 4' 5|" in length
The muzzle is shaped like a lion's head and its diameter is
4|". The barrel of the gun bears two different inscriptions.
one in Persian and the other in Sanskrit. The Persian inscrip-
tion is a long one and consists of a main inscription and three
small ones. It refers to the reign of the Mughal Emperor
Jahangir, The inscription has been deciphered by Maulavi
Khair-ul-Anam of the Hare School. A complete restoration of
the whole inscription be believes to be impossible. The follow-
ing proper names with the exception of the reigning emperor
are to be found in the inscription .—Hakim Haidar AM, Shei
Muhammad, Billardas Karigar, Khanzad Khan Dilawarjung,
Akhwand Maul ana. The third line of the main inscription
contains the date of the regnal year 21 of the Emperor, The
smaller inscriptions contain the following details ; — the weight
is four garis and the gun belongs to the detachment called
Muhammad!- ris Hah. The officer superintending the
eastm
was
peror. The serial number of the gun in the Mu gh al artillery
seems to be 619, which is given at the bottom of the inscrip-
tion. Near the trunnions appear the English numeral 419 and
near the breach the word u Bundoolaw M has been incised by
means of a sharp instrument. The Sanskrit inscription occurs
on the barrel of the gun in the space between the trunnions
and the breach. It runs as follows :
a)
ad
(2) Gadadharasimhena-javanam jitvd Guvaka-
(3) haltyam4dam-astram praptam Sake 1604
i.e., 1596. The Muhamraadans recovered Gauhati in 1679,*
and it was retaken by Gadadharasimha in 1681. Summarily the
history of the gun seems to have been that it was cast in the
twenty-first year of Jahangir and was employed most probably
by the Muhammadans in one of their expeditions against
Gauhati and was left by them at that place. It was re-
1 Above vol. v, p. 465.
* Gait's History of Assam, p. 157.
48 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.]
tured by Gadadharasiriiha in 1581 when he succeeded in re
covering Gauhati. The name " Bundoolaw " ] proves beyond
doubt that the Burmese Commander Mingi Maha Bandula suc-
ceeded in capturing this gun during the civil wars in 1882-84
and that it was wrested from the Burmese before the Treaty of
Yandaboo.' 2 The Persian text runs as follows:
li V ^f ;> isvySmj , Ji* )t % JL aI>U ... Ji t,k+ l^U
*»
^ ■••••• ^ U *t& J <^>K u-'^ JV
•»
• I
" ^TS?- th< ; reign of the kin § of km£ *s, the refu g e of the
wor.d Nur-ud-dln JahangTr Khanzad Khan Diliuvar-
]ung, by the order .... Akhwand Maulana, the preceptor
. . . .from the order of the Hakim Haidar 'All ... the
artisan Bir ballar das . . . was . . . the year 21
Postscripts.
Kumar
r,t d • v.- .Li "1 " il " ul ,muu AK »nay ivumar Alaitraya
Sh«i fJf i^u h ?f e WaS an inscrib ^ gun of Muhammad Adil
fc&ah at Maldah. During my recent visit to that place I had
&,, »? V?1H 7 tu exami . nin « the inscribed gun at English
Mnl;S ^ P* gun is now lying in the grounds af the
tio Tt nrnlV qi l a f T • P" examina «on the gun and its inscri p.
Jun n 7hf ?«* ^ »? ° S \ e , Xact ^P'i^ues of Sher Shah's
fn length L??r PUr ^ J"* 8 ' ™ e #"> measures ~ 4 ' 8 "
0«. ~v £,* £ . *ikL. , *u alif *k ^ Jib ^ v ^
•«
^^^aTtTe SSSS 1 „ thl " ° ne nn " the Gaurip "'
•idft w tu ™e Maldah gun was cast a vpat aan ip
Constant
ast a year ago, i.e.,
; Sayyid Ahmad of
same i„ the g from D^J^« «!»•-•*
e
gun
"^p.226. '*/**, p . 282 .
Vol. VII, No. 2]
[N.8.]
Inscribed Guns from Assam
40
50
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
[February, 1911
Vol. VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam.
[X.S.]
51
.)
o
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [February, 1911].
7. Frey Joao da Cruz, O.S.A. ( + 1638).
By Rev. H. Hosten, S.J.
M The venerable John da Cruz was born of pious parents
in the town of Alpedrina, Diocese of Guarda, in the Kingdom
of Portugal. From his tenderest years he was vested— a pious
custom with children— in the habit of the Friars Minor. When
bigger, he went to India with his uncle, our Father Frey Sebas-
tian of the Purification, who was sent thither in 1586 by Frey
Denis of Jesus, the Superior of this Province, with the follow-
ing companions :— Fathers Louis of Paradise, the Provincial;
Francis of St. Stephen, Prior of Goa; Peter of the Cross;
Sebastian de Moraes ; Fulgentius of the H. Ghost ; John of
the Trinity ; Didacus of the Trinity ; Francis , commonly Arpa,
and the Chorister Matthew of St. Joseph. After landing in
India, he took the habit in 1588, his uncle proffering his help
in the matter. After his vows he applied himself successfully
to his studies. Next he was sent to Bengal, there to preach
the faith to the heathen. His efforts were admirably rewarded :
he converted to the true faith numberless souls and bore
for Christ mighty labours and wounds, for on June 24th, 1632,
during the siege of Ugolim [Hugh ] the Moors wounded him in
the back with a keen-edged scimitar, and only by a miracle
was he saved from death. Recalled at last to Goa, he lived
there in high sanctity, until he happily ended this life in 1638,
on a Friday of June or July, as is variously related in our
Indian histories. Sinco Easter was celebrated in 1638 on April
4, the Ascension on May 13, Whitsunday on May 23, and Corpus
Christi on June 3, it follows that the first Friday was on June
4, the second on the 11th, the third on the 18th, the fourth on
the 25th. Hence, I speak of him on the second Friday of the
same month, believing him to have died then. His body was
interred in the chapter of the monastery ; but later, in loVM,
through the care of his nephew, Frey Francis da Cruz it was
placed in a raised tomb of black stone, where it is held in
great veneration. All this is found related in a MS history of
Goa entitled Breviloquium rerum Congregatioms Indiana, re.
1 This date is apparently wrong. It mast »«™ ^ «* *£ °f ° f
September, when Hugh fell. The siege commenced on ly on June 4
P 4 Complete reference : Brevilogio das notices das ™™ a \°^*** e \^
da Congregatfo da India dosEremitas de Santo Ago^nho^ M8. Jho., fol 1.
180, formerly in the Convent de Nossa Senhora da Graca Lijbon IA
Habbosa Machado, ^«^ ^^ 11 ^ a ' t ? B ^vpl^ , d.
I am told by Fray Tirso Lopez, O.S.A., \ allaaoua.ina^i j
54 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
2, notice 13, fol. 117 ; notice 15, fol. 133 ; notice 19, fol.
172, and in his Life edited ? by our Frey Lawrence of Grace,
a Portuguese. 1 He is also mentioned by our historians, the
illustrious Joseph Sicardo in his history of Japan [Christiandad
del Japon] Bk. I, ch. 3, fol. 24, and Joseph of St. Anthonv in
Flos Sanctorum* Tom. Ill, fol. 231. "*
Ven. Joannes a Cruce natus est in oppido de Alpedrina in Dicecesi
bgitanensi, in regno Lusitamae piis parentibus A primis annis habi-
tu Minorum, ut solent puen devotione, indutus est. Grandior factus,
avunculo
fl~^ Tm*^ • V^n " u auu > nostro Jr. Fr. Sebastiano a Puri-
ficatione illuc misso anno 1586, ab hujus Provincial Prsesule Fr Dionisio
Spiritu
lano
vulgariter Arpa j Chorista Math*oTs. J^ephV InTnZm' £SEE >
avuncuh ope habitum assumpsit anno 1588. Votis lieaTus stud is
operant egreg.e navavit. In Bengallam missus est, uf ibTgendb s
ndem Dromn \trarot nhi m»K;ii ~. — *._ • ' . _ _ gemiDus
„, . , . innumeros
Christ
Tiftrn. ntr^r.ta X,,; •„ u "r"—" "'"" D «aus exantiavit labores, & vul-
S & S? • q "J obs \ dlone P° rfc us Ugolinensis anno 1632 die 24
Junn a Mauris per terga harpe acutissima apertus est, Vrnfracdose" a
mortis penculo sersratus est. Goam tandem vonat,, . *w . m,racu ] ) o se a
sanctitate, anno 1638 felici eSu v?t ft ^ Q ^ + • ' ' , m,rab,b de « ens
menus Jnnii ™l T„1« , 1 C ^A? V1 * am solvit in quadam sexta feria
anno 1 638 Pascha celebraretur
, ""» l,u ' "» iiistorns incnanis.
Penteco t stes"l3 "^"SSTSSK J^t A . SCenSi ° 13 Maii *
' "i! , ,, , Junn - sequitur primam sex-
secundam 11. tfirt.ium is *_JL o^
in vita
corpus in coenobii ranitnio t,™3«i. IUOIls ' 8 ' cre <aens in ilia obiisse. Ejus
Fr^Francis^rCrucTanno SwT ?' ? P ° St6a indus ^a sui nepotis
MS. Goana titulo BreHloauiir^ n omnia . ref eruntur in historia
notitia 13, fol 117 SSk?? Congregation** Indiana ; " "
e,usdemeditaa"NFr' Lltlt^ n°\ U ? ' - & l9 > foh "*. *
NN. Illustrissimus J«JSS sS.-iS'**-* *T ltano - D * *"<> etiam agunt
24 * Josephus a A ttfn^S tom^ fifS* * h °' *'<*
[Campi filiorum f¥ AugusSn" cl ™ l Pintado*, regados e brotados,
plantati.rigati, et fructibus aucti 1 In ! h Ti? Indi * ° rien * a «sab ipsis
da Ctoha Rivaba's GatoZ of tw t • k L T lbrar y of Evora. Cf. J. H.
larger work than the former I 8 thif^' h 331 *** This is a much
same author which Barbosa MachaHn / » -ifi SE - me Work as that °y the
in the National Library of Lisbon T i^l Lw,iL> > ^ was formerly
/ndia da «ua /imaa f( J ao vrutto'tJtTt d °r 8e ? ut08 *" Congrega^ao da
question of - the Christianftirs^ertSf \ 5? the 5th chapter there i
the original): tfofWa 5- ^MOjESSrfS t0 ° Ur Mi8Sion °« Bengal » (in
de Bengala. The convents, parishef^ Vftenecente* a No**a Mi**ao
are there dealt with. Faustinus » Pn! res,den ces of the Augustinians
toy ; some of his writings were ZhX^^Tr - h&ve lived in ^IBth ce,:
. 1 Complete referencf • ^ 11 a ' L,8bon in 1728, 1734, 1736.
Joao da Cruz de Goa. XVJIth C?£ & (: ^ a ' °' SA > Vid » *> P- **•
P : 29). I ^nnot say whether the bool^' - (Cf " Barbosa Machado, iii.
^J™"™ m of***" re^tZeothe^ P' 11 ^ ? r not ' A " Bnrnen in
1880, is silent too. g t0 the Portuguese in India, Mangalore,
« Frey Manoel de
Lisbon, 1737.
Augustinianorum
■ ™. m . nology of tlM Friar is taken from ^ ^ o[ j
Vol. VII, No. 3] Frey Jor,o da Cruz, 0.8. A. ( + 1638). 55
[N.S.]
The commonly accredited opinion in modern works on
Hugli l is that Frey Joao da Cruz was taken to Agra (1632-33)
with other priests and 4,000 prisoners and cast before an infu-
riated elephant. However, by a miraculous interposition of
Providence, he escaped unhurt and obtained from Shah Jahan
not only the release of the captives, but a grant of 777 bigahs
of land near the Bandel of Hugli.
Asiaticus quotes a Portuguese text obtained from the
"Archives " of Bandel (cf. Pt. I, Sketches respecting Bengal,
Calcutta, 1803, p. 49), and as he speaks elsewhere (cf. p. 52)
of the Life of Frey Joao da Cruz , we are led to believe that
the passage was copied from the Life by Frey Lawrence of
Grace.
The text is as follows : ' ' The day came when the martyr-
dom was to be accomplished. This was in the year 1633. The
Emperor ordained that the Very Rev. Father Frey Joao da
Cruz be cast at the feet of an infuriated elephant, to be
torn to pieces in his presence and that of the whole of
his court; but, the elephant forgetting his natural fierceness
knelt at the feet of the said Father and paid him his obei-
sance
(fez Ihe cortezias) and defended him
The whole Court and the Emperor too, seeing so great a pro-
digy, were unanimous in confessing that the said Very Rev.
Father Frey Joao da Cruz was a servant of God. He was
instantly brought before the Emperor and was told by him to
ask whatever he wished, for he would be granted it all. For
this he gave him three days' time ; but the said Father an-
swered he did not need so much time [for reflection] : he
wished only that His Majesty should let him free to return to
Bengal, and together with him all the Christian captives."
Unfortunately for Asiaticus and a host of writers who seem
to have taken their inspiration from him, nothing allows us
so far to believe that the Friar was taken to Agra. Mannque
gives us (cf. Itinerario, Ch. LXXXI) the names of the
four priests, two Augustinians and two secular priests, who
were led to Agra, and, though he relates at length the
vicissitudes of Frey Joao da Cruz (Ch. LXXXII), he men-
tions nowhere his captivity nor the interesting scene of
his rescue. And yet Manrique was in Arakan from 1629 to
1635; he passed through Banja, Tumlook and Pipli in 1636,
Mai
ex
typogr^ Vol. H June 11th p. 182.
1 Cf all Hudi District Manuals and Gazetteers ; also : Bengal Catho-
advocated
and
the Archdiocese oj Agra, Simla, 1907, pp. 211-214.
2 Asiaticus, commenting on the text, rather than translating it,
wrote: » The elephant, at sight of the friar, Jost his native ferocity
and gently ' caressed ' him with his proboscis.
56 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.]
and visited Bengal and Agra in 1640 and 1641. He states
merely thatFrey Joao by applying certain native remedies
recovered from his wounds in a village near Hugli, and that
he was eventually recalled to Goa, where he died. Such too
is the account apparently borrowed from Manrique, which we
read in Mgr^L. M. Zaleski's Les Martyrs de I' Inde, Lille,
Desclee MDCM pp. 204-205. The Friar's menology in the
Martyrologium Augustinianum does not say more, and it is
hardly likely that the author would have omitted a reference
to the miracle had he met it in the sources before him, the
Bremhgto and Frey JoHo s Life by Frey Lawrence of Grace.
rb. J C< ? nc 10n Whl ,° h , inevitabl v ^rces itself on us is that
the miraculous escape of the Friar at Agra is a very late version
til Jit x"- ThG faCtS connected with the Augustinian
prisoners at Agra appear, in some unaccountable way to have
become associated with the saintly memory of Frey Joao da
Cruz. Indeed we read in Manrique, that, shortly after their
arrival at Agra, and by Shah Jahan's order, tl/priests were
square ^whTeTh J ^^ ^ ^^ ° £ ^ * the ^
device to shake them in tbMMU ^ha" advent
on the wise representations of Asaf Khan wTio winspereTmto
his ear the name of the Vicerov of (h™ La„?u wms P eiea into
of warning, the Emperor dS ^ ° ther gra ' VG W ° rdS
Mav S l?38 ar alT t W6re r tn ^ d ^ Dacca, but this was in
da Cru 7 could n^l ° W , irom ™V»Mished letters. Frey Joao
besides thetZ^lT ^ been inBen g al at that *>™ «"*.
bes.de,, the accounts mention only Father Anthony Farinha,
fled to Goa or back to TW* i u , e were ran30 ™d, others
of the defenders of Hugh Th' "^^^ ^ the remnantS
Hijili and Pipli. S ' n scat tered round about Banja,
1 Probably, the 8auaro noon *u
criminals were generally executed ! nVer g&fce ° f the A « ra Fort ' where
\ A V>
8. The Composition of Indian Yams.
By David Hooper.
In the Report of the Industrial Section, Indian Museum,
1903
-
number of tubers of species of Dioscorea, collected by the
Reporter on Economic Products to the Government of India.
About 30 kinds of these roots had been analysed with a view
to determine their comparative food value. Since that time
further varieties of the roots from plants, critically determined
by Mr. I. H. Burkill, have been examined; and it has been
considered desirable to publish the collective results. Since
some of these roots have, in their natural state, poisonous
properties, and are eaten after being washed and cooked, an
investigation has been made of the effect of washing by show-
ing the composition of the tuber before and after the process.
Tubers of authenticated plants have been tested for poisonous
principles and a record has been made of those species in which
they are either present or absent, with remarks on the influence
of cultivation in reducing the noxious properties. In the
majority of cases the roots were received in a fresh condition,
they were dried in the sun or in warm air, and the chemical
examination was made on the powdered root. The amount of
moisture in the fresh tubers ranged from 70 to 85 per cent., but
the results of the analyses, for the sake of comparison, are
exhibited in the following table calculated to the absolutely dry
sample.
The tubers of the following species and varieties of Dioscorea
were examined :
D. aculeata (No. 20490), "Chaee," N. Thana, Bombay.
D. alata (No. 20671), Fiji, skin and flesh white.
* 7
5>
? >
f drying
(No. 20688),' Fiji,' skin and flesh pink.
Aerial tubers, Basirhat.
?> >
farciniformis (18114), (ianjam.
(18972), Jalpaiguri.
„ globella (17751), Trichinopoly.
saccijormis, "Myauk-u," Burma.
rubella (No. 18942), Salem, flesh yellow.
purpurea (No. 19566), Bhopal, CI.
5 y > j
J5 ?J
>> yj
D. anguina, small tubers.
58 Journal of the Asiatic Sorifty of Bengal. [March, 1911.
D. anguina, large tubers.
Z>. belophylla (No. 18180), BetuL
7~) hiilhif&ra. (Nn lf>fi37^ "Rnnihnv milt.ivo.frw'l
/
5 5
> 5
J ?
5 5
J 5
5 ?
(No. 18097), "Manakund," Surat, crial
tubers.
(No. 18185), "SuarAlu," Malda.
(No. 18269) : " Moeha or Pita Alu , * ' Angul.
(No. 18563), "JungliAlu," Dinajpur.
(No. 3326s), "Getlii," Gorakhpar.
origin not record* I.
f f ^^h — _^— — » ^ m -^ ^ ^^ _ < v v ^^ ^w V
i). dnemona (No. 20309), Betul. C.P.
" 5J
Burma, run-climbing-
>> ,, Burma, climbing
jD. fasciculata (No. 19562), « Pind Alu." Bhopal.
Z). gtfa&ra, Chota Nagpur, cultivated.
,, Chandwara,
D. Hookeri (No. 33352), Rajmehal, Bengal.
D oppositifolia (No. 18967), Jajpur, Cuttack.
D. pentaphylla, cylindrical, small tubers.
? 5
large
,, mOHtiO
,, clavate, small toben
>>
5 J
large
var. Cardoni (No. 18669), Bn helkhimd.
»' >>
hortorum (No. 18187), Birbhum
(No. 33361), Banji Raja-
mehal, cultivated.
„ Jacquemottiii (No. 17!>?7), "TUshi/'
Thana, Bombay «
m Rheedei (No. 17762), i luldapali,
(No. 18943), S. Salem,
(No. 18946), . Salem
;ir tides
boli dratos
^^ 1 ~. , . , ; -.^ ^ v ^^ wuli ol (;ari>onv(irares uum-
posed mainly of starch. The nit* mious u terial has rather
S' rf / P^ ^ of fa "y matter. In the wild yams the
tt P onlL f T? 6 5 bre and ash is *"quentlv exc rive, hut in
thL on ,! k . md8 ' re P re «ented by the D. a Jala of Fiji,
Lir r S are reduced ' ™d there is a eorreeponding
S widelv ? Pr0P r ,li0n ° f 8tarCh «"■■ rJSTdD not
diner widely from the composition of yams of the W< t
26 28 W ,lT ,,n A Haar,om < 7 * l"M«*e Mercuur . Noa.
anklvses Si r" £' Greslmf! fo0nd the »™»"«' " f f<),ir
^a^ntiri?* Carboh > drate « 81*24, Fibre 33, Ash 3 4.
ion with the potato. An average aualysie of Indian vems
Vol. VII, No. 3.] The Composition of Indian Yams.
[N.S.]
59
D. aculeata
D. alata
9 9
1»
D. alata, var. farciniformis
. •
9>
9 »
\ ar. globella
saccif oralis
• •
• -
• •
rubella
purpurea
• •
IX anguina, small
»>
lar£
D. belopbylla
D. bul bif era
D. daemon a
»»
D. fasiculata
D. glabra
i >
• ■
D. Hookeri
D. oppositi folia
• •
V ■
• •
• •
• •
• •
- ■
• V
• •
, .
• •
* •
• •
" •
» >
9 ♦
• •
D. pentapbylla, nail
large
lavate small
large
var. Cardoni
hortorui
99
99
9 ♦
I 9
» "
*»
»»
Jacque-
montii.
Reedei - .
M
» >
n
f 9
Fat.
12
c
E
<
<o
03
-
>>
o
-
eg
O
1*4
/
•69
•72
•74
•62
•82
1-20
1-18
1-26
8-98 73-57
1
16
71
113
•66
•57
118
114
1-28
1-04
•88
•76
1-02
102
110
•97
1 72
1 42
1*29
•77
1-52
1-35
•89
7*96
8-31
8-61
11-01
13-2!>
9-9
1299
15-68
8-83
12-02
12-45
11-44
85-02
8443
80-06
7701
7666
77-21
7309
71 67
78-00
70-10
78-42
81-34
7-S1 80-32
10-31
12-77
9-98
9-67
13-31
735
820
7-20
9-12
8-07
10-82
80-49
7511
78-46
81-39
77 50
7712
79-95
81-45
81-89
sl-7'.»
71-29
9-7:* 7823
1013 7779
8-30 ; 85.50
1470 68-54
1
1
09
93
72
74
73
11
1201
1032
13-30
1212
15 93
10-2<>
11 98
15-36
»
Ash.
i
*
be
Q
O
U
h
Fib
1
1
o .
10-77 5-26 1-44
7629
79-7.)
73-041
72-63
71-07
80-77
7S-53
*% f*
7166
118
1 13
1-26
8-68 SO'22
11-97 75-38
1084 I 76- 10
219
2-31
5-54
6-12
5-27
5-81
5*46
4-69
5'62
4-46
•
3-30
2-94
4-24
4-23
5 05
5-24
5-96
6-39
7-28
6-70
6-39
6-71
4-54
3-72
4-96 6-35
1-28
1-33
1-38
1-76
2-02
1-50
2-08
2-51
1*41
1-92
1-99
1-83
•30
44
•47
•61
•87
•64
•64
•88
•98
78
•68
•57
•52
471
3-90
6-84
4-26
3-28
964
5-53
6-28
3-28
504
3-31
7-08
3-44
3-04
503
5-14
6*30
405
461
4-13
1-25 -82
1 65
2-04
1-59
1-55
213
1-18
1-31
115
146
1-29
•77
•57
•45
•46
•63
•70
•50
•77
•52
•63
6-52 9-65 1-73' -94
3-92 6-70
5-79
50
1-52
6-55
3 • 9 1
357
5-75
7-96
6-51
3-3^
.i . o 2
4-k
3-91
1 -56
1 -62
58
64
1-33 -5:.
8-69 2-35 -71
6 44
5-47
6-82
6-36
577
4-91
(i-54
7-32
1-92
1-65
2-13
1-94
2-55
63
1
1
90
2-46
4 32
5-63
4-94
5 • I .5
589
7 06
1-39
1-91
1-73
•51
•69
•54
•73
•56
64
•70
•70
•62
•71
60 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
placed side by side with one of the potato, both calculated on
the dry material, shows this similarity :—
Yam. Potato.
Fat .. .. 102 -46
Albuminoids.. .. 10-87 1014
Carbohydrates .. 7701 i
Fibre .. .. 6 . 16 ' 84-79
Ash .. .. 5-94 4-61
It has long been known that the tubers of various species
of Dioscorea contain a bitter and acrid principle which renders
them unfit, in a raw state, for edible purposes. Some tubers
are used medicinally, either powdered and applied to sores or
as a plaster, or in a fresh state, to disperse swellings. Occasion-
ally the tubers are given internally with some spice and sugar
tor syphilis, dysentery and diarrhoea. In Sanskrit the tuber
bears the name of «■ Pashpoli "or « strangle cake ' ' on account
Ol its causing areaf. Irn'tofmn ;~ +u~ ~ Jli. i ii
1 1 i roat
mg of blood and a sense of suffocation. The bruised root of
n.sikkimensis is used as a fish poison among the Lepchas of
feikkim, and according to Dr. Thwaites, the tubers of wild
\am are used in Ceylon for the same purpose. Among the
«!? rZf 60 ^ SpeCieS are em P lQ y ed as arrow poisons. L. Wray
no R ono °i lg ^ t0 D - kirSUta > Bl ™- reticulata. The
poisonous principle of some of the roots appears to partake of
lr 1 r I 8 ! POmn ' 8ince thls substance froths in water,
for w^t x S ^ s } h ^ in Kashmir the roots are employed
n a7l ki nd 8 of . ^ and ^ ° l °*> and Vi ^ ne affi ™ s * ha * a
Sl^!;,^ ~* «*» eloth, and another
used for silk. In
m ^£? the ^^^ a Se £ ^1888
fo^dfhaMl,^ T d Yam ,° f N ° rth Ameri <* (A ^wa) and
»S H^ V W,° f i he root was a Stance allied to
ZsZeahZM a n ndScl ^gdenhauften, in 1892, examined a
that Te SSi f ^^ ^^ ° f Tro P ical Africa and found
w Me the unXLotT. l° ntained a bittei ' P° ls » n ™* ^ c °* ide
Bourou lot S 8 ^ ^, tU ^ ere i r re fFee from thia toxic principle,
^ourquiot and Bridal in 1907 in.mH tuf -u_ *_i* i- *-«
Macahib
us
1907 found that the tubercles of
lier alkaloids nor slucosides. It is
verv variable nnrv,^ £ jT ,s » rou P of plants poss.'ssa
&ttzstt-is^ upon either the **- ° f
thoro^ghh-^xannneT.?' °- Bnitenzor g ** one of the first to
WedeieU^enuU s H'T Pr ° pert * ° f Dio8Co " a tubers
material emplLdL • f^ *»*****. XIII, 189+ The
in Jav unde the T^f^ *" l0Ot8 of ^ ***«<^ *• . known
- an alimen a S32* "P d ° en * , \ T »<- roots are used
Vol. VII, No. 3.] The Composition of Indian Yams. 61
[N.S.]
poison by chopping up the roots covering them with ashes and
placing them in river water for twenty-four hours. Boorsma
separated an alkaloid, dioscorine, which he found to be the
active principle. Later Dr. H. W. Schutte of the University of
Groningen (Onderzoekingen over dioscorine. Diss. 1897) isolated
dioscorine, studied several of its salts, and, by elementary
analyses, established its composition. The results obtained
may thus be summarized :
1. Dioscorine is a crystallizable alkaloid of the composi-
tion C, 8 H l9 NO;. Melting point 43-5°C.
2. It is a monatomic base.
3. The formula of the chlorohydrate is C, g H 9 NO., HC1,
2H20. Melting point of anhydrous salt 204°!
4. Platinum salt C l8 H, n NO*, Pt, Cl 4 , 3H20. Melting
point of anhydrous salt 199—200°.
5. The gold salt C 13 H ]0 NO,, HC1, AuCl . Melting point
171
o
6. The picrate melts at 183—184°.
7. Physiological experiments have shown that dioscorine
is a poison producing cramps in the same manner as
picrotoxin ; dioscorine however is less toxic than
this substance.
K
1910, 385) obtained 0*21 per cent, of this alkaloid in the dry
tubers, which is equivalent to 04 per cent, on the fresh tubers,
and further investigated its constitution. The alkaloid is sepa-
rated by extracting the powdered tubers with alcohol (96 per
cent.) acidulated with hydrochloric acid. The filtrate is eva-
porated, dissolved in water rendered alkaline by sodium car-
bonate, and agitated with chloroform. After distillation of the
chloroform, the dioscorine is determined in the residue by
titration with centinormal acid.
The alkaloid was sought for during the course of examina-
tion of all the above samples of Dioscorea species. It was
found to be most abundant in D. daemona, it was generally
present in D. bulbifera, D pentaphylla and its varieties and in
some kinds of D. alata ; it was not detected in D. anguina,
D. belophylla and I). fasiculata. The tubers under cultivation
appeared to lose much of their acridity and bitterness. While
wild tubers of D. bulb if era and D. pentaphylla as a rule contain
alkaloids, the cultivated tubers were in some cases devoid of
this constituent. Some of the tubers contained a tanning
matter
The alcoholic
extract of the tubers contained varying amounts of glucose
and cane sugar.
Reference has been made to the practice in various parts of
the world of treating the wild yams with water to remove the
(J2
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.]
nauseous properties. The fresh tubers are usually sliced and
cut into squares and soaked for several hours in water ; in some
districts the sliced roots are covered or placed in lime or ashes
roast
before soaking.
or baked on a fire in order to render them palatable and des-
troy the poison. An experiment was made with three kinds of
bitter yams by reducing them to coarse fragments and analysing
them, and then soaking another portion in water, extracting the
soluble matter and analysing the residue. The following
interestin
•->
sam
root nclud Z JvT'l *", W,1 ° le of the *< >,u '> le matter of the
A Certain ^ al ^ lds ' Asides, sugar and alkaline saltt.
proportion ofTS k? alb »™ d * is also removed, and the
2t raiser t Carboh y drate * > chiefly starch and woody
appriTy 1 ^.^ ^S^ *frl "TV t
notice that th a ^v, u • , °P era tion. It is interesting to
w^n^^atete n ^ ride * con - d -ably reduced by
this bod'v exkt ?£ » * m subterra nean portions of the plant
case of levTJ^XT* P f 5 a S ° luUe form ' » * the
water are shown bv J r °° tS ° f yams after washin 8 in
coarse food Z \7 u l , r com Position to be somewhat of a
ralu" ' nevert heless they have considerable nutritive
S'
o. Some Asiatic Milk-Products.
By David Hooper.
At the March Meet
was exhibited by Mr. Burkill of dried cheese among a collec-
tion of curious products found in a Lepcha's medicine bag.
The substance was light brown or ivory coloured, hard, tough
and horny in consistence, with a slight rancid odour and taste.
It occurred in cakes 1\ inches square and half an inch in thick-
ness, several of them being strung together by means of a string
passing through holes in the centre. It was said to have been
prepared from yak's milk. Dr. Hope, of the Indian Tea Asso-
ciation, has met with the same article at Kalimpong where
it is used by Tibetans. A similar substance was received a
few years ago in the Indian Museum from Baluchistan under
the name of krut, This was a preparation of milk, and as a
food was credited with sustaining properties. This substance
has been known for a long time and is frequently used in coun-
tries bordering on Northern India, and since it is not described
in modern works on animal and dairy products, I have endea-
voured to bring together a short account of its distribution .
manufacture and composition.
In Richardson's Persian Dictionary, revised by Francis
Johnson in 1829, karut is termed dried oxygal. About seventy
years ago Mr. C. Masson > gave an interesting account ot its
preparation and uses :
" Shelanch of the Brahuis, or krut of the Afghans, is
another preparation from milk (from ewes and she-goats), it
is made by boiling butter-milk until the original quantity is
reduced one half. The thickened fluid is then placed in a bag
of hair or wool and suffered to drain exposed to the solar heat.
When the draining ceases the mass in the bag is formed into
small dumps, which are dried into hardness in the sun. When
required for use, these dumps are pounded and placed in warm
water, where they are worked by the hands until dissolved.
The thickened fluid is then boiled with a share of roghan gin),
and provides a meal by having bread saturated m it, Was is
a favourite article of food in Afghanistan and Western P« m*.
The Afghan preparation excels the Brahui. It is a convenient
food for travellers, being easy of transport and readily served
Dr J E. T. Aitchison visited these regions in 18J0 and
has described - the so-called cheese of the count. 7 in some
detail. He defines it as dried oxygal or curd ^^^^
milk and gives the vernacular terms as karut, kurut, rmstwa,
l A Journey to Kalat, 1843, p. 436. Persia D. 112.
* Notes on Products of Western Afghanistan andN. B. Lersia,p.
64 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
mastawa. The curd is prepared by rendering buttermilk sour
by adding to it some karut, or the dregs of some stale butter-
milk ; it is then placed over the fire until half the liquid is
evaporated, and then strained or compressed by the hands, or
placed under a weight until the whole of the whey is pressed
out. In the Kuram Valley the curd is expressed by placing it
between two slabs of fresh bark from Deodar trees, with a large
stone on the top. The whey so removed is called ao-karut, and
the compressed curd, which is afterwards exposed to the heat
of the sun to be dried, is called karut. Dr Aitchison adds:
" It is usually to be seen in pieces of an irregular shape the
size of the fist, of a grey-brown colour, and of an apparently
sandy consistency, covered with finger marks, the impression
left on it in trying to squeeze out the last drops of whev ; in
consistency it is much harder than any ordinary cheese.
Among the nomads, and in all households where butter is made,
there karut is largely prepared, and by them traded with
throughout the whole country. It is excessively acid, and
tastes as if it were made of very acid vinegar. It is largely
used in the diet of the people. A piece of it is broken into a
basin of milk, and the milk is drunk when it has become sour,
which it does m a few minutes ; or a small piece is mixed in
water, and this acidulated water is drunk with the food:
most of the meat stews have karut thrown into them to aid in
sottemng the usually tough meat of these parts ; or it is eaten
as a condiment along with bread, as we do cheese anion the
very poor.
In the Baluchistan Gazetteer references are made to the
use ol tout as an article of food in the Quetta-Pishin and
upper Zhob districts, where it occurs as cakes made of boiled
whey to which salt has been added. An infusion of knit or
u!?/?*.^! 11 as *"*' 9hori t is sometimes pourr, I over
read to which boiling ghee is added. All Afghans have a
InT^T T^u' and the addition of this delicacy will
onfn?. a i ma T e adU ! t( ? eat as much as two P°»nds of bread at
the T,?L ? he Makra ? district shilan * h " the name given to
mTlk tnl" grated whey, and therefore contains soluble
milk sugar as weU as the casein or insoluble portion of the milk.
is nof mX SP °iw nt m Jhang ' Pun J ab > iis me that krut
Lont on fin" that Pr ° Vin T Ce ' and is onl y u ^d V travellers
SK ooirS J H ney ' Xt is raade in Baluchistan from the
cWel Til ' ^ al ?!f ' and 8hee P> but not from that of the
iab fs m.dp H? 1 ^ "r d ! )reparation of milk known in the Pun-
^^^t^«™Y^t?* curdy consistence; this
is
Kasl
ujars and Pat bans
of the Lolah ™Ii :~~VT , uiai ihe Uujars and Pathans
««M Lolab make a kind of cheese which they call milk bread.' '
' Lawren <*, Valley of Kashmir, 1895, 860.
Vol. VII, No. 3.J Some Asiatic Milk- Products. «>5
[N.S.]
Travellers in Tibet and Mongolia frequently speak of
chura or dried cheese prepared from yak's milk as ait article of
diet among the people. Mr. W. W. Rockhill refers to it in the
account of his interesting travels in 1891 and 1892, ' and distin-
guishes between chura (dried curd), ti (a mixture of butter,
sugar and chura), djo or tarak (sour milk) and pima (cream
cheese). It is therefore a preparation of casein similar to the
karut of Western Asia. Chura is also a substance of great
antiquity in Upper Asia, and Rockhill furnishes an interesting
extract from Rubruk a as showing that it was used by the
Mongols when the first account of them was written. " Resi-
duum lac quod remanet post butirum, permittunt acescere
quantum acrius fieri potest, et bulliunt illud, et coagulatur
bulliendo, et coagulum illud siccant ad solem, et efficitur durum
sicut scoria ferri, quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemen.
Tempore hyemali, quando deficit eis (Moal) lac, ponunt illud
acre coagulum , q uod ipsi vocant grice (griut aut grint), m
utre, et super infundunt aquam calidam,et concutiunt fortiter
donee illud resolvatur in aqua, que ex illo efficitur tota
acetosa, et illam aquam bibunt loco lactis." Here the coagu-
lum of acidulous whey is separated and dried in the sun.
The cakes are hard, they retain their virtues for long periods,
and when required for use they are placed in warm water
milk.
The sample of dried cheese found in the Lepcha's medicim
bag on the Nepal Frontier was a preparation of this *™ d - lfc
had the appearance and odour of cheese, but l* -""
cribed by experts as harder and drier than any
met with in Switzerland.
Submitted to analvsis it was found to have the compos,
tion of a dried skim cheese. No. 2 is the analysis of a sample
fromage
of karut kindlv
Museum.
Moisture
D
Fat
Casein
Sugar, etc.
Lactic acid
Ash
• •
Cumming, of the Quett
No. 1. No. 2.
9-0 8-8
30 71
74-4 58-0
7-0 8-7
traces 1*4
6-6 lfi'O
Nitrogen
Phosphoric anhydride
• •
1000 ioo-o
9-87 7-70
2-93 187
1 liockhill, Journey through Mongolia and Tibet, 1894, 176, 278.
2 Rubruk, Itinerarium (1253), 229.
66 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
The casein in No. 1 , calculated from the nitrogen , amounted
to 62-2 per cent. By adopting the method of Trillat and Santon
(Compt. rend. 1906, 143, 61-63) it rose to 80 per cent (with the
ash) agreeing with the above figures. No. 2 contains about
10 per cent of common salt. The phosphoric anhydride is
casein
The relation of this casein compound to the preparations
of curd made in this country from milk was considered worthy
of investigation. In Bengal there is a caste of Dahiyars or
las who keep cattle and sell milk. These curdmen li ve together
meats ft "h* ^ ^ "^ in the m »nufacture of sweet-
duri™ thpf f$ H ° U ^' a 8tor y written in Calcutta
Kl" 6 ? f ^ arr f Ha f" n ^ the au *»'or refers to •« one
rreatconsl.r sho P* *or selling curds, as a proof of their
ttSft ^ ValUC m the EaSt - At P** ent the
Western side of Bow-Bazar is occupied by the traders.
Inere are two dairy products referred to in Bengal as
curds, nam fiH r.hhnnn «„,! J„l: J- • , ,,. tu In Den K M as
cMawa and dahi, dozi or dadAi
m an
Ghhana is prepared as follows : Milk is placed
earthen vessel and put on the fire to boi Wl le sfin not a
b introduced into the milk. The vrhqa! i a «,«. j r__.
The vessel is then removed from
£A3
be found to have separated from the wh" 6 ° UM " CM <™° ""'
is churned St ^ J 7 ^l" S , m Mid to milk > a <id wheu this
knoZ ^ £, ^ *- g " e3 a " remoTed - what i8lefti8
thj
cost.
pared in e diffe a Z Ie ':,? £ ° hhana trom «» Caleutta market, pr,
results _ reat V, " age8 > were cammed with the follow!.,
following
Water
Fat
Casein
Milk sugar
Lactic acid
Ash
62 45
19-80
15-63
1 2 3
6276 57-95
18-78 2112
16-20 1843
•49 -63 -37
l '*l 166 1-25
100-00 loo-OO 100-00
Phosphoric anhydride 52
65 -57
rich ^tttTpletan't 'JKT** *"* ° m * oM
as mimVi n«L:^ * P ieas ant acidulous taste. T* .nnfo;.
casein
M taste. It contains twice
portion of fat. If demfLf T? ean crea «* and a lower pro-
pped ° f lts moi «ture, it would afford a
Vol. VII, No. 3.]
[N.S.]
Milk-Prod
67
residue containing half its weight of butter-fat— chhana
With
r karut.
following analyses represent the
composition of two Calcutta samples :
Water
Fat
Casein
Milk sugar
Lactic acid
Ash
1
90-92
2-06
2-78
318
•60
•46
2
89-58
2-40
315
3-70
•57
•60
100-00
100-00
Phosphoric anhydride
14
19
The alcohol and carbonic acid present were not estimated.
The liquid has the composition of butter-milk in which the
lactic fermentation had developed. When evaporated to
dryness it left a light brown acid cake having a pleasant taste.
It is probable that a liquid of the description of dahi, con-
taining less fat, is the mother substance from which the dned
karut and chura are prepared, by heating and removing the
casein
9
io # Plantarum Novarum in Herbario Horti Regii Calcut-
tensis Cognitarum Decas.
Auctore
W, W. Smith.
Oritrephes septentrionalis, W. W. Smith, Species
Anplectri pallentis, BL, facie, Ob stamina sequalia cum genere
Anplectr o non quadrat. Oritrephes pulchra, Ridley (Journ. Linn.
Soc. vol. 38, p. 309), hujus generis adhuc unica species cognita,
in Herbario Kewensi et in Herbario Calcuttensi deficitur; sed
ex descriptione hsec nova species ejusdem generis haberi potest,
et foliis omnino glabris minoribus, filamentis glabris, fructu
mi nor e distinguenda.
Frutex ramosus. Caulis juvenis teres, flexuosus, glaber, no-
dis paulum crassatis.
ellip-
tica vel laneeolata, caudato-acuminata ad 15 — 25 mm., 6 — 10cm.
longa, 1-5 — 3 cm. lata, basi cuneata vel subrotundata, margine
paululum incurva, undulata, remote serratulata vel in eodem
specimine subintegra, 5-nervia; duo marginales nervi obscu-
rissimi ; tres intermedii infra elevati, nervulis secundariis fere
horizontalibus, Paniculce axillares et terminates, foliis breviores r
graciles, patentes, glabrae, pauciflorae (1 — 5). pedicellis ± 1 cm.
longis erectis, bracteis minutis subulatis. Calyx 5 mm. longus,
2*5 mm. latus : cylindricus, glaber, leprosus, limbo brevi 4-lobo
undulato. Petala 4, obovata, obtusa, glabra, 6 mm. longa,
4 mm. lata. Stamina
8 mm.
longse, apices albidos versus attenuate, falcatae, poro terminali,
basibus perbreviter hastatae et eodem loco parvo circulari pro-
cessu dorsali onustse, filamentis 5 mm, longis glabris. Stylus
1 cm. longus, stigmate punctiforrai. Ovarium 4-loeulare, fere
ad basin tubi chartacei calycis liberum, vertice depresso-conca-
vum. Fructus baccatus, globoso-ovoideus, ad apicem const ric-
tus, 5 mm. diametiens, leprosus ; semina plurima, placentis
axillaribus suffulta, angulata, subcochleata, 1 mm. longa, ni-
tentia.
Burma superior :— In montibus kachinensibus, Shaik Mo
kirn ; prope Bhamo, ad 4000 ped. alt. Cubitt, 375 A. ; apud pagos
shanenses australes, MacGregor, 751. China : — in provincia
Yunnan, Henry, 11705 in Herb. Kew.
biltgulatus, W. W. Smith Species sectionis En-
?r liimalaicas congeneres Senecioni gracifloro, D.C. ,
70 Journal of ike Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
proxima ; foliis sessilibus auriculatis, floribus biligulatis distin-
guenda.
Caulis 60—90 cm. altus, erectus, flexuosus, simplex, stria-
tic minute fulvo-pubescens, infra mox glabrescens, inflores-
centia late corymbosa terminali. Folia caulina 5—8, superiora
7—12 cm. longa, 1-3 cm. lata, pinnatifida, runcinata, amplexi-
caulia magnis denticulatis auriculis, sessilia, lobo terminali sa>-
pius 8 cm. longo 2-5 cm. lato deltoideo-sagittato irregulariter
dentata, supra subscabride pubescentia, infra pubescentia; in-
enora simiha, sed frequenter interrupte-pinnata, 6-12 folio-
oir a: - f u ,la , m , dicalia esse P 088 ^ longe-petiolata,
ZZ J Tf h ^ d dl8 7 similia ' Cm *«*»* Permultfe. parvil
;° nd f, Oapjftrfum4mm.longu,„ f 4-5 Acres gerens,
mmlnni gU f > br \ ete ° l <* 5 ~7 virid^ apicibus nigris, -5
Sri ^LT UC !! VhyllaHa 5 ~ 8 ^eari-oblonea, obtusa,
ftS' t o m # rOS apiceS ™ h ^ntia, 3 mm. longa;
camnamZ a „ f ' 2 ~ 3 - de " tatae ' linea ™; floris tubularis pare
PaS un 1^ m iK- g , U8ta ? 8ub ^ ua ^- Stamina ecaudata.
Wribm «n ' albl i US ' dUpl ° l0n ^ 0r acheni ° an 2 uste ob.
wngo glabro, apice annulate
SiKKm PA ^„ : 7d Ue -, l0CiS W Sine altitudi «e, Scully, 140, 225;
ap™ as^aTntn P ^To ^^ et P ro P e viculum Kapoop et
427 r 4I2 ™™ ^ g T i 2 - 13000 P e d- alt. Smith, 4223, 4245,
ll-i3000 pecF T ^^ # SUb faucib » s Tanka-La dictis
num^Ki JL^ m r° '- T V 4703 ' in fmctU ; 8ine
herbario KewlT conse ^i ^ " herbari ° Calcutte ™ et
W. W
*an« Tex affiniTnT c ' • W ' Hmith - S P ecies sectionis
w-
ad basin
45—60
percursus, racemo terminali.
etiena
Caulis
longa, ad 4 cm lata nhi Q t. 1 mm *. alatus ; lamina ad 15 cm.
ta, sub obtusa "in^ra^ U r f m Peti ° lum 8ensim attenua "
7-8 cm. Iowa ^ ^f 01 *" . 6 -- 9 ' °blonga vel obovata
v«1««,f- -"li'J f 3cm - lata > r anus 12 cm.* fin™ «fc*««
12 cm. x 6 cm., obtusa
Wall..
aspec
ad
Capitulum z-3cm diarn^f u 8Ubulatis *— — ««*'
2-3subulatis, pLl ari r 2 V°^ 8tu ?' basi lata > bracteol
P y larus 12-16 lanceolatis vel lineari-lanceo-
Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantarum Novarum Decas. 71
[N.S.]
latis uniseriis ± 1 cm. longis acutis oarnosulis viridibus apice
villosulis. Ligulce 12—16, minores ab 1 cm., ad 4 mm. lata,
lanceolatse, Havse ; floris tubulosi 3 mm. longitudo. Anther m
ecaudatse. Achenium 5 mm. longum, 1-5 mm. latum, anguste
oblongum, infra subattenuatum, 5— 6-striatum, pappo perbrevi
1 mm. longo exiguo scabrido sordide albido.
Sikkim:— In montibus pluviosis Chola dictis; Too-Koo La,
Kingii mercenarius , 4324 ; apud Kapoop, in valle Dikchu,
prope hospitium Changu circ. 13000 ped. alt. Smith, 3414, 3516,
3748 ; ibidem Ribu et Rhomoo, 4380, maturo fructu.
w. w
va
ginatus, Kin
hycarpi
amplexicauli , W all. , separata caule velutino, capitulo augusto
paucifloro, pappo albido.
Planta herbacea, perennis, robusta, 60 — 90cm. alta. Cauli
erectus, superne late corymboso-ramosus, 1 — 2 cm. diametiens,
denso minuto velutino tomento indutus. Folia radicalia 1—3,
orbicularia, ita profunde cordata ut peltata videantur, 20—35
cm. diametientia, petiolo 40—50 cm. longo hand alato, subre-
gulariter denticuiata, denticulis indurato-muoronatis, supra
glabra, infra plus minus pubescentia nervis velutinjs. Folia
caulina 2—3, alternata, orbicularia vel late reniformia, 10—30
cm. diametientia, denticuiata ut radicalia ; vagina magna ve-
lutina, 6 — 10 cm. longa, multum dilatata, etiam usque ad 12 cm.
alata, nonnunquam suum folium excedens ; petiolus 2 — 4 cm.
longus, interdum brevissimus. Corymbi multi, late ramosi,
longe pedunculati, velutini. Capitulum angusta basi cunea-
tum, 1 cm longum 3 — 4 mm. latum, floribus plerumque
5_7. Bracteoe et bracteolce 3—5, subulate, 1—4 mm. longse
Phyllaria oblonga, subobtusa, rarius acuta, margine parum
scarioso. Ligulce plerumque tres, 10—15 mm. longse, lineares
breviter 3—4 denticulatse. Achenium 5—6 mm. longum , anguste
oblongum, pappo breviore primo albido deinde nonnunquam
rufescente.
Sikkim: — In regione pluviosa circ. 11 — 13000 ped. alt.,
apud hospitium Changu dictum, Smith, 3131,3401, 4292 et Ribu,
4556 ; apud castra Gnatong, Gammie, 1327 ; in faucibus
Patang-La dictis, Kingii mercenarius, 4410. Nomen specificum
datum in honore Georgii Kingii equitis qui primus indicavit
(in scheda speciminis manci sub nomine nudo 8. vaginatus
nomine praeterea pre-occupa to) speciem esse novam, habitu et
floribus ad Senecionem Mortoni, Clarke, spectantem sed foliia
longe diversam. Plantas cum fif. Mortoni nascentes in ilsdem
locis vidi.
72 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
Senecio Chola, W. W. Smith. Species Senecioni quin-
quelobo, Hook. f. et Thorns., proxima ; foliis 9 — lllobatis, inBores-
centia robusta, phyllariis obtusis, pappo rubescente ita differt
ut vix eadem haberi possit.
Caulis erectus, simplex, 80—100 cm. altus, glaber vel parce
albo-villosulus, racemo robusto ramoso terminali. Folia radi-
calia delapsa ; caulina 6—10, plerumque 8-12 cm. longa, 7 — 10
cm. lata, ovata, cordata, ad quintam partem 9—1 1-lobulat'a, inter
lobulos indurato-denticulata, carnosula, infra glauca, interdum
omnino glabra, interdum utrinque parce pilosula, 4 — 9 cm.
petiolata (plerumque 8 cm ), parvis auriculis orbicularibus vel
ovatis deciduis adpressis. Bacemus elongatus, parce araneoso-
pubescens, ramis robustis 4—7 capitula gerentibus. Capitula
mediocria 1—3 bracteolis instruct*. Phyllaria 5-6, oblonga,
obtusa, 5 mm. longa, glabra perlatis scariosis marginibus.
Flores in capitulo 4—6, omnes tubulosi ; floris pars campanulata
parti angustse subsequans. Achenium 2 mm. longum, angus-
tura, striatum ; pappus rubescens achenio multum longior.
Sikkim:— In valle Chaking Chu dicta in montibus plu-
viosis cholaensibus circ. 12—13000 ped. alt. Smith, 4134, Bibu
et Hhomoo. 4501. 4680.
Saussurearum
proposal, Mihi aliquatenus magistri sunt C. B. Clarkius et G.
Kmgiusqui multum laborem in tforo^fo indicia dederunt. Duo
cl. vin Saussuream (cui nunc nomen nimborum est— vide infra)
in affimtate S. piplatherce posuerunt ; Kingius S. fibrosam
iiovam speciem esse in scheda scripsit. De S. Pantlinqiana et S.
Laneana non dubitavi.
Saussurea fibrosa, King, MS. Forsan varietas bhuta-
d Z£ 'TTi^ 8amr ™ 8 ^hoo, Clarke; sed ita habitu
diversa ut cl. Kingms nomen S. fibrosam in scheda dederit. In
tur TZZTnt ^ Pla !l ta Pr ° prius S P ecies *■*"* i"S
emrata ^ ° mUltlS minoiibus agglomeratis capitulis
Fo/ia 8-12. omnia r»AiJ?™A J Cm *. atum mire °ontorta.
2
, -^c.cu^ud, d,a«j cm. petiolata, 8— 12 cm lontra
3 en, lata, angusteoblonga, , uncinato-pinnatifida, sTgmenUs
but ol ^^,1^^%^^ 9^^^ H.f. and T.
Clarke pointed out inC^lw /S S ' ^V^bus i 8 however as
regards' the leaves. I have ^olfe^'-f ^ ^"""Phio species, as
including the Chola Range but i n if/" VarioUS P arts of Sikki ™
Chu plant. The point? of dHT«« Zl *" f ° rmS a PP roach *"« Chaking
permit of its beingconspecific '" m "* °P inion to ° ™»J to
Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantar um Novarum Decas. 73
[N.S.]
mucronato-dentatis, supra scabride pubescentia, subtus albido-
tomentosa. Capitula 4 — 12, congesta, 5 — 15 mm. pedunculata,
iis magnitudine multum minora Saussurece Sughoo. Phyllaria
lanceolata, longe acuminata, basi ovata, subaraneosopilosa.
Receptaculi setae acheniislongiores. Antherarum caudae lanatae.
Achenium oblongum, lmm. longum, glabrum nee muricatum ;
pappi albidi series interior 1 cm. longa, plumosa; exterior multum
brevior, plumosa.
Bhotan: — Apud Kupchee, Dungboo, 2Q0.
Saussurea Pantlingiana, W. W. Smith. Species apud
Cor ymbif eras posita, Saussurece piptatherce, Edgew., affinis, sed
minor ; foliis loriformibus fere integris, laxo corymbo facile
distinguenda.
Planta perennis, pro sectione inter minores, radice fibrosis
foliorum reliquiis obtecta. Caulis 20—30 cm. alt us, infra simplex,
glaber, corymbo late-ramoso sed paucicephalo terminali. Folia
radicalia 0-6, in petiolum 2 — 3 cm. longum sensim attenuata,
5 — 10 cm. longa, 8 — 12 mm. lata, lineari-lanceolata, remotedenti-
culata vel subintegra, acuta, apiculata, supra glabra rugoso-
coriacea, infra dense niveo-tomentosa, costa lata straminea;
caulina 4 — 10, radicalibussubsimilia sed amplexicaulia, sessilia,
subdecurrentia, caule ideo internum sub-alato. Capitula 2 — 10
inter angustiora gracilliora, 2 cm. longa, 7 — 8 mm. lata, minute
pubescentia. Phyllaria ovato-lanceolata, acuminata. Becepta-
culi setae acheniis longiores. Antherarum caudae lanatae.
Achenium laeve, oblongum, paululum angulatum. Pappi series
interior plumosa, exterior brevior, parca, setosa.
Sikkjm : — In regione septentrionali prope viculum Tallum
Samdong dictum, et apud Yakthang, ad 12000 ped. alt. Prainii
mercenarius, 213, Ribu et Rhomoo, 2968. Nomen memoriae
Roberti Pantlingii Florae sikkimensis olim clan studentis.
Saussurea nimborum, W. W. Smith. Species apud
Corymbiferas posita, Saussurece Pantlingiance, W. W. Smith,
affinis ; eodem habitu et eodem capitulo sed minor ; paucis
eapitulis, foliis caulinis petiolatis grosse dentatis distincta.
Saussurea piptathera, Edgew., in " Compositis Indicis" a
CI. C. B. Clarkio in parte (speciminibus sikkimensibus) est
eadem. CI. Hookerius in FL Brit. Ind. Vol. Ill, p 372 sub
Saussurea piptathera, Edgew. , easpecimina evidenter noncitavit.
Saussurea piptathera ex Himalaya occidentali foliis sessilibus
auriculatis est sine dubio alia haud proxima species. S. Pant-
lingiana et S. nimborum sunt propinquae, intermediis tamen
omnino carentes.
74 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
Planta perennis, pro sectione inter minores, radice fibrosis
foliorum reliquiis obtecta, in forma normali 15 — 20 cm.
alta, frequenter nana, 1 — 2 cm. alta (specimina Hoo-
keriana in Herb. Calc), etiam acaulis et reducta ad unum
capitulum et 1 — 3 folia radic alia. Caulis simplex, striatum
parce furfuraceopubescens, 1 — 4 capitulis terminatus. Folia
radicalia 1 — 4. in petiolum 1 — 5 cm. longum attenuata, 2 — 9 cm.
longa, "5 — 3 cm. lata, elliptica vel oblanceolata, grossiusirregu-
lariter dentata, dentibus apiculatis, etiam sub runcinata,
acuta, apiculata, coriacea, supra minute scabrida, subtus
niveo-tomentosajCostastraminea; caulinaO — 4, radicalibus sub-
similia sed angustiora; superiora sessilia nee decurrentia.
Phyllaria ovatolanceolata, acuminata. Receptaculi setsB
acheniis longiores. Antherarum caudse lanato-lacerse. Achen-
ium laeve, oblongum, paululum angulatum, Pappi series
interior plumosa, exterior brevior, parca, setosa.
Sikkim:— ad 12—16000 ped alt. Hooker; in valle
Sebuad 11000 ped. alt. Gammie 1122; sub faucibus Jelep-La
dictis, Kingii mercenarius ; inter Than<?o vicu 1 im et Sit tone,
Pram.
Saussurea Laneana, W. W. Smith. Inter himalaicas
con^eneres species Senecionis Lappa. Clarke, vakle affinis sed
minor, foliis albo-tomentosis, caudis antherarum lanatis facile
distinguenda.
Planta perennis, robusta, radice crassa reliquiis vaginaruni
multis induta. Caulis 60—90 cm. altus, simplex, 5— 10 capitulis
aggregate terminatus, fulvo vel albido-araneoso-tomentosus,
plus minus bialatus. Folia radicalia 1 -3, 20- : cm. longa, 6—8
cm lata, insequaliter in 5—7 lobos triangulares runcinato-pin-
natifida petiolo 6-9 cm longo latissime alato (ad 7 mm) lobo
terminal! 5-7 cm. longo. subregularitertriangulari-denticulata,
denticulis apiculatis, supra sparse scabride puberula subtus
dense lanata ; caulina 7-9, radicalibus subsimilia, minora,
superiora sessiha. decurrentia. Gapitula foliis bracteata, perbre-
viter pedunculate (±5 mm.), robusta, 2 cm. longa, 1 cm. lata,
fere m globum congesta. Phyllaria permulta? pluriseriata,
elliptico-lanceolata elongate acuminata, tomentosa. in fructu
Rrr qU i m ! ub « Ub 1 ra P auci8 dorsalibus pilis, nigrescentia.
Receptaculi setae multae, lineares albid;,-, ad 7 mm longa?
aehenia conspicue excedentes. Antherarum caudle long*, lana-
nn J'TTJ- *™-, "**»• ««™tum, glabrum/apice
moso
cS Ph l P "2 7, CUl ??n^ ap00p » et a P ud Wbil et sub fau-
cibus Chola, ad 11-14000 ped. alt., Smith, 3920, 4130 4263
Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantar um Novarum Decas. 75
[N.S.]
Ribu et RJwmoo, 4549, sine numero, Kingii mercenarius. CI.
G. T. Lane curatoris Horti Botanici Regalis Calcuttensis honori
nomen specificum datum. Typi in Herbario Calcuttensi et in
Herbario Kewensi conservati.
Veratrum shanense, W. W. Smith. Species ad Veratrum
Maximowiczii , Baker, spectans, sed robustior; rachidibus sinu-
osis nee strictis, pedicellis quam floribus brevioribus, segmentis
perianthii ovatis obtusis distinguenda. Cum nullo Veratro in
Herbario Kewensi vel Herbario Calcuttensi congruit.
Radix ignota. Caulis erectus, (media pars cum inflores-
centia in scheda adest), ut videtur circiter 120 cm. altus, (inflo-
rescentia enim ad 45 cm. attinet), 10 — 12 mm. latus, robustus,
striatus, basin versus glabrescens, apicem versus apud inflores-
centiam flocculoso-puberulus. Folia intermedia (caetera desunt)
ad 50 cm. longa, 5 — 6cm. lata, angustelineari-lanceolata, utrin-
que attenuata, vix petiolata sed in vaginam amplexicaulem
contracta, utrinque glabra, nervis prominentibus. Panicula
ramosa, angusta, ad 45 cm. longa; racemi ad 10 cm. longi,sim-
plices vel iterum divisi, ± 20-flori, sinuoso-flexiles nee stricti,
iflocculoso-pubescentes, bracteis 1 — 3 cm. longis ovatis-acumi-
natis instructi . Bractece sub pedicellis + 5 mm. longae, ovatse
vel lanceolatse, cymbiformes. Pedicelli 3 — 4 mm. longi. Flores
polygami ; perianthii segmenta sex, fere libera, (viridula?) late
ovata, obtusa, basi breviter unguiculata, integra, patentia,
5 mm. longa, 4 mm. lata, 7-nervia. Stamina 2 mm. longa, ad
basin perianthii inserta, apice curvata, antheris reniformibus
transverse extrorsum dehiscentibus. Ovarium glabrum, carpellis
tribus tantum apice liberis et in stylos tres valde aduncos ex-
currentibus, seminibus immaturis planis disciformibus.
Burma : — In montibus apud pagos shanenses, MacGregor,
826. Altitudo ignota.
Intra regionem I ndo- Bur manic am Veratrum aliud adhuc
repertum non est.
II* A new Gentian and two new Swertias from the East
Himalaya.
By W. W. Smith,
The three new species described below were obtained while
on a tour in South-East Sikkim during July-August 1910,
under the auspices of the Botanical Survey of India. Plates
1 and 2 belong to this paper. Plate 1 represents Gentiana pluvi-
arum and Swertia Burkilliana ; plate 2 represents Swertia
ramosa.
Gentiana pluviarum, W. W. Smith. Inter Chondro-
phyllas ex affinitate Gentiance squarrosce, Ledeb
Planta annua, 2 — 4 cm. alta, omnino glabra, caulibus 1 — 40,
ssepius 8 — 10, gracilibus subdecumbentibus. Folia radical ia
4 — 6, rosulata, 5—6 mm. longa, 2 — 3 mm. lata, ovata, subacuta,
sub anthesin marcescentia (inter gramina celata), obscure 3-
nervia ; folia caulina 3 — 5 paria, 1 — I- 5 mm. longa, linearia,
recurvata, apice apiculata, breviter vaginato-eonnata, interno-
dis multum breviora. Flores solitarii , perrarius duo, terminates,
tetrameri, albi. Calyx tubulosus, quatuor-dentatus ; tubus us-
que ad 2 mm. longus, 1-5 mm. diametiens, teres ; dentes I mm.
longi, lineares, recurvati foliis persimiles. Corollce tubus
3 mm. longus, 1 mm. diametiens; lobi breves, quadrati. integri ;
plicarum lobuli lobis angustiores sed fere ;equi!ongi. Stamina
vix ad fauces pertinent. Ovarium ovoideum breviter stipita-
turn ; semina irregulariter elliptica.
Sikkim ; — In regione pluviosa orientali apud ovile Cham-
nago et apud hospitium Changu haud procul a faucibus Cho-la
dictis, circ. 12-13000 ped. aAt., Smith, 3527, 3662, 3907. Typi
in herbariis Horti Botanici Regal is Calcuttensis et Horti Bota-
nici Regalis Kewensis conservati.
Swertia ramosa, W. W. Smith. Inter Ophelias tetra-
meras; habitu nescio quo modo Swertiam bimaculatam. Hook. f.
et Thorns., in memoriam reducit; forsan ex affinitate Swertice
dilatatce, Clarke, melius posita est.
Herba robusta, subdiffusa, ad 15 cm. alta, glabra, inter-
dum ramosa.. ramis subdecumbentibus fere ex radice sat crassa
natis, interdum (rarius) singulo. Caules 1 — 4 subquadrangu-
laris, sub nodis alati. Folia radicalia mult a, 3 — 8 cm. longa >
78 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.
1 — 2 cm. lata, lanceolata vel oblanceolata, nonnunquam obo-
vata, in brevem petiolum sensim attenuata, obtusiuscula, sub
anthesin persistentia sed nigrescentia ; folia caulina opposita
nee connata, radicalibus similia, ad 5 cm. longa, 12 — 18 mm.
lata, 3 — 5-nervia, omnia ramos axilligerentia. Pedunculorum
longorum in apice /lores 3 — 5 nascentes formam umbellatam
simulant, vero unus terminalis et 2—4 ultimis foliis per paria
axillantes, etiam in medio ramo 2—4 positi, sat conspicui, testi-
bus incolis coerulei; marcescentes tantum vidi. Sepala quatuor,
late ovata, nonnunquam fere orbicularia, obtusa, 6—8 mm.
longa, 5 mm. lata, 5— 7-nervia. Petala paulum sepalis majora,
elliptica L unifoveolata ; foveola magna longefimbriata, 3quama
fimbriata obtecta. Ovarium maturescens ovoideum, 8 mm.
longum, stylo fere nullo, seminibus multis fere sphsericis.
Sikkim :— In montibus pluviosis apud hospitium Karpon-
ang dictum circ. 9000 alt., Smith, 3032.
Swertia Burkilliana, W. W. Smith. Inter Eu-Swertias
ponenda; Swertice Thomsoni, Clarke, proxima, sed floribus
minonbus tetrameris claro distincta.
Planta robusta, erecta, glabra. Radix perennis, lignosa,
10—12 cm. longa, 2—3 cm. diametiens. Caulis singulus, 30 cm.
altus, subquadrangularis , solidus, subflexuosus. Folia radicalia
4—6; lamina 7— 10 cm longa, 2 -2-5 cm. lata, petiolo 10—15
cm. longo, elhptica-spathulata, obtusa ; folia caulina 3—6 paria
quorum sub mflorescentiffi regione 1—2 paria posita, usque
ad > cm longa sed sarins 4-5 cm., usque ad 3 cm. lata, ses-
8 in a, io PtlCa Vel elli P tico -° va ta, obtusa, basi non connata,
n — 1 2-nervia. Flores permulti , pro sectione Euswertiarum m i no-
res, m cymisdensia paniculate, terminalibus et in foliis superio-
rs axillantibus compositi ; pedunculi ad 4 cm. longi, pedi-
£fi a T- 1- *\ gis ' in extremi « cymis flores 1—3 cllocati.
pZt *' ^gulari-lanceolata, 1-5-2 mm. longa, viridia.
MiJntJ a^ ,u n J ga ' 3 mm - 1 »*», oblonga, obtusa, late
diSnm "^f 6 ^ lda multi8 Hneis "bisque purpureis ;
S l ?H m enus ba91 « c ept» glandula magna bi-emarginata
brevL* Si 6 , ommno 1 tectum. Stamina petalis paulum
breve tk 1 T*! 18 petalorum more Gratis. Ovarium per-
o^oideus f a ^ ulam J 10 " 1 P ertinens ' stylo brevissimo ; fructus
mm lata ^ Cm - l0ngl i 8 - 8emina mat « ra 5 ™. l^ga, 3-4
Srrura< ea ia ' ***' * qUaliter ad l mm « <**»> ^^>-
JTO-SSs: Genti — d^^i^s"™
Jour. As Soc.Beng-.Vbl.VII, 1911
Plate
5*
Cv
V
A
i
/
/
/
v:
r ;
K
\
■t *
» V
f
I
I
II
2
1
T*X
*-
v •
V
D r awn by, A N . B anerf e e .
A Chcwdhary,":th
Swer aBurkilliana W.W. Smith, Figs I-III.
Gentiana pluviarum W.W.Smith. Flora TV- VT.
Joup.As, Soc.Beng-.' ol. VII, 1911
PI a 9 11
D
^awnby.AN.Banerjee.
. A-Chowdhary.i a-
,W. r1 ia rarr. V\TW S nith.
Vol. VII, No. 3,] A new Gentian and two new Swertias. 79
[NJ3.]
Restat ut meo amico I. H. Burkill qui harum specierum
affinitates mihi indicavit gratias iustissimas aaam.
Tabularum explicatis.
Tabula I : — 7 Swertice Burkilliance planta flos, ovarium,
figure i, ii, iii.
Gentiance pluviarum planta, et fructus cum calyce, et
corolla cum staminibus, figure iv, v, vi.
Tabula II : — Swertice ramosce planta et flos.
12. Swertias chinenses quatuor Novas t
ex herbario G. Bonati,
dcscripsit
I. H. BURKILL.
Swertia (Pleurogyne) Bonatiana. Planta annua, glabra,
ramosa, ad 15 cm. alta; rami ex tertio et superioribus inter-
nodiis quadrangulares, anguste quadri-alati, purpurei. Folia
lanceolata, sessilia, apice acuta vel acutiuscula, trinervia,
nervis lateralibus obscuris, majora ad 15 mm. longa et 5 mm.
lata. Flores numerosissimi, eonspicui; pedicelli ad 10 mm.
longi, angustissime quadri-alati. Sepala quinque, fere ad basin
libera, linearia, acutissima, ad 9 mm. longa, obscure trinervia,
parte connata ad 1 mm, longa. Petala fere libera, elliptico-
ovata, ad 14 mm. longa, ad 6 mm. lata, (teste Ducloux) alba
coeruleo-striata, ad basin ut videtur bifoveolata. Stamina ad
basin corollae affixa ; filamenta 5 mm. longa ; antherae dorsi-
fixae, 4 mm. longae ; pollen tetrahedroideo-globosum, laeve.
Ovarium 9 mm. longum ; stigma ad tertiam partem basin versus
descendens.
China Australis. In montibus provinciae Yunnan prope
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 526. Floret mense Decembri.
Swertia (Ophelia) Duclouxii. Planta 50—60 cm. alta,
erecta, annua, pyramidato-fastigiata, glabra. Caules quad-
rangulares, virides, anguste quadri-alati. Folia inferiora ad 30
mm. longa, late lanceolata, ad 6 mm. lata, superiora ovata
breviora, omnia acuta; nervus medialis conspicuus; nervi
laterales duo inconspicui. Flores numerosissimi, pentameri.
Calycis tubus 1 mm. longus, infundibuliformis, quinque- angu-
latus
ad
mm. lati. Corollce tubus *5 mm longus; lobi anguste ovati,
acutissimi, ad 10 mm. longi, 2*5 mm. lati, bifoveolati; foveolae
2 mm. longae, in parte inferiori poculam parvam formantes, et
in parte superiori ob membra nas laterales setigeras ex cornubus
poculae extensas canaliculatae. Stamina ad basin corollae lobo-
rum inserta ; filamenta 3 mm. longa; antherae 15 mm. longae,
dorsifixae ; pollen tetrahedroideo-globosum. Ovarium 7 mm.
longum : stylus perbrevis ; stigmatis lobi latiores quam longi-
ores. Semina subglobosa, 25 mm. diametro, subtuberculata.
China Australis. In montibus boream versus urbis
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 933. Floret mense Septembri.
82 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.]
Swertia (Ophelia) rosea. Planta annua, erecta, pyrami-
dalis, glabra. Gaulis quadrangularis, anguste quadri-alatus,
nigro-purpureus . Folia petiolata, elhptico-lanceolata, ad 20
mm. longa, ad 8 mm. lata, trinervia, acuta vel subacuminata ;
petiolus ad 4 mm. longus. Flores magni, 30 mm. diametro,
(teste Ducloux) rosei, pentameri. Sepala libera, linearta, acuta,
ad 11 mm. longa, 1*5 mm. lata. Corollce tubus 1 mm. longus;
lobi ovati, ad 18 mm. longi, 8 mm. lati, 5— 7-nerves, ad basin
bifoveolati; foveolse in parte inferiori poculif ormes , supra
ob membranas fimbrilliferas ex cornubus pocularum ad 2 mm.
extensas canaliculatse. Stamina ad basin loborum inserta;
fil amenta 6 mm. longa; antherae dorsifixse, 3 mm. longse; pollen
subellipsoideo-globosum. Ovarium ovoideum, 6 mm. longum,
stigma versus angustatum.
China Australis. In montibus Tching-chan dictis prope
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 323. Floret mense Novembri.
Swertia patens. Planta depressa, 1'orsan perennis, glabra.
Radix singula. Caules decumbentes, subquadrani;ulares, virides.
Foha lineari-oblanceolata, ad 45 mm. longa, 3 mm. lata,
crassiuscula. Flores conspicui, 4-meri. Sepala libera, ad 15
mm. longa, ex basi ovata 4 mm. lata in acumine lanciformi 6
mm. longo extensa. Corollce tubus 15 mm. longus: lobi
sepaks paullulo breviores, ovati, acuti, ad 13 mm. longi, 5 mm.
lati^ m parte inferiori bifoveolati ; foveolse conspicuissimse, in
parte inferiori 1 mm. longa poculif ormes , in parte superiori ad
^ mm. longa ob marginem pocula3 fimbrilligeram indusiatse.
btamina ad basin corollse loborum inserta : filamenta 7 mm.
longa; anther* 2 mm. longae, dorsifixse; pollen orbiculare.
Ovarium ovoia&nm crmVUfi'm ;« „+,.i„ i i
China
v^miN a australis. Ad Mou-tchou-ka in regione Kiao-kia
provmcise Yunnan, collegit Simeon Ten, 934. Floret mense
13* Descriptions of three new species of Alg« associated
with Indian Freshwater Polyzoa.
By Prof. Wm. West, with notes by N. Annandale, D.Sc.
[The algae described in this paper were taken in the Sur
Lake, near Puri in Orissa, in October 1908, and in Igatpuri Lake
in the Western Ghats, Bombay Presidency, in November 1909.
The specimens examined by Professor West were preserved in
formalin or spirit. — N. A.J
Tolypothbix lophopodellophila (W. West), fuscescens,
floccosa, trichomatibus pseudoramulisque dense intricatis ; eel-
lulis ssepe distinctis, interdum indistinctissimis, quadratis vel
aliquo modo longioribus quam latis ; vaginis amplis, subirre-
gularibus ad marginem; heterocystis 1 — 3 ad basin pseudora-
mulorum, oblongo-rotundatis, diametro l\ — 2-plo longioribus,
trichomatis diametro paulo crassioribus.
In stagnis cum Lophopodella carteri associata.
[This alga was found coating the stems of shrubs that grew
in the water at the edge of Igatpuri Lake. It formed irregular
w of a dark green colour. More or less distinct-
ly embedded in these masses were numerous colonies of the
polyzoon Lophopodella carteri (Hyatt), a species also found,
often gregariously, on the lower surface of stones in the same
lake. Those colonies, however, which were
masses
associ
alga were of unusually vigorous growth, occurred in unusually
large numbers in a comparatively small space, and did not
avoid the light as the species usually appears to do. — N. A.]
Dactylococcopsis pectin atbllophila (W. West), cellulis
anguste ellipticis, fusiformibus, vel interdum oblique sublanceo-
latis et subirregularibus, contentu cellularum pallide aeru-
gineis et homogeneis. Lat. cell. 3 — 55 fx ; long, cell. 8 — 13 p.
[The cells of this alga were found embedded in the com-
mon gelatinous investment of compound colonies of Pectinar
tella burmanica which encased the stems of reeds growing, in
very shallow water, in the middle of the Sur Lake near Puri*
In life they had a dark green colour. From the biological
point of view the main interest of the species lies in the ques-
tion raised by its occurrence in the gelatinous investing mem-
brane of a species of Pectinatella, one of the generic peculiari-
ties of which is the existence of an investment of the kind
common to several or many colonies. It has hitherto been
84 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 191 1.]
assumed that the investment was produced by the polyzoon,
but there seems to be no direct evidence that this is the
case, and the question naturally occurs, is not it rather pro-
duced by a symbiotic alga ? The polyzoon does not appear to
possess any special mechanism for its secretion, whereas algse
of the genus Dactylococcopsis are usually contained in a gela-
tinous mass. I am not aware that any such alga has been des-
cribed from the Palaearctic species of Pectinatella, but the fact
that in their case also the investment has a greenish colour
would suggest that one is associated with them.— N. A.]
Microcystis orissica (W. West) ; colonise s u bsph seric se ,
sordide olivaceae, 24— 40/* lat. ; interdum 48/i lat.; cellulis
subellipsoideis, serugineis, 08— 09 ,< lat., rarius 1*0 n lat.
Colonise cum Pectinatella burmanicd associatse.
[The colonies of this alga were found associated, perhaps
fortuitously, with the compound colonies of Pectinatella bur-
manica in the investment of which Dactylococcopsis pectina-
tellophila occurred, the locality being Sur Lake near Puri,
Orissa. — N. A.]
EXPLANATION OF PLATE III.
Figs. 1—5, Tolypothrix lophopodellophila , sp. nov
Fig. 6, Dactylococcopsis pectinalellophila , sp. nov.
Fitrs. 7 — 9 5 Microcystis orissica, sp. nov.
Jour, As. Soc.Beng-. Vol. VII ,1911.
Plate III.
8x 9 -f°
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I.
14. Note on Sterculia alata Roxb, var* irregularis, — a
remarkable instance of leaf variation*
By W. W. Smith.
In the Royal Botanic Garden, Sibpur, Calcutta, there is a
Sterculia alata which has attained the normal size of the species
in this area and which has been known for many years as
affording a very striking instance of leaf variation. The tree
measures at four feet from the base, just over five feet in cir-
cumference and is about 70 feet high. In growth it is not dis-
tinguishable from a typical tree of this species and is prob-
ably one of a batch of Sterculias planted out at the same
time, approximately 40 years ago, the majority of which form
an adjoining avenue. The flowers and fruits are quite normal
but, whereas the leaves of the ordinary Sterculia a?zia are
cordate, ovate, acute, with an entire or slightly undulating
margin, the leaves in this abnormal form present a great
variety of shapes and it is difficult to find any two alike. As
far as I am aware, the amount of irregularity is without
parallel. Crotons show variation on somewhat the same lines
but the remarkable feature here is the amount of variation in
the leaves of the single tree.
The leaves are palmi-nerved with normally 7 main veins
(more rarely 5-6) radiating from the apex of the petiole. Of
these the outer two are much weaker than the others. The
chief lines of variation are:
(1) Deep lobing.
(2) Excessive elongation of one lobe, generally that of
the central vein but not always so.
(3) Elongation of one lobe with contraction at its base
so as in some cases to leave only the midrib and
thus cut off a leaflet.
(4) Development of only one half of the leaf — on one
side of the midrib only.
(5) Variation in size.
Several of these variations may occur in one and the same
leaf. The accompanying illustration (plate 4) gives some idea
of the degree of variation. The local name for this tree is the
pagla gdchh or mad tree.
Some years ago experiments were made with a view to
finding out what percentage of the seeds of this tree produced
plants like the parent. The seeds of the first three fruit-bear-
* n g ysars were sown, with the result that 3 to 5 per cent, of
86 Journal of ike Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.]
the seedlings showed variation, and about 1 per cent, as great
a variation as the mother tree. During these three years the
percentage of abnormality apparently rose as noted by Lieut. -
Col. Prain to whom I am indebted for the information concern-
ing these experiments. In 1910 the trial of seeds was re-
peated; out of 100 planted, 91 germinated, and from these 89
healthy potplants were obtained. Of these only six show
variation, and of these only two very marked. This gives a
higher percentage than wa3 observed in the first fruit-years.
It is impossible to say from the young stages of the plant
how far the mature tree will continue, decrease or augment
these variations, and experiments on the young trees are being
proceeded with. One young tree planted out ten years ago is
growing well and promises to be as aberrant in foliage as the
original. As nothing has been published regarding this tree,
and as it is desirable that the abnormality should be on record,
1 nave written this preliminary note for the consideration of
the members of the Society.
-
3en
u C I .
Dp awn by, AN Qanerje
i.Chuwdhar
Ster( ilia, <al<at6t Roxb .var. irregularis.
AllreducedtcS 4fclis leaf of normal rec
\
15. A Visit to Kapala-Muchan.
By An and Koul.
During my last inspection tour towards Supayan, I paid a
a
place
Kapala-Muchan or Digom on 20th June, 1909. This is
Hindu pilgrimage situated in the south-western
corner of the Valley about 24 miles from Srinagar. There are
three springs here close to one another. At the main spring is
an old lifigam, rough and unhewn, and also some old sculptured
stone images said to have been unearthed from the adjacent
fields.
2. Recently the priests of this place, named Laksman
Bayu and Visna Bayu, while digging near the point
where the waters of the three springs meet, discovered a stone
with a Sanskrit inscription in Sarada character. As this is
only a fragment, the exact meaning of the inscription cannot
be made out.
g^sFrug^
? V
xllfwZWW- \ 35JT«ft
**
fWhife^fcro
8 V
* *T
*«Tf*jfiireT3fr5TTqf«f, cj^
^*TT^T*T
<*
WW
« I?
t »
....swifeTra \ 9rr»amr:
88 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [April, 1911.
It would seem that there was an ancient monument here
into which this stone, giving an account of the builder, had
been set up. There is at present no visible sign of any monu-
ment at this place, but if excavations are conducted some of its
relics might be unearthed.
The priests have since succeeded in unearthing another
fragment of the inscribed stone, and it is far more important
than the one previously found , inasmuch as it gives the date
th e monument in which the engraved stone had been erected.
This inscription, like that of the stone previously dis-
covered is in Sanskrit in the Sarada character and of the same
style and purport. I give below a hand copy of it :
*#•• (TOT 1TCJ%<T ^Tc?^| UT if *f
t(fl« flfa^Tfa ;ra
W3 (tr«?
a hl. t n IT % Y 7*? ° f u the Sanctit y of the 8 hnne that one is
cotl ?i!V f °V 8m8 i ere f B a Snake is of its old skin, and
scriblrf L Y l^u g th u at ., the monument, into which this in-
Pandi? nf fh % d been b . Ui,t 'J ^ been S iven * charity to a
VkI — ^"«*"^» era o*o, out presumably it is 1846 as
VfcaSLl be a , ottered figure before 846* At Resent the
rewTtn Tn T g - 1966 ' tt ^ evident that the monument
referred to m the inscription was built 120 years ago.
mention 'of rt?/ 1?°* J" ,° at ° f place to make here a brief
3 ^th s Vllr t lil gGnd r ! atmg to the P lace " The Mahatmy,
d snute as g to Z ?*% £** ° nCe Vi ?? u and Brahma had ,
uTi t w« a 2 r^ L°t S"" J™, J Uperi ° r fco the "*»• At
to decide^h a8 nrff ^ ,u 6y i hould £° ^ «va and ask him
When thev J™ T^c?* the ^ would abid * by his verdict.
them-- Visnu ™ 1 h T ° f h ^ ht light and * aid to
this lihgam and sCXreTf £ ^ ^J*' V ° U go above
returns first afJr fin^i terminates. Either of you who
than the other » Th. g ^° Ut the end of the lin g a ™ * greater
Brahma upwards but tL T^ ° Ut ' Vi ^ u inwards and
and othe Ather' and hSE* t 0ne W f nt dee P er and dee P ei
They then vTml^t^ *&* COU,d nofc »*>li the end.
y returned to SWa. Visnu acknowledged his failure,
Vol. VII, No. 4.] A Visit to Kapala-Muchan. 89
{N. 8.]
but Brahma, who then had live heads, told Siva falsely from
his fifth mouth that he had seen the end of the lingam.
Siva knew that what he had said was untrue ; so he, getting
enraged, cut off Brahma's fifth head for having told a lie,
and then dismissed them both saying that neither of them
was greater than the other. But the sin of cutting off the
head remained attached to Siva. In order to get rid of it, he
performed different pilgrimages, yet it did not leave him.
Afterwards he went to Kapala-Muchan, and lo ! here the sin left
him. Since then this pilgrimage is called Degrami (now short-
ened into Digom) or Kapala-Muchan, the former implying " the
village where afterwards Siva had to go " and the latter " the
place where the sin of cutting off the head went away," When
was
children
by their Sraddha being performed here.
4. A fair is annually held here in August on the 12th of
the bright fortnight of Sawan. Thousands of people collect
here that day, and those who have lost their children during the
past twelve months perform their Sraddha and give their
clothes, ornaments, etc., in charity . The priests keep a
number of young boys and girls here on the occasion, and
people make them wear the clothes, ornaments, etc. A boy is
made to wear a deceased boy's things, and a girl a deceased
girl's, and then the articles are given away as offerings in the
name of the deceased. It is also believed by the Hindus that
if a living creature is accidentally killed by any one and he
gives an image of it, made of gold or silver, in charity here,
he gets rid of that sin as Siva got of his, so at the annual
fair several people may be seen giving golden and silver
images of different creatures in charity.
i6, Methylamine Nitrite (Methylammonium Nitrite).
i
By Prafulla Chandra Ray and Jitbndra Nath Rakshit
(Preliminary note.)
When mercuric nitritie solution is treated with dilute
ammonia, a precipitate of dime re ur ammonium nitrite is
formed and ammonium nitrite remains in solution (Trans.,
Chem. Soc. 1902, Vol. 81, 644). Recently, a solution of mer-
curic nitrite was similarly treated with dilute methylamine.
The precipitate which was thus obtained proved on analysis to
be dimercurammonium nitrite, pure and simple. 1 The filtrate,
amounting to about 25 c.c, was distilled in a vacuum at tem-
peratures gradually raised from 45° — 50°. (Gf. decomposition
and sublimation of ammonium nitrite, Trans., Chem. Soc. 1909,
Vol. 95, 345).
In the earlier stages of the operation water distilled off
with minute bubbles of nitrogen; but later on the " click M
remained persistent and water alone was given off. When the
solution had attained the consistency of a thick syrup the
temperature was raised to 60°; minute bubbles once more began
to be evolved. This stage was maintained from 3 to 4 hours,
after which on removal of the distilling tube from the water-bath,
the liquid crystallised en masse. On heating the crystals to
-reo
i
5 rapid decomposition took place, the products being methyl
alcohol, water and nitrogen — the characteristic reaction
between a primary amine and nitrous acid. The crystals
which were of a pale yellow colour also copiously liberated
iodine from an acidified potassium iodide solution.
We are at present engaged in preparing the homologues of
the series by the above method and also by the double decom-
position between the corresponding methylamine halides and
silver nitrite. We hope to communicate the details of the
experiments at an early date. It may be added for the
present that by this latter method we have obtained a much
larger and purer yield of methylamine nitrite.
1 The following two equations evidently represent the two reac-
tions :
(1) 2Hg (N0 2 )a + 4 NH 4 OH=NHg 2 NO* + 3 NH 4 N0 2 + 4 H 2 0.
(2) 2Hg (NO a )* + 4NHs CH 3 OH=NHg 2 NO* + 3 NH 8 CH 3 NO a
+ CH 8 OH + 3H q O.
i7-
»
.
shirsha*
By B. A. Gupte.
M
In the Shiva-ratri-vrat-katha of the Linga-Puran, there is
a story about Shivaratra, the 14th or dark night of the month
of Magh. It runs : —
In the mountainous border-land of Pratyanta there lived
a hunter named Lubdhaka. He earned his livelihood by shikar.
On the day just named, he was arrested by his creditors and
confined in a Shiva's temple. There he saw the emblem of
Shiva and heard his name repeated by the devotees. * ■ Shiva/ '
" Shiva." he began repeating out of jest; the result was that
his sins began disappearing in proportion. In the afternoon
of the day, some of the worshippers subscribed a sum sufficient
to meet the demand of the creditor and released him. He
then went to the south to hunt Night overtook him, he had
no food ; that worked as a fast. He went to a tank and sat
on the branch of a tree of Bad (Mgle marmelos) sacred to
Shiva. In order to clear the vision, he plucked the leaves of
the tree and threw them down. They fell on Shiva that lay
hidden below. All these unconscious acts added to his credit.
At the end of the first quarter of the night, there came to the
tank a doe big with youngs* He aimed an arrow, she spoke
to him in human voice, promised to return after laying down
her foetus, and went away. Then came another doe in heat.
It was her breeding season. She spoke, she swore, she was
allowed to go. She was followed by a black buck in search of
her. The same thing happened. Lastly .came a doe with
young ones : she also was allowed to go. They all returned to
the hunter as promised. He was a changed man. He refused
to kill them. He and the antelope family were all taken to the
Nalcshatra-lok or heaven.
The story has been published in the Shivalila-mrita, but
there is no mention of the constellation. The following ex-
tracts from the text give the origin of the Mriga-nakshatra or
the fifth mansion of the Moon. (Fig. 4.) The meaning is :
" Oh Mriga, go to the position of a Nakshatra, with your
family, that constellation shall be named after you. The way
the two does went to heaven is still visible. There are two
bright stars near the constellation. They represent Lubdhak,
the hunter. Below these, there are three more bright stars.
They are called Mrig-shirsha, literally the head of an antelope.
In front of the constellation are two stars representing the
young ones, and a third one to mark the position of the doe.
94 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
This bright King of Antelopes still gloriously shines in the
sky."
Colebrook and Burgess say that Lubdhak or- Sirius is a
star m the belt of Orionis, but Bentley says that it is Tauri '
A. A. Macdonell 2 says that Sirius is Lubdhak. Sir Monier
Williams 3 also calls it Sirius, but adds another story. He savs
that while Brahma was pursuing his own daughter as an
antelope Shiva threw an arrow at him. It is seen in its head.
In the Puran under consideration, it is said that the first doe
was an apsara or celestial maiden. She loved a demon and wa.
cursed by Shiva that she would become a doe, and that her
lover would be turned into a black buck. In the Hindu Sid-
dhanta, Lubdhak is the Yog-tara of the constellation. In the
Ratna-mala this constellation is shaped like the head of an
antelope as its name indicates. (See fig. 4 )
In the Zodiac, the 9th mansion is Sagittarius shaped like a
hunting centaur^ (Fig. 1.) ] t is god Negal of the Assyrians.
Egyptian and Hindu astronomers give merely the bow as its
S. ' S t *,° th \ Greek8 -* (Figure 3 is however taken from
Brennand s Hindu Astronomy.)
T^ a L o bd u ak .l tand . 8 at 63 ° 0f lon gitude and 10° south latitude. 6
11 71- , 8t ° r ^ mentions that the hunter went to the
south after his release from the temple
CnJl ^ gifctarius \ the h , un ter of the Zodiac, Capricornus o.
Sfa MnT W ™.$ erhllVS , the antel °P e of the weste »i ancients.
St^jsf^^^ Capi — with M ~
ine to^f^f m 7 Vary> the con8tel lations may vary, accord-
huJer »nH °fi unar , man8ion8 » but the fact wmaiie that a
folklore m tHe Cele8tial ° rb are the ba9is of this
clearer? S ° f ^ ?? nSklit paS8a S e <l uoted bel ™ a » d the
Yulma ovM thin TU™^ by the hun ^r fell on Shiva's
orTvisiblf SnT™ c ^ ectu re that Mithun was the gupta
tLsiZof f' 7^ ° n ^ day> ^ me to examine
bull Taurus t.fn'f m ° re . carefu %' ^d I found that Shiva's
othe; T Th U ft & ^: a ;l n J^„ 0ne "** and P-vati's lion, Leo, on the
The interposition of the Cancer
counted for anrl o m alt. ^«*ucer remained to be ac-
' and a Marathl ver se suggested that they were the
I Sansknt-EngUsh Dictionary.
* Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Brennand's Hindu Agronomy, p. 42
Vol. VII, No. 4.] The constellation Mriga-shirsha. 95
[N.S.~\
yanas or attendant spirits of Shiva. Thus (1) Shiva, and (2)
Parvati as Gemini, (3) Taurus as his sacred bull Nandi, (4) Leo
asParvati's charger Lion, and (5) the group of stars called Cancer
as the ganas of Shiva with their ish or chief Ganesh complete
what is known as Shiva-Panchayatana— five in one (Fig. 5).
This, I believe, is a new idea not recorded before. I therefore
submit it to the Society for further investigation. If Sagit-
tarius is god Negal of the Assyrians, if Virgo is the Venus of
the Grsecians. if Lubdhak is a manifestation of Shiva of the
Hindus, there is reason to believe that Gemini or Mithun is the
eternal Yugma of Shiva, and that Taurus, Leo, and Cancer are
its concomitants. I reproduce the figures for ready reference
and for contemplation of the celestial origin of god Shiva.
(Fig. 6).
The southern border-land Pratyanta points to the equatoft
The confinement of the hunter means his disappearance below
the horizon, the intervening stars in the celestial orb between
Sirius and Gemini are possibly the bael leaves, and the way the
antelopes took is possibly the well-known milky way.
This is not a new way of thinking. E. W Maunder in his
" Astronomy without a Telescope " tells us at page 11, that
1 ■ In several cases there are groups of figures which form some-
thing like a connected story; Hercules and the Dragon, Perseus
and Andromeda are examples.''
The story of the hunter and the antelope with the con-
nected group of the Shiva's Panchayatana are but examples
of the same process when examined through Hindu spectacles.
Extracts from the Text.
II HT*lf facra *fanft ITzfM nwre fif II
ft
II e\&& *l*l cTT^imt fafatf flfq *rft»f II ^» n
II <TI*T f*f«* «f*W *WIift* a^J% || *^ ||
ii wivrwr fecrtf ma ga^T w*\ awFt 11
ii tome f ^^Tfir ^?^f srNanjwr ii m 8 II
96
►/ the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911 .
The following extract speaks for itself :
" The Vedas do not seem to inculcate this form of worship,
and the lingam is undoubtedly one of the most ancient idol
objects of homage adopted in India, subsequently to the ritual
of the Vedas.
The worship of Shiva seems to have come about the begin-
ning of the Christian era, from the basin of the Lower Indus.
through Rajputana, and to have displaced the nature worship
of the Vedas. 5
Cychpaed
India
Vol. VII, No. 4.]
[N.8.]
The Constellation Mriga-Sirsha
97
No. 2. Capricornus.
No. 1. Saggitarius
LEO.
SINGH
No. 5. Zodiac
No. 4. Mriga-Sirsha
GEMINI.
MITHUN.
TAURUS
Vrishabha
No. 3. Dhanu.
Xo. ♦». Shiva and Parvati
18. Father A. Monserrate's Description of Delhi (1581),
Firoz Shah's Tunnels.
By Rev. H. Hosten, S.J,
JNow that the coming Darbar turns all eyes wistfully towards
the old capital, special interest attaches to Father Anthony
Monserrate's (S.J.) description of the place, the earliest on
record by a European. Though the work from which I am
about to quote (Mongolicae Legationis Commentarius, MS.)
was completed only in January 1591 , and that under pathetic
circumstances, the writer being then in prison at Sena in
Arabia, his description of Delhi is in reality ten years older.
There can be no doubt that Monserrate recorded his impres-
sions of Delhi in 1581, * when he passed through it in the suite
of Akbar, then on his way to Kabul. In May 1582, Monserrate
left Fathpur Sikri for Goa never to return to Akbar's
Court.
[55a. 3] "From Matura we arrived in six days at Deli, a
most opulent and large city situated on the Jomanes. Here had
stood, from the time of the Christian Kings, the throne of the
Indian [Hindu] Kings; here sat, after them, the Patan Kings.
Here, too, it was that Emaum [Humayun], Zelaldin's [Jalal-
uddin Akbar's] father, who delighted to reside here, so long
as he lived, closed his days through an accident.* He lies
buried in a tomb of great size which his son Zelaldin con-
structed [556] amidst most beautiful gardens. Such was the
love and fidelity felt for him by one of his wives, the mother
of Mirsachim, the King of Chabul, against whom Zelaldin was
marching, that she built a house near the tomb and watched
over it during the remainder of her life. 3 Up to her death she
spent there her widowhood in prayers to God and alms-deeds
1 Akbar left Fathpur Sikri on a warlike expedition against his
brother Mirza Muhammad Hakim, King of K&bul, 'on the 6th before
the Ides of February 1581/ i.e. February 8.
2 " As his [Akbar's] father, whose name was Emaum, was walking
on the terrace of the palace, he bent, as people do, over the parapet,
leaning on a reed (arundini); his staff fell, and he was precipitated
headlong into the garden. To this awful and sudden fall he suc-
cumbed."— (Monserr. MS., fol. 226.)
3 Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, Description des Monuments de Delhi
en 1852, d'apres le texte Hindoustani, transl. by Garcin de Tassy,
Reprint, Imprimerie Jmperiale, 1861, Pt. II, Ch. 67, p 136, or Journ.
Asiat, 5e Serie, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 445. " La Begam Nabab Haji, veuve
de Humayun, fit entreprendre. en 973 de V hejire (1565 de J. C.), la
construction de ce tombeau, qui fat termine dans l'espace de seize ana,
100 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [April, 1911.
to the poor, five hundred of whom she used to feed- Example
worthy of a heroine, no doubt, had she been a Christian. 1
"The Agarenes [Muhammadans], as some one has aptly
written, are the apes of the Christians;* 2 indeed, in many
things they imitate Christian piety, without deserving the
reward of piety, for they stray from the true faith, [the true]
religion and [true] charity.
"The ornaments of Deli are its public edifices, the
citadel in particular, which was built by Eamaum, the wall
surrounding the city, and several temples [mosques ?] , especially
that which King Peruz [Firoz Shah, 1351— 1388] is said to have
made. It is a magnificent structure, built of white marble,
excellently polished. The mortar, which is dazzling white,
mixture
makes it shine
like a mirror. This mixture of milk and lime binds the parts
so firmly together as to prevent cracks, and, when polished, it
gives a most beautiful gloss. Peruz, a Patan by birth, was a
man much given to piety. All over his kingdom, at every
second mile, inns were built by his order; [near by] large
spreading trees (patulam arbor em) were planted for shade and
beauty; [56a] a well was dug where men and beasts could
slake their thirst, and a temple [mosque?] erected where
travellers might pray to God. On both sides of the roads,
wherever the land allowed it, were planted long avenues of
trees affording shade to the weary wayfarer. He bridged
torrents, rivers and ravines; levelled roads, and built cause-
ways of stone (lapides stravit) over marshy and boggy places ;
in a word he left nothing undone that tended to magnificence
and public comfort
"On a ridge (in saltu), about three miles from Deli, he
constructed a palace of wonderful size and beauty, and erected
on the terrace a massive marble pillar, all of one piece, thirty
feet high and about five feet thick. 8 Again, he tunnelled out
a subterranean passage about forty stadia in length , as far as
et qui lui couta quinze lakhs de roupies. Depuis lora il a servi de
sepulture aux membres de la maison royale do Timur." For a descrip-
tion of the mausoleum and garden, see ibid.
. « l . C1 J SaiyaD Ahmad Khan, cp. ciL y Vt. II, Ch. 64, or Jour. AsiaL,
5e Sene, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 431 : " Ce fut la B6eam Nabab Haji, veuve
de Humayun Padschah, qui fit batircecaravansSrail ['Arab Sara] aupre
du tombeau du Sultan Humayun, en V an 6 du regno d' Akbar, 968 de
I Mgire (1560 de J. C). Cet edifice servit k loger trois cents Arabes,
et ce fut amsi qu'on le nomma le caravanserail des Arabes ('Arab
i i * ^expression is strong, but the meaning is c*ear : there is a great
deal of natural piety outside the pale of revealed Religion.
* ihe golden , pillar is a single shaft of pale pinkish sand-stone,
feet 7 inches in length, of whieh the upper portion, 35 feet in length,
has received a very h.gh polish, while the remainder is left quite rough.
Its upper diameter is 25-3 inches, and its lower diameter 38-8 inches"
Of. Oev. Cttnntngham, Arch. Report, 1862 p 17
Vol. VII, No. 4.J Description of Delhi. 101
[N.S.]
old Deli, (where Christian Kings are believed to have lived).
This he did that he might, whenever he pleased, withdraw
from the affairs and cares of state, and repair alone and
without attendants to that pleasure-seat for the sake of dis-
traction. Man\
if they were
was
true and had been coupled with faith in Christ— would have
merited him for these benefits a place in heaven. With the
exception of the Mongol garrison, the town is inhabited by
rich and wealthy Brachmanas. Hence, the private buildings
add not a little to the splendour of the town. The country
abounds in stone and lime, [566] and the well-to-do build, not
low and tumble-down houses, but substantial, lofty, well-
adorned residences. Thanks to Emaum, who delighted in
fond of magnificent cities and broad roads,
the streets are large, contrary to the custom of the Agarenes,
and picturesque. The splendid avenues of trees in the middle
of the streets are an ornament in themselves, while their
leafy green sheds a pleasant shade around. It would be too
long to descant on the suburbs, which are many, or to enlarge
on the beauty of the gardens on both sides of the Jomanes,
which nearly fringes the town on the east. Suffice it to say
that under a benign sky they produce in abundance every
variety of crops and fruits. Indeed, the country round about
Deli is extremely rich and fertile. The ruins, towers, and
half-crumbling walls of old Deli still attest that it was once a
famous town ; it lies about thirty-two stadia from and some-
what to the west of the new city.
I need add little in comment. To residents in Delhi or
to those who have visited the place, the allusions are clear
enough. All will recognize in the marble pillar erected by
Firoz Shah the famous Asoka lat. We can only wonder why
Father Monserrate, generally so detailed in his descriptions,
should have made no allusion to the inscriptions. Not so
W. Finch, or rather Purchas, his editor.
It matters little if Monserrate'spet theory about Christian
Kings having once ruled at Delhi cannot be defended. The
general accuracy of his description of Firoz Shah's reign is amply
borne out by the Muhammadan historians, notably by the
Tahakdt-i-Akbari and Firishta. They mention among his works
of public utility: — "Five canals (band-i-jiu) , [Firishta says
TO"]; 4 Mosques [Firishta says "40"]; 30 Colleges; 20
Monasteries (khdnkdh) ; 100 Palaces (kushk) ; 200 Caravanserais
(rabdi) ; 300 Towns ; 5 Tanks {Muz) ; 5 Hospitals ; 100 Mausolea ;
10 Baths; 10 Monumental Pillars {mindra); 150 Wells; 100
Bridges; and gardens beyond number." Cf. Elliot, Hist of
India. IV, 18 n. 1.
9 5
t i r
E. Thomas writes : —
4 'One of the many deficiencies a modern mind detects
102 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
in the long list of buildings, canals, dams, bridges, and other
works enumerated by him, is the total omission of even the
name of a road. India's greatest want, and the deficiency of
which the Sultan had so signally experienced while personally
m command of retiring armies." (Cf. The Chron. of the Pathdn
Kings of
It should not surprise us, if some of the works executed
under Firdz Shah had been attributed by fulsome flatterers to
ater rulers, m particular to Akbar and Jahanglr. It has been
the casein so many other instances. At any rate, let it be
noted that Monserrate, who was Prince Murad's tutor, derived
mi, ^ ar hl , mself '. and ^om Abu-1 Fazl, his Persian tutor,
fjfu u S lnform . atl °? ^bout the earlier Muhammadan Kings,
UH ^ll 7ft 6S m 1581 ' aS a matter of certainty, that Firoz
h3?/r S ♦ C °u n uf y With road8 and venues. Among the
o L 3 rr. mUS • P K 0bably I ank that s P lendid avenu * ^om Delhi
^Z\^t,rT^ S ° mUCh admirati0n in ^ "*
evideMl^m? a n° int °l in ^ eretit in M °nserrate's account is,
betrav no TJl T° n -° 2? e tUnael instructed by Firoz. He
S out ?n TZ V^ mat u ter ' but took the trouble of
T°mS£ W ft ? J** lG ? gth ° f the tunneL lt was about
tsTor the nW ^ir bemg 606 feet 9 inche « English,
maps of the^llr °! *? JS™ 1 ' ^^ate's text and the
30 yeaTs later E w°?\ ^T™ to the tunnel is dated
describtL the Kn^i a' -T h ° Was in Delhi in 1611, after
through toree^V "?* u lt8 8t ° ne ™ar, " which passing
hav- n f a uhTto^ A 8, K ,S ^l than a11 twenty-four feet*
thus g ^ From °?he ^n ' ^V - half M ° 0ne over ifc " P r <** eds
ground to Mv Oa Z* T W . f\ d ^ be a - a / "Cer-
tainly Old Delhi y Dely Ca8tle ' he mea ns cer-
At this stage of my researches Mr F n
Mac lagan
Monu
were three tunnlTn" hX 1 ""? a'T 1 ^' 125 " 126 : "' Ther *
ladies of the SuCn'H W f^ 1 wide enou g h *° a »ow the
One commum'ated 11 with h^T' ^V" ™™y*™»-
another wif.h tu. vlZ^ - 2. r ver > and was five zarib Ions.
long.
Qilah
after another from CumnnTh , 4 P assa S e c <>nies immediately
1862-65, Vol I Simk f«?f {Ar i h ' 8urV ^ °f Ind ™ R «V<>rl
next, too, would be found Sffll P ' }?)' lt was ho P ed that the
— __^ound_mGeneral Cunningham's Arch^olo-
" *«•. u, ft . WmMi GlMgow> - m -__ _
IV.
<<
Vol. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. 103
[N.S.]
gical Reports; but, though both Mr. Maclagan and myself
examined independently every reference to Delhi in Mr. V. A.
Smith's General Index to Vols. I — XXIII, we failed to discover
it.
We were more successful in another direction. In Descrip-
tion des Monuments de Delhi en 1852, d' apres le texte Hindous-
tani de Saiyid Ahmad Khan, par M. Garcin de Tassy, Paris,
Imprimerie Imperiale, 1861, pt.I, p. 26, ' we have a much clearer
reference to the tunnels with sufficient proof that even as late
as 1852 the tradition concerning them was not yet extinct.
[Ch.] XIII. Kuschak of Firoz Schah, or Kotila of Firoz
Schah.
In the year 755 of the hegira (1354 A.D.), when it was
Firoz Schah's turn to reign, he had this castle (kuschak) erected
on the border of the river, 2 on the confines of the place called
Kddin y s and near to [attenant a) this kuschak, he built a town.
In this palace, they had made three subterranean passages
(conduits), so as to be able to ride out that way with the
women of the palace (afin de pouvoir sortir par la sur des mon-
tures avec les femmes du palais)* There was a passage of three
jarihf on the side of the river, another near the belvedere, 6
two cosses long, and a third on the side of Old Dehli, five
cosses in length. Now, it is evident that by Old Dehli we
must understand the castle and town of Raja Pithaura, for
the third passage is in that place, and very old people say that
he went as far as a marvellous place and a special basin
[tan k.]" 7
1 Reprinted from Journal Asiatique, 5e S6rie, Vol. XV (I860),
pp. 508—536; Vol. XVI (I860), pp. 190—254; 392—451 ; 52 1—543; Vol
XVII (1861), pp. 77— 97. Mr. J. P. Thompson, Divisional Judge, Delhi,
does not know of any edition of 1852. He writes to Mr. E_. D. Maclagan :
There are four editions of Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Awru-s-sariadid;
the 1st ed., which came out in 1847 ; a Newal Kishor ed.. of which
I do not know the date ; the very rare 1854 ed. ; and the Cawnpore ed.
of 1904 (Nami Press). Most of the copies of the ed. of 1854 were
destroyed in the Mutiny. That must have been the ed. used by Garcin
de Tassy. The 1904 ed.,.as the preface states, was intended to combine
the strong points of the eds. of 1847 and 1854, It came out six years
after the author's death. We may assume, therefore, that, where the
1904 ed. differs from that of 1847, it reproduces with verbal alterations
only theed. of 1854."
* [The next four references belong to the original here quoted. 1
Tartkh-i Firischta. [Cf. Elliot, Hist, of India, vi, 225.]
8 Tarikh-i Firo^ Schdhi and Shams-i Sirdj 'Aftf. [Cf. Klliot, Hist,
of India, III, IV, VIII.]
♦ Ayin Akbery. [I note that there is nothing corresponding to this
passage on Delhi in Gladwin's translation of the Ain Akbari. Vol. II,
pp. 104-105]
5 Land-measure varying according to localities. (Cf . Elliot, Glossary
of Indian terms. )
The Kushki Shikar, as will be seen further.
7 Thespecial basin of which there is question here must be the Hauz
' Alai or Hauz-i Khdss (special basin) described by Ahmad Khan, Pt. IT,
« .
104 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
Clearest of all is the text in the Ain, Colonel Jarrett's
■
translation, ii, 279. It brings us back much nearer to the
passage in Carr Stephen.
" Sultan Firoz (1351 — 88) gave his own name to a large
town which he founded, and by a cutting from the Jumna
brought its waters to flow hy. He likewise built another
palace at a distance of 3 kos from Firozabad, named Jahdn-
numd (the world- view). Three subterranean passages were
made wide enough to admit of his passing along in mounted
procession with the ladies of his harem; that towards the
river, 5 jaribs in length; the second towards the Jahdnnumd,
2 kos, and the third to Old Delhi, 3 kos. 1 '
We may remark at once that, according to the Ain, the
third tunnel to Old Delhi was only 3 kos long, whereas the
text of Ahmad Khan and Carr Stephen speaks of 5 kos. This
divergence may be due to a different reading in the work con-
sulted by Ahmad Khan. We note also that whereas, according
to the Am, the tunnel to the Jahdnnumd was 2 kos long, tin-
distance between Firozabad and the Jahdnnumd is said to have
been 3 kos in length.
The Jahdnnumd is identical with the Kushk-i Shikar.
"The same king {Firoz Schdh) had had another palace con-
structed at a distance of three cosses from the town of Firoza-
bad (of. Tdrikh-i Firischta) : besides the edifices of which we
have . spoken, and had given it the name of Jdhan Numd
(belvedere, literally, the world- viewing edifice). Between the
Kushak of Firoz Shah, and this palace, a subterranean passage,
two cosses in length, had been constructed. It is that way
that the king would go out in palanquin with the women of
the palace." Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, op. cit., Pt. I, Ch.
< h. 19, p. 9S; in Journ. Asiat. , 5e Serie, XVI, 397. Itis near Firoz Shah's
^T?/- " ^ nFirozSMh ' 8timeit hadbecomefilled with mud {FutuhdtFiroz
ScMht and Akhbdr Ulakhbar) and there was no water ; but this Sultan
had it completely cleaned about the year 755 of the hegira (1354 A.D.)
and ^ had all the parts repaired which had suffered (Futuhdt-i Firoz
bchah). Mr. J. P. Thompson writes concerning the above passage in
the text: 'The 1854 ed. of the Amnt-sannadld seems to differ from
f S *i r a< < l J *' ?' P\ 2 , 12 -1006 ed.. Pt. I, p. 85. In the description
of the Badi Manzil. which is, of course, the • endroit merveilleux ' of
farcin de Tassy, Sayyid Ahmad says: "It is said that Firoz Shah
made an underground passage (naqb) by which he used to go mounted
trom the fortress of Firozabad [i.e. the Kotla] vid this building to the
™p'?; a M -P? 18 1S tl T onl y »&*ence to tunnels in the 1847 ed.
The Badi Manzil , a popularly and, I imagine, correctly known as the
Mandate about here : one in
rughlaqabad ; the Bije Mandal, and the Sher Mandal, in the Purana
Qil a, where Humayun met his death. In the 1904 ed. occurs the
KSS5 £s ^ b y farcin de Tassy. Apparently, in 1847, Sayyid
£&2 ^ t ♦ n . ot . kno * °f the account in the Am i-Akbarl. The
original, car le troisieme conduit se trouvre en ce lieu ' is simply:
v^TSS! Jff ^ ™"> "I ^^ k ° hai '= h <*»™ the third tunnel is inthis
xery direction, wh.ch ,s not so definite as de Tassy's translation."
Vol. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. 105
[N.S.I
XIV, p. 29, or Journ. Asiat., 5 e Serie, XV, 535. There was
another Jahdnnumd in Tughlaqabad, but that is not the one
meant here. Cf. ibid., Pt. I, Ch. X, p. 22, or Journ. Asiat.,
ibid., p. 529.
From this it is clear that, whoever be the author of the
passage quoted by Carr Stephen, it is a correct interpretation
of either Saiyad Ahmad Khan or of the Am.
It is, certainly, interesting to note that in Carr Stephen's
time (1876) traces of the tunnel between Firozabad and the
Kushk-i Shikar were still visible. They are there still. "Within
a few yards on the north of Hindu Rao's house on the ridge,
is a deep hollow, and on its northern side there are two low
openings together forming one entrance, which seem to lead
into a tunnel. The people in the neighbourhood also point
out an air-shaft about 150 feet to the north? of the entrance. All
attempts to explore the tunnel have hitherto failed." ] Cf. op.
cit., p. 126. We may well ask whether any serious efforts had
been made, and by whom ?
Mr. E. D. Maclagan writes to me: " My brother, Col. R. S.
Maclagan, R. E., Superintending Engineer, P.W.D., Amballa,
says that a few years ago [in or about 1891] in a baoli (a well
with galleries round it) near Pir Ghail, the P.W.D. found a
passage about 6' x 2', which they cleared for a little distance in
the hot weather, till they came to a hedgehog and a snake.
They put off cleaning till the winter, and then went on for about
100', till they came out on the side of the hill (the Ridge). He
knows of nothing else corresponding to Firoz' passages ; but
he says that a considerable tunnel has been found running from
the Hammam in the Fort to the Shah Burj."
11 One * passage ' pointed out to me on the far side of
the ridge," says Mr. Thompson, " proved to be merely a
water-course, so far as I could see. What we want is a
passage leading in the opposite direction."
Father Monserrate and W^ Finch, as we have seen, are in
perfect agreement with the Am* Throughout Monserrate's
MS. there are many indications that Abu-1 Fazl and Mon-
serrate were writing their histories side by side. Abu-1 Fazl
1 There are also underground passages in the Kali Masjid or Kalan
Masjid of Delhi. Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, op. cit. y Pt. II, Ch. XXXV,
p. 44, or Journ. Asiat., 5e Serie, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 413.
2 The only difficulty I feel about Monserrate's description of Delhi
is that he places Firozabad at a distance of 3 miles from the Delhi of his
time, and that the tunnel to Rai Pithora was 40 stadia long, whereas the
distance between Delhi and Old Delhi was, as he remarks, about 32
stadia. My doubts may be merely due to my ignorance of the topo-
graphy of Delhi, old and new, and the extent of the town in 1581.
Compared with che length (3 kos or 5 kos elsewhere ?) ascribed to the
tunnel by the Am, Monserrate's measurements (40 st.) do not appear
excessive, especially if we suppose that they cover the distance from Old
Delhi to the Jalwnnumn bv wav of Firozahnd.
106 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
was frequently consulted. It was but natural. He was Mon-
serrate's Persian master. Whether Abu-1 Fazl has recorded in
the Am an engineering feat forgotten by former historians, or
copied some earlier author, I cannot say. I have searched in
History of
Historians. It is possible, though not
Elliot's translations are in many cases abstracts, the passages
I was looking for have been omitted. I feel confident, however,
that other texts must exist. 1 The boring of tunnels on so large
a scale and with such vast proportions must have created a
stir even in Firoz Shah's time. Was it not altogether
unprecedented ? It would be strange, therefore, if Firoz
Shah's own historians had left the event unrecorded. We
know how punctilious were the scribes of the Mogul Emperors.
Monserrate notes that every action, every order or prohibition
of Akbar's was instantly picked up by his secretaries, as if they
had feared that his words should fall to the ground and be
lost. (Cf. fol. 1116, 4.) This "superstitious" practice, he
suggests, they had inherited from the Medes and the Persians.
Daniel, Esdras and the Book of Esther show with what
religious care their historians chronicled every event. Doubt-
less, the same practice flourished under Firoz Shah.
I have taken much pains, though to no purpose, to discover
later allusions to the tunnels by European travellers. Hakluyt,
Purchas, Coverte, A. Sharpey, R. Rowles, R. Harcourt,
Methold, Hawkins, Coryate, Roe, Terry, Herbert, Mandelsloe,
Mannque, Fryer, Bernier, Thevenot, Ta vernier , Peter Van den
Broecke's travels, Van der Aa's collection, Van Twist, afford
no further clue.
The only objection which some of my friends have formu-
lated against the above quotations is that the tunnels may have
served the purpose of aqueducts. We know, for instance, that
the underground aqueduct of the Anlkpur tank, built by Anlk
Pul Tannor at Delhi, is large enough to allow of a man stand-
ing upright, 4 We read also that ir oz Shah connected the
Sarsuti River with the Salimah by running a tunnel into the hill
fn n!jhfA\ D l? ca ^u in ) ,is ne ^ edltlotl ol *«»•'* Handbook j Visitors
Cafr 2£„w ♦ l'i Thack | r ' ' 90tJ . P- 39, refera the text we quoted from
text 2SJ h *? T S :l S ' rdj ' a . hi8tori an of Firoz Shah', time. If the
fofalf S„wK * 6 ■ ( l uesfclon under debate would be settled once
writes Mr Th P assa »?' 8 not , in Elliot's extracts. " I have glanced,"
In findn; If P9 ° n ' '' th ™*8 h the Pe ™*n text of Shams-i-Siraj, and
m the chan^T « N °- f ^^ SO far as J have »*«. any reference
^ShilWv Barms Tarikh-i Firoz Shahl, which deal with
hut t hev do 5? teCt ^ ac u hieve ^nts in the early part of his reign;
them (Z tte Mm -?****% ^ Again ' Tail " u ^ does not menfc ' on
ion of Them ^ f ?"*t^"-? afar ** m " in Elliot )- There is no inen "
"o L expected ^;^ heF + l u Uhnt Firoz Sh5hI ' thou «h « was hardly
° ° e 2 e p Pe V ed > cons 'dermo: the nature of the work. ' '
Asi^l S" ^VoKKvi: ff^tf ' ^^ H ' CHap - IV; ° rJOUrn '
VoJ. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. m?
[N.S.]
of earth through the midst of which the Sarsuti was flowing. 1
These instances notwithstanding, the theory advanced by ray
friends cannot, in the light of the Am, be encouraged. Other
texts should be brought forward. We have none. Future
excavations may show that the Am is wrong; meanwhile, we
must be satisfied that it is correct.
Aqueducts terminate in tanks or wells, or connect rivers.
We have no allusions to the Delhi tunnels having had such
exits. Had they been aqueducts, the explanations of the Ain
could not have been entertained, as the matter was easy to
verify, at a time when the passages were in a much better state
of preservation than they are now. They were certainly not
used as aqueducts in Abu-1 Fazl's time, i.e. before 1596-1597,
when the Ain was completed, nor in Monserrate's time (1581)!
nor in the lifetime of Akbar (1542—1605), or else. Akbar's
favourite historian should have known. From Firoz Shah's
death (1388) to Akbar's birth, only 151 years had intervened.
This leaves scarcely time enough for a public fact attested by a
public monument to be lost sight of. Old men must have been
living in Akbar's time who had conversed with octogenarians
born under Firoz Shah's reign. Besides, even if oral tradition
could have become altered in so short a time, there were the
written records, daily read and daily consulted by Akbar's
secretaries and historians. At Akbar's death, the inventory of
his treasures shows that his library contained 24,000 volumes,
most of them ancient works, the whole being valued at
Rs. 6,463,731.*
Emperor, something will be
Is it too much to hope that, before the arrival of the King-
_ '" done to restore, or at least to
explore, these tunnels \ However great the difficulties may
have been to construct them,— and I am told that the nature
of the ground near Delhi must have made the work one
of exceptional difficulty— Firoz Shah overcame them. What
difficulty could there be to examine what purpose the tunnels
served ? We are told that they exist, and where they are.
What more can we wish ?
While
some further correspondence, which, though not affecting our
main argument, it will be useful to record.
1 Cf. Tdrikh-i Mubdrak-Shuhi in Elliot's Hist, of India, IV, p. 11.
2 Manrique, Itinerario Oriental, Roma, 1653. p. 417.
Maxdelsloe, Voyages and Travels into the East Indies, 2nd Ed
London, 1069, p. 37.
Van Twist : Generate Beschryvinghe van Indien in Tweede Deel van.
hct begin ende voortgangh der Vereenighde Nederl. Qeoctr. Oost. Indische
Compagnie, 1646.
De Laet, De Imperio Magni Mogolis, Lugd.-Batav., 1631. n 139
108 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.]
Mr- W. Kirkpatrick informs me that Miss Wagentrieber
wrote a pamphlet — now out of stock — stating that during the
mutiny at Delhi Simon Fraser escaped by hiding in a hollow
which had the reputation of being the entrance to a disused
tunnel.
Q
Society Rooms , has consulted, though in vain, the following
w
orks : _
1. Ain-i-Akbari , the text . and the translations by Gladwin,
Blochmann and Jarrett.
2. Akbar-nama> the text and translation by H. Beveridge.
3. Elliot's Hist of India, 8 vols. ; the portions containing
the reign of Firoz Shah, his public works, descriptions of Delhi,
Firozabad, Jahannuma, etc.
•/
4. Malfuzat-i Timuri; the portion given in Elliot's Hist.
5. Matla
in Elliot.
6. Muntakhabu-l Tawarikh of Badauni. accounts of Firoz
Shah.
7. Muntakhabu-l Lubdb of Kltafi Khan, id.
8. Tabaqat-i Akbari, id.
9. Tarikh-i Firishta, the text and translation by Dow,
especially the chapters devoted to Firoz Shah's reign, and the
descriptions of Delhi, Firozabad, etc.
10. Tarikh-i Firoz Shdhi of Barni and Sham 8 -i- Siraj, the
text throughout, and the portions in Elliot.
11. Tarikh-i Mubarak Shdhi of Yahya bin Ahmad, a rare
history of Firoz Shah and his successors, — the portions in
Elliot.
12. T uzak-i Babari , the portions in Elliot.
13. Zafar-nama of Yazdl : the chapter dealing with
Tinrar's conquest of India and the portions given in Elliot.
Finalh , Mr. J. P. Thompson completes his bibliographical
notes on Ahmad Khan's Asdru-s-sunddtd. " Chance has
thrown in my way a copy of the rare edition of 1854. It
has two title-pages, one in English, the other in Urdu. The
English title-page runs: < Asaroos-sunnadeed,. .composed by
Syud Ahmed Khan. . . .in the year A.D. 1852 Delhi, printed
at the Indian Standard Press, by William Demonte, 1854.'
The Urdu title-page shows that the Urdu lithographing was
done in the Royal Press in the Palace. It too bears date 1854.
It has Sayy id Ahmad Khan's seal on it, and the words: ';**
ri H hai .' The
*iiuu pur musannif let motor na ho, wah kitab chori ki hai.
inferences I drew formerly are, I find, correct."
I have also come across a reference to a second edition,
Lucknow, 1876.
19* Interaction of Hydrazine Sulphate
with Nitrites, and a new method for the determination of
"Nitritic" Nitrogen.
*
By Biman Behari Dey, M.Sc, and Hemendra Kumar
Sen, B.A.
Consequent upon the discovery of the unstable alkyJamine
nitrites (vide Trans. Chemical Society 1911) by Ray and Raks-
hit, we undertook the preparation, if possible, of the nitrites
of Hydrazine and Hydroxylamine which are strong bases.
The possibility of a hydrazine nitrite was further strengthened
by the existence of a dithionate of the same base which has
been described by Sabanieff (Journ. Chem. Soc. 1899, Ab-
stracts, Part II, page 364). Accordingly, we tried to prepare
the salt by a double decomposition between Barium-Nitrite
and Hydrazine Sulphate. On mixing the solutions of the two
substances there was immediate precipitation of Barium
Sulphate, with greater or less evolution of gas, according as
the reaction was carried out at the ordinary temperature of
the laboratory (32°C.) or at 0° by immersing in melting ice ;
the action in each case was, however, found to be progressive,
the evolution of gas being accelerated with the lapse of time.
The very slight evolution of gas at the lower temperatures,
together with the precipitation of Barium Sulphate, seemed to
point to the formation of Hydrazine Nitrite in solution in the
cold, which readily decomposes with the rise of temperature.
The isolation of the pure nitrite had therefore to be given up,
and our attention was directed to a systematic examination of
the gases evolved, hoping thereby to gain some information as
to the nature of the reactions occurring. It was at first sup-
posed that the nitrous acid liberated would act upon the
Hydrazine or amido-amine, in the same manner as it does with
ammonia or amines, the reaction proceeding according to the
following equation •
H.NH 2 + HO.NO - H.OH + N, + H,0.
NH, HO.NO OH N 2 HO
+ =| + +
NH 2 HO.NO OH N 2 H 2
It would appear from the above that the reaction would
be accompanied by the formation of hydrogen peroxide in
solution, and a regular search was therefore made for the
latter* On applying the ether-chromic acid and titanium solu-
110 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
tion tests, however, hydrogen peroxide was found to be absent.
The next step was to analyse the evolved gases collected in a
eudiometer placed over an inverted funnel remaining under
water in a beaker. The eudiometer was, to begin with, filled
with a solution of Barium nitrite, the beaker water having
some hydrazine sulphate dissolved in it. As the two solutions
came in contact with each other, there was a slow evolution of
gas observed, the evolution increasing with time. The gas was
allowed to collect over night. A rough analysis of the gas
next morning showed that it was a mixture consisting of
almost equal proportions of nitrogen and nitrous oxide. As
will be shown later, this proportion was a mere chance, and the
large volume of water over which it was collected dissolved
out a considerable amount of the soluble gas, namely nitrous
oxide. Starting with this preliminary observation, accurate
experiments were next made in the following way : A fairly
strong solution of barium- nit rite (the barium nitrite available
in the market being found rather impure, a pure solution ob-
tained by the interaction of Silver Nitrite and Barium Chloride
was used instead) was sucked into a Crum's Nitrometer over
Mercury
sulphate in excess
was introduced at the bottom. As soon as the hydrazine salt
came in contact with the nitrite solution , a steady evolution of
gas increasing in vigour with time, was noticed. To complete
the reaction quickly, the Nitrometer was vigorously shaken.
When there was no further evolution of gas , the Nitrometer was
inverted over a cylindrical jar full of water at the ordinary tem-
perature, and the volume immediately read off. Fresh water
was now introduced through the "*cup" of the Nitrometer
and vigorously shaken up until all the nitrous oxide was dis-
solved and the volume constant. On repeating the same
experiment, it was found that although the volume of nitrogen
was always constant for the same amount of Barium Nitrite
solution, the total volume of gas (N and NO) collected in
two different experiments were hardly coincident. The reason
wasnot far to seek ; for, as the dilution of the same quantity
ot Barium Nitrite solution inside the Nitrometer was varied, the
gas volume varied also, increasing with the concentration of the
Barium Nitrite and diminishing with the dilution. The diver-
gence between the total volumes of gas is thus obviously due
to the increased or diminished dissolution of the nitrous oxide
in the water employed to dissolve and wash down the Barium
Nitrite solution into the Nitrometer. In order, therefore, to
obtain the total volume of gas due to the reaction, the
solvent water must be reduced to a minimum ; indeed, it might
oe said that the theoretical amount of gas can onlv be obtained
Ltt t W ° sub8tan , ce * cou ^ be made to interact in the solid
sotntinn ,*% ? tual "P^'ent, by using a very concentrated
solution of Bar.um Nitrite and emploving the minimum quan-
Vol. VII, No 4.] Action of Hydrazine Sulphate & Nitrites. Ill
[N.S.]
tity of water to wash it down (about 2 c.c ), the maximum
amount of gas was obtained, and the proportion of nitrous
oxide to nitrogen was found to be no longer 1:1, but approxi-
mately 2 : 1 ; in fact, on the assumption that the deficit in the
amount of gas was due to nitrous oxide dissolved in the water
employed, and applying the usual corrections for the solubility
of nitrous oxide in water at the temperature of the experiment
(32°C), the proportion of N 2 : N 2 was found to be exactly 2:1.
The ordinary decomposition of the di-acid hydrazine
nitrite, excluding the hydrogen peroxide theory, would seem to
proceed along the following lines :
NH ; ON.OH N : N.OH
+ m> > I (hypothetical) im > N a + NO
NH 2 ON.OH N : N.OH
This equation, though quite analogous to the equation
representing the reaction between hydroxylamine and nitrous
N— OH
II
acid giving rise to hyponitrous acid N — OH, fails to explain
the gasometric relations between nitrous oxide and nitrogen
actually observed. The fact should not be lost sight of , that
the experiment was conducted with excess of the Hydrazine
salt, and consequently, the formation of the monacid hydrazine
nitrite is only too possible, which would decompose thus:
NH a
+ NO.OH = NH + N,0 + HO.
NH,
Taking the two equations together, we find that the pro-
portion of nitrous oxide to nitrogen actually observed, exactly
agrees with that demanded by the above equations conjointly.
As, according to the above equations, ammonia is one of the
products of reaction, it must have remained in solution as the
sulphate. That ammonia is really formed, was demonstrated
beyond doubt by treating the solution remaining after the
reaction, with caustic alkali, when a strong smell of ammonia
was perceived. As will be shown subsequently, the quanti-
tative determination of the ammonia formed is useless, in so far
as the determination of the ratio of the nitrogen evolved to the
total nitritic nitrogen of Barium nitrite, would be a better
evidence and check as to the reactions actually occurring. It
is important to note here, that the above statements have been
found to be true not only of Barium nitrite, but also of the
nitrites of the alkalis, the alkaline-earth metals, of those of the
heavy metals, etc., and in fact of nitrites in general. In sup-
port of what has preceded, the actual data of a few of the
numerous experiments done are given below:
112 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.
Experiment with Barium Nitrite Solution.
I. O'l c.c. of the stock Barium Nitrite solution gave
nitrogen = 3-2 c.c. at 30° C by the " Urea " method.
Therefore real $i nitritic" nitrogen = 1-6 c.c.
0*5 c.c. of the above solution diluted to 8 c.c. in the " Crum"
gave with solid excess of hydrazine sulphate 11*5 c.c. total gas,
and 53 c.c. nitrogen.
The solubility of nitrous oxide in 8 c.c. of water at 30* C
(temperature of the experiment) is given by the following
formula: C = 1305- 0453 t + -00068 t*= 1-305- -0453 x 30 +
•00068 x 900 = -55 nearly.
Hence for 8 c.c. dilution, solubility = 8 x "55 = 4'4 c.c.
Adding this to the 11*5 c.c. gas actually obtained, we have
total volume of mixed gas equal to 15*9 c.c. ; that required
according to the equations stated above is equal to 16'0 c.c.
The amount of "nitride" nitrogen in 0*5 c.c. of the Barium
nitrite solution, as found above, is equal to 8 c.c. The nitrogen
obtained in the present experiment by the action of hydrazine
sulphate upon the 0*5 c.c. Barium nitrite solution is equal to
5-3 c.c. The ratio of the latter nitrogen to the former is there-
fore equal to |^ = f, which is the ratio expected.
A better confirmation of th9 above equations cannot be
expected, and the quantitative estimation of ammonia has hence
been thought useless.
II. 0*5 c.c. of the same solution diluted to 5 c.c. gave
total volume of gas equal to 131 c.c. and nitrogen = 5 % 3 c.c.
Allowing for solubility by the above formula, S = 5 x # 55 = 2' 7 5 c.c.
Therefore total volume is equal to 13*1 4- 2*75= 15*85 c.c.
Theoretical volume = 16*0 c.c.
III. 05 c.c. diluted to 2 c.c. gave total volume of gas
equal to 147 c.c. and N = 5-3 c.c.
S = 2x-55 = 11 c.c.
Therefore total volume is equal to 147 + 1*1 = 15-8 c.c.
Theoretical volume equal to 16 c.c.
Experiment with solution of Potassium Nitrite.
I. 0-5 c.c. of the stock KN0 2 solution gave by the
"Urea" method N = 4-2 c.c. ;
Therefore real "nitritic " nitrogen = 21 c.c.
2-0 c.c. of the above stock solution, with solid excess of
hydrazine sulphate, diluted to 6-4 c.c. in the Nitrometer, gave
total gas equal to 131 c.c. and N = 565 c.c.
Allowing for solubility by the above formula, S = 6*4 x '55
3 # 52 c.c.
Therefore total volume = 131 + 3-52 = 16-62 c.c.
Theoretical volume = 16-8 c.c.
Vol. VII, No. 4.] Action of Hydrazine Sulphate <fc Nitrites. 113
[N.S.]
II. 2*0 c.c of the above stock solution of KN0 2 with
solid excess of hydrazine sulphate diluted to 4*8 c.c. gave total
gas equal to 14*4 c.c. and N = 5*6 c.c.
Allowing for the solubility, S = 4'8 x '55 = 264 c.c.
Therefore total volume equal to 17*04 c.c.
Theoretical volume equal to 16*8 c.c.
Nitrite
Since
water
the nitritic contents of convenient volumes of this solution were
very small, and the gas obtained also small, most of the nitrous
oxide being held in solution by the large amount of water used
in dissolving the salt.
2'0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the u Urea " method
N = 2"6 CO., therefore real N = 1'3 c.c.
80 c.c. of the above solution diluted to 10 c.c. in the
11 Crum " gave total volume of gas equal to 5*0 c.c.
and N = 345 c.c; S= 10 x -55 = 5-5 ; therefore total volume
5 + 55 = 10*5 c.c. Theoretical total volume = 104 c.c.
Experiment with tetra-methylammonium nitrite.
A pure sample of this substance prepared by the double
decomposition of silver nitrite and tetra-methylammonium
iodide was taken.
<< „„~„ »>
I. 2*0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the " urea
method N = 4-6 c.c, therefore real u nitritic " N = 2*3 c.c
4 c.c. of the above stock solution with solid excess of
hydrazine sulphate gave at a dilution of 6 c.c , total volume of
gas equal to 6-1 c.c and nitrogen = 31 c.c
Allowing for the solubility, S = 6 x '55 = 3*3 c.c.
Therefore total volume equal to 6*1 + 3*3 = 9-4 c.c.
Theoretical volume = 9-2 c.c
II. 4-0 c.c. of the stock solution at a dilution of 10 c.c
gave total gas equal to 40 c.c and N=3*l c.c.
Allowing for the solubility, S = *55 x 10 = 5-5 c.c
Therefore total volume is equal to 40 + 5-5 = 95 c.c.
Theoretical volume equal to 9-2 c.c.
Obviously the 10 c.c. of water was not saturated with
nitrous oxide, and the volume, therefore, a little in excess.
Experiment with benzylamine nitrite.
(Benzylamine nitrite has been isolated recently in this
laboratory by Ray and Dutt as beautiful pale yellow plates,
subliming in vacuo unchanged).
1-0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the f< urea " method
nitrogen = 2-0 c.c, therefore real N= 1 c.c
4-0 c.c of the above gave at a dilution of 8*0 cc inside
114 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [April, 1911.]
the ' £ Crum V with solid excess of hydrazine sulphate, total volume
of gas equal to 37 c.c. and N = 2 7 c.c. ; S = 8x -55 = 4-4 c.c.
Therefore total volume = 8-1 c.c. ; theoretical volume = 8*0 c.c.
The nitrites of ammonium, sodium, calcium, strontium, etc.,
behave analogously, and it is useless to multiply examples. It
is singular that amyl nitrite did not respond to the above
reaction, and in fact no gas was at all evolved. The reason
for it is evident Non-ionised nitrites cannot take part in the
reaction.
Estimation of Nitritic Nitrogen.
The most far-reaching result of the reactions indicated
above, is the very easy and convenient estimation of the nitritic
content of nitrites in general, as well as those of allied organic
bases, e.g., tetralkylammonium bases. On comparing the
figures above, it will be seen that in all cases, the volume of
nitrogen evolved is strictly 2 3rds of what is contained in the
amount of nitrite taken for experiment. It will not be useless
to repeat that this exactness of the volume of the residual gas,
namely nitrogen, confirms undoubtedly the two equations laid
down before. It can be claimed that the present method is at
least as convenient and as accurate as the "Urea" method,
and the operation requires not more than 15 minutes. Nearly
60 determinations of nitritic content have been made up to
date, and the two-thirds rule has been found to be unswervedly
correct. The following figures will justify this assertion :—
"Nitritic" nitrogen required bv the "Urea" method
given under " A ", and that by the hydrazine method, under
B
A. B.
1-35 4.35
8-7 8 . 7
8'7 ' 8-75
5-8 rvs
665 e-7
etc. e t c .
It is worth while to note, that in practice, three washings
with about 20 c.c. of water in each case, are quite sufficient
to dissolve the nitrous oxide, and the extremely slight sola-
Dinty of nitrouen hardly interferes with the result. We can
very
method, if not in preference to it"
We are at nrpa»nf Q«r»r.„^j :_.
"Urea"
the « Q 1 u i. ~"gc*g^ in investigating cne actions ui
me persulphates upon hydrazine and hydroxy lamine salts, and
hope to communicate the results in a short time.
T*»v t?u n ° n ' We be 8 t0 ex P re88 our thanks to Dr. P. C.
Wnl 1 encour 1 a f me nt, and for allowing U s to use some of
bis newly prepared Amine nitrites.
20. M Gaveta."
By William Irvine
In Father Ho3ten's article on " the Marsden MSS. in the
British Museum," Journal, A.S.B., Vol. VI, No. 8, 1910,
pp. 437 to 461, Mr. Philipps remarks (p. 445) that on the
documents we have sometimes the word Gaveta, and Father
Hosten's note (3) adds: "a drawer, in reference to the
'drawers in which the papers were kept." I think this
explanation can be made more definite by a reference to
p. vi in the Introduction to F. C. Danver's " Report on the
Portuguese Records , 1892." " The Gavetas Antigas (old
"drawers) is a miscellaneous collection of 195 bundles
** They were originally kept in 20 old drawers in the Archivo
" da Torre do Tombo." The documents in the Marsden MSS.
which are marked Gaveta possibly belonged originally to the
same collection as the Gavetas Antigas, now in Lisbon.
Another point in the article may be cleared up. On
p. 454 Mr. Beveridge, referring to a mention of Sir Thomas
Roe by Father Botelho, S.J., suggests that "it might hint
"to some MSS. of Roe which have disappeared." At Mr.
Beveridge's instance I consulted the Portuguese version (the
original text) and found the Father spoke there of " a
little book" and called it a " Commentario. " On submitting
the matter to Mr. W. Foster, he recognized at once that the
reference was to J. deLaet's " Commentarius," published
in 1631. The full title is " De Imperio Magni Mogolis, sive
" India Vera, Commentarius, e variis auctoribus congestus."
Leiden, Elzevir Press. 1631. Among the various authors used
(Preface, p. 4) was "Thomas Roeus, Eques."
21. Some Notes on Urdu Grammar*
By Lieut.-Colonel D. C. Phillott, F.A.S.B., Secretary,
Board of Examiners.
The following points of Urdu grammar appear to have
escaped the notice of grammarians :
1. The precative form of the Imperative (tyt?i&? kijiyega)
is both masculine and feminine.
2. While the verb lia> rahna suffixed to the Conjunctive
Participle of transitive or intransitive verbs, signifies ' to do after
effort or determination' (vide Hind. Man.), its future suffixed to
the root of an intransitive verb indicates indefinite time— " some
time or other." Fath ho-hi-kar rahegl i^*) / <^a j* <J* means
victory is certain," but fath ho-hi rahegl ^^A; ^ A **> J&
victory will be ours some time or other. ' '
3. The shortened form of the Conjunctive Participle
indicates haste. Thus in U^y* \ytf £ -LjJ ^«^*> u&j$3 ^3* ij
wuh kham (honk mujh se larne ko khara ho-gaya. the shortened
form thonk, indicates more haste than thonk-kar would.
The finite verb, too, after the shortened or hasty form,
must be compound, or intensive, or separated from the
participle by other words, as : Mainsalam kar champathuwa (but
not the simple verb, bhaga, (!fl# not) \y* ^$**> j£ f&* im° \ wuh
sir jhuka baith-gaya (not baitha), (1<J*j not) Uf a«H j fy+j** *j ;
wuh lathi le mere pichhe daura fjja <s*?4g *—jfe* 1 ij^^ *J ; not
wuh lathi le daura, though lathi le daur-gaya might be used. It
should be noticed that in the Imperative, the case is reversed,
as : Rotl kha a,o, and not kha a-ja,o ; if the final verb is to be
emphatic, you must say khdkar (jaldi) a-ja,o.
4. The repetition of an adjective is not merely intensive
as indicated in the grammars, thus cJ^Lr* if**** s^"^ thandi
thandi hawd y en does not mean " very cool breezes," but
" pleasantly cool breezes." Examples :
(a) Cji Hf**- cLfV? chhote chhote larke, " various, or many
small, or very small children " (according to the tone of voice) ;
here the repetition would usually indicate plurality only,
as also in uski chhotl chhotl ankhen hain, " it has small eyes ' '
(or very small eyes)
118 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.]
(b) u*^ lsj* i£j* hari hari ghas, "grass pleasantly green
all over, green everywhere"; lal lal chihra, "a face red all
over " (in a flattering sense or otherwise).
(c) &*d)d »jU 8)13 tarn taza dudh, "milk quite fresh, still
warm" (i.e. milk fresh from amongst fresh milk). Here, too,
the idea is * fresh for the time ' : vide (d).
trf*. \£ym Itfym SUkhfi
face (for the time) " : udas udas chihra, M a somewhat sad face
(for the time) ": if sulcha or udas were not repeated, the idea
would not be temporary sadness, but sadness either permanent
or lasting a long time.
( e ) ji/ o'i J £« *** sack sack bay an Jcaro } u tell the whole
truth and the truth only."
It will be seen that the repetition of the adjective before a
plural noun may be either intensive or simply plural, thus,
achche achche parhanewale = " many very good teachers M ; chhotl
ckhoil kitaben alag rakko, bari
means
small books apart together and all the big ones apart together."
Before a singular noun the repetition does not signify l very \
22. A Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects as spoken in the
Punjab Himalayas.
By Pandit TiKA. Ram JosHI, Author of a Grammar and
Dictionary of Kan&wari. Edited by H. A. Rose, C.S., Punjab.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
Reference may be made to the Supplements to the Punjabi
ionary, No. 1, by the Revd. T. Grahame Bailev. CMS.
published by this Society.
A
com
as
having said; jdia = having gone.
A, adv. Yes. (Also anhdn
A\ v. Is. As : Se keti a? Where
Abe, adv. Now, at this time.
Abkhora, n.m. (P. dbkhord.) A small deep pot with a rim.
Achhu or -a, adj. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Good, adv. Very well.
Adda, n.m. A wooden frame.
AM, n.f. (1) Moisture, wetness. (2) Half, -o-ad, m. The h.-ilt
(3) (H. ydd) Remembrance, -awni, v.t. ir. To remember.
-rakhni, v.t. re. To keep in memory.
Adhu or -a, adj. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Half, semi-
Adkan, n.m. Elbow.
/
Mid
Adr, n.m. (S. Adara.) Homage, respect.
/
/
pro
f. (S. Agni.) Fire. (Also dgi.)
Aga, n.m. Fore.
/
Agardan, n.m. A vessel for burning incense.
Aggal (S. Argala.) A wooden bolt for a gate or door. -n\i f v.L
re. To shut in.
Aggar, n.m. (S. Ageru, or Aguru.) A fragrant wood = (^4 g uilaria
agallocha).
Atje, adv. Before, a little before (this).
Agi, adv. (1) Some time ago ; (2) lately ; (3) fire.
Agjhara, jhara, n.m. A tinder-box.
120 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Agla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The former.
Agri, agre, adv. Before this, some time ago.
Ai, v. art., second person singular of Honu, to be. See U.
Tu gi nokhd michh : " Thou art a wonderful man."
Aimbu, n.m. A kind of deer, said to be like a mule, found on
the Shali hill in the Bhajji State.
Aimrai, n.f. The wild grape.
Ain, n.m. The flying-fox. (Also en, een.)
Ajn'i ad. Good ; -honi, to be good : Ain howi yam jetit uwi guwdn,
" Friend, it is well that you have come."
/. -i, pi. -e.
Ainshu, adv. This year.
Aiiithnu, v.i. re. To twist, to strut ;
Aiya, int. Oh, ah.
A'j. adv. To-day. Ajje, adv. Just to-day.
Ajku, adj. ; m. -a ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of to-day.
Akal, n.f. (P. aql.) Wisdom, sense, -bir, n.m. A medicine (Datis-
ca cannibima).
Akhar, n.m. (S. Akshara). Letters, characters (pi).
f. (S Akshin.) Eyes. {Dim. Akhti, pretty little eye).
Akhtai, n. pi. See Athkai.
strut ; /
A'], n.m. An esculent root, like the potato (kachalu).
Alakh-jagawna, v.i, re. To ask for alms.
Alti, n.f. A drink, -bharni, v.i. re. To drink.
Ama, n.f. (S. Amba.) Mother.
Amal, n.m. Intoxication.
Amb, n.m. (S. Amra.) Mango. (Also dmb).
Ambar, adv. Up. ; pre. above. (Also ambr.) S. Am vara, the
sky ; • u
Amine hari, n.f. A post held by the Kanwar, said to be
equivalent to Private Secy, (used in the Mandi State).
Amju, -a, m. ; -is, a ; pi. Sour, acid.
A'n, n.f. An oath, a curse.
Anchal, n.m. (S. Anchala, a cloth.) Corner of a doth or scarf.
Aiichla, n.m. Ribbon which is more than two fin era in breadth.
Afidgal, n.m. A wasp ; pi.
Andha, m. ; /. -i, ph 6 ; adj. Blind.
Anrllia = dhundh. n.f. Misrule; -mdehni 9 -hoijdni. v.i. re. & •*"•
To suffer from misrule or bad government.
Andhou, -a, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Unwashed, unclean.
Andi, n.f. See Anni.
Andr, ad. (H. andar.) Inside, -o da, adv. From inside.
Andrela, n.m. The auspicious time at which a bride enters hei
husband's home (Syn. wdsni).
Andro-da or -fa, adv. From the inside.
Andro-khe , adv. To the inside.
Androl, n.m. See Narol.
Angalu, v.i. re. To be entangled, to be embroiled : /. -u />(. •*.
Angant, ad. Innumerable, numerous. (Alike in all gender*.)
Vol. Vll, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 121
[N.S.]
Anguji, n.f. A linger.
Ani, n./. (1) An edge ; (2) a band of soldiers ; (3) a battle.
Afi-iii, adj. A little. -jya,.a<£ m. A small quantity.
Ani-rakhnu, v.t. re. To keep ready, -derm, v.t, re. To allow to
bring.
Xh), n.f. ; pi. -o. Sinews.
Arikar, n.m. Revenue in kind (used in the Mandi State),
inmuk, adj. Durable, imperishable (alike in all genders).
Annal, n.f. (S. Anjali.) The cavity formed by putting the
palms of the hands together.
/
Anri, «./. A small piece of land lei
Ant, n.m. pi. -o (S. Anta). End.
A'nt, n.f. pi. -o. Enmity, discord.
Anthi, v. Is. Ni-. Is not.
Anwala, n.m. (S. Amalaka.) Emblica myrabolan {Phylanthus
emblica). pi. -e.
Apnu, -a, pro. ; /. -i, pi. . e . One's own.
Appe, pro. See Appu. (Baghal,Kuniharand Naragarh.) Appe
kun ghar nd basdi, hordnu sikh dasdi. "The girl herself
doesn't live with her husband, but she gives hints to
others."
Appu, appi, pro. Myself, yourself, himself, herself.
A'r, n.m. (H. ydr.) A friend.
Ara, n.m. (1) A friend ; (2) a kind of long saw.
Ara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Aslant, crooked.
Arha, n.m. (S. Adhaka.) A grain measure equal to 4 pdthds.
f
/
/
adj
Jubbal.
Arie-kharie, adv. In trouble.
Arj, n.m. pi. -o (P. arz.) A request.
Arnu, v.i. re. To insist ; /. i. pi. -e.
Arshu, n.m. (H. drshi.) A looking-glass.
Aru, n.m. The hill apricot (pi. no singular).
Arusa, n.m. A medicinal plant.
Asau, v. Is, or are. (From the irreg. verb honu, to be.)
Ase, v. Art (2nd pers. sing. pres. of honu, to be).
Ase, pro. We (1st pers. pi. nominative).
Ase, pro. 1st per. pi. We. (From Punjabi, asl.)
A'sh, n.f. (S. Asha.) Hope.
Ashi, ad. 80; -wan, 80th.
Ashiya, n.m. (S. Ashiti = 80.) A fine of Rs. 80 in cash, paid
to a ruler at a ja>/rd.
fahu, n.m. (S. Ashru.) Tears. Share muin shdshu shdnwne
dye dshu. " Her mother-in-law died in June, she weeps for
her in July" (implying inconsistency). (Also dssu.)
Asklu, n.m. A pudding, made of rice-flour.
122 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L
Asra, n.m. (S. Ashraya.) Hope, -rakhna, v.t. re. To rely
on,
Astaj, n.m. (P. ustdd.) Clever man. (Also stdj.)
Asthan, n.m. (S. Sthana.) A place, especially of a deity.
Astmi, athen (S. Ashtami.) n.f. The eighth day of the bright
or dark half of a month.
Astii, n.m. pi. Human bones sent to the Ganges, after crema-
tion. (Also ful.)
Athkai, athke, n.m. pi. The forget-me-not. (The word is
only used as a plural and is also applied to the burrs which
get entangled in woollen clothes.
Athth, ad. (S. Ashta), 8.
Athwara, n.m. (S. Ashtavara, 8 days.) Daily begdr or corvee,
in which each pargana has to supply three coolies a day for
various duties to the State (Kuthar State) : lit. = 8 days' free
labour in the darbdr (Jubbal), In
/
Atkarki-jeola, n.m. A term for exceptionally inferior land, for
which cash payment was made. (Kullu, LyalTs Sett. Rep.,
1875.)
Atta, n.m. (H. did.) Flour.
/
/
Aunshu, adv. See Ainshu.
Aura, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. 1
unluckiness
(Also aura.)
Auth, n.f. The right of the youngest brother to an excess
share for his marriage expenses, if he be unmarried.
/
* JL
f. -i, pi. -e. (Also ciwnu.)
Kwuh, pro. I (1st pers. sing.) (Also Aw). It becomes muwen
with the past tense of a transitive verb. As : MuweH bob''
tu nd de, "I said, * you should not go.' "
Awn'i, -a, ad. m. ; f. -i. pi. -e. Somewhat empty, not quite full.
B
Baba, n.m. Father, progenitor.
Babru, n.m. A kind of cake (always used in the plural).
Bachar
/
Bachawnu, v.t. re. To save.
A curse, -dene, v.t. re. To curse.
Bachchha, n.m. (P. pddshdh.) A king, emperor.
Bacher, n.m. Storing curds and butter (instead of eating them)
in order to make clarified butter.
Bachno-de-annu, v.t. re. To conciliate, to compromise ; /. -i, pi- ■*•
Bachhawani, n.f. A subscription, -pdni, v.t. re. To subscribe.
Bachhawnu. v.t. re. Tn nnroorl nf u„ rt ,",f /„ Ur.A\
Vol. VII, No 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 12:i
[N.S.]
liachhawul, n.m. A broom, -deiw, v.i. re. To sweep.
Bachhanu,i;./. re. '««••***••— —
(2) To subscribe.
/
/
Badal, n.m. An answer, a reply, -dend, v.i. ir. To replv
Badam, n.m. pi. (H. bdddm.) Almonds.
Badar, n.m. A kinsman. -n«, v.i. re. To act like a kinsman.
Badaru, n.m. (1) A sept of Kanets. (2) A pargand in the Koti
State.
Badha, n.m. Enhancement, increase in taxes.
Badhawnu, v.t. re. (1) To extinguish, to put out; /. -i, pi. -e.
(2) To enlarge.
Badhi, n.m. f. -an. A carpenter.
Badhku or -a, ad. m. f. -i, pi. -e. Without limit.
Badhnu, v.t. re. To cut; /. -i, pi. -e.
Badli, n.f. (H. bddal.) Clouds. Hyun ghalald badlie. The
snow will melt with the clouds.
Badlu or -a, adj. m. Cloudy.
Badra, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Larger.
Badru or -a, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The eldest.
Badu, n.m. An enemy.
Baduk, n.f. (H. banduk.) A gun or rifle.
Bafar, adj. Spare.
Bdfta, n.m. (H.) Silken cloth.
Baga, n.m. A dress of honour, a robe.
Bagana, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Another's, of other person.
(Fr. H. bigdnd.)
Bagar, n.f. Forced labour, unpaid work, cx>rvee.
Bagaru at -i, n.m. A cooly, a porter.
Bagher, n.m. A boy, a child ; pi. -o.
Bagi, n.m. pi. Lawless, disloyal, -honu, v.i. ir. To be disloyal
Bagotii, n.m. Clothing, a dress.
Bagur, n.f. (S. Vayu.) Air, the wind.
Bagti, n.f. A small plot of land.
Bahar, adv. Out or outside.
Bahar, n.f. Enjoyment, pleasure; pi. o.
Bahat, ad. 62. -wan, 62nd.
Bahera, n.m. Terminalia belerica.
Bahkanu, v.i. re. (1) To become mad. (2) To stray.
/
/
, n.f. (S. Vayu.) (1) The wind. (2) Bile. (3) 22.
chhar, n.f. An unchaste woman.
Baih, ad. 22. -wan, 22nd.
j, n.f. (H. bydj, interest.) Interest.
Bai-lani-rato, v. To go by night.
Bail. n.m. An ox, a bull.
Baili, n.f. A small kind of adze.
124 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
/. Sister.
Baindke-honu, v.i. ir. To be out.
Bajiidku or -a, ad. m. ; /. -f, pi. -e. External, adv. Outside.
Bainsh, n.m., (S. Bansha.) (H. bans). A bamboo.
Bairi, n.m. (S. Vairi.) An enemy.
Baithnu, v.i. re. To sit down. (Also Bethnu).
Ba'j, n.m. Madness. -lagnd, v.i. re. To be mad.
Baja, n.m. (H.) A musical instrument. Music.
Bajantri, n.m. pi. Musicians. (Also Bajgairi, and Tnri.)
Bajar, n.m. (P. bazar.) Market, mart.
Bajaura, n.m. The wheel of a stone mill.
Bajawnu, v.i. re. (1) To cause to sound. (2) To beat, to hit.
Bajgajri, n.m. pi. See Bajantri.
Bajhaini, n.f. (H. bujhni.) A riddle, a puzzle, -bujni. v.i. re
To solve a riddle.
Bajj, n.f. An ulcer on the joints.
Bajnu, v.t. re. (H. bajdnd.) To sound (a musical instrument).
Bajuwa-hunda, ad m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Mad, insane.
Bajuwnu, v.i. re. To be mad or insane; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bajwi-janu, v.i. ir. To become mad ; /. -i, pi. -c.
Ba'k, n.f. (S. Vakya.) A speech, a sentence.
Ba'kh, n.f. Udder (of a cow).
Bakh, adj. Cut up. -karnu, v.t. re. To cut off.
Bakhal or bakkhal, n.f. Land which is not artificially irrigated.
Bakhar, ad. f. A buffalo, she-goat or cow, whose young is
more than 6 months old and whose milk has become thick.
Bakhat, n.m. (P. waqt.) Time, period.
Bakher, n.f. Scattering coins over a bridegroom.
Bakhera, n.m. (H.) A dispute, tumult, complication.
Bakheria, ad. m. One who disputes.
t
Bakher nu, v.t. re. To scatter.
Bakh-honu, v.i. ir. To be cut in
Bakhiya, n.m. Double sewing.
Bakhleli, or bakleli, n.f. Breakfast.
Bakhyain or pakyain, n.m. (S. Vyakhyuna.) A proverb, a
saying, folklore.
Bakilie, adv. As a messenger.
Bakilo, n.m. A messenger.
Baki-muwan (a phrase). A curse.
Baklu or -a. adj. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Thick.
Baknu, v.i. re. To stretch the mouth; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bakra, n.m. A he-goat; /. -i, a she-goat. pi. -e.
Bakratha, n.m. See kharcha.
Baktu, n.m.; f. -i, p L . e . A kid =chhelu and chhdi.
Ba'l, n.m. (H. bdl.) Hair.
Bal, 71 m. (S. Vala.) Strength, might, power.
Ba a shahtu lana, v.i. re. To be unhappy, to pine.
Ba ak, n.m. and /. (S. Valaka.) A babe or infant,
nalcha, n.m. A piece of rope to fasten the plough on its yoke.
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary oj the Pahari Dialects. 1l'
[N.8.]
Bald, n.m. (S. Barda.) Bullock, an ox. -jo?ne. v. To plough.
Balda, -u , ad. m. ; /. -i . pi. -e. Can. As : se dewi ni balda. "He
cannot go." Tu hi dewi balajld ? Ci Can you go ? " Hdmi ni
dewi haldi. " We cannot go." \
Baliclih, n.m. Income tax (used in the Mandi State).
Balnu, v. To be able.
Balnu, v.t. re. To burn, to kindle, to light
Balnu, v.i. re. To burn
Balri, n.f. The French bean.
Ba]tu, n.m. A small nose- ring.
Balu, n.m. (1) A nose-ring. (2) Sand.
Banian, n.m. Clothing, a dress. (Fr. bam mi, to wear].
Bamman or Baman. n.m. (S. Brahman*). The sacred cast* of
the Hindus.
Bam-nu, v.t. re. To wear, to put on ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Ban or b6n, n.m. A forest, a jungle. (S. Van a).
Ba'n, n.m. An oak tree, or oak wood.
Bana, n.m. (H. bannd.) Boundary.
Bana, n.m. A disguise.
Banai, n.m. A bear, especially the black bear.
Banakri. n.f. A kind of wild creeper bearing earring-like yellow-
ish flowers with broad leaves. (Also bndkri.)
Banar, n.m. The name of a deity, also called Mahasu.
Banasat, n.m. (S. Vanaspati, a tree in general.) A female
spirit which dwells in forests or high mountain slopes.
(attle are believed to be under her charge, and when they
are taken to graze in the forests, she is propitiated.
(Chamba).
Banawnu. v.t. re. (H. bandnd.) To make; /. -i, />/. -e.
Banbo.W. 92, -wan, 92nd.
Ban-bir , n.m. A tree spirit whose special influence is usually evil.
Hanchni, n.f. A reading, or recitation.
Banchnu. v.t. re. (H. bdnchnd.) To read.
Banda, n.m. (H. bdnti.) A share, a part.
Baft de, n.m. pi. Lichen, Aaron's beard.
Bandi, n.m. Prisoner, confinement.
Bandru. n.m. pi. (H. band.) The fastenings of a cloak.
Baftduwe, n.m. pi. Prisoners.
Bandar, n.m. pi. (S. Vanara.) Monkeys.
Baftdh-nu, v.t. re. (H. bdndhnd.) To bind up.
/
divide; /. -i. pi. -e.
/. -i, pi. -e. Crooked (also binr/u).
See
/
/
A speech.
Ban-in, tt.nt. An arm.
B^niya, n.m. (H. banid.) A banker or the 3rd caste of the
Hindus.
126 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Banjar, n.m. Uncultivated land, grazing ground.
Ba'njh, n.f. (S. Vandhya.) A childless woman, a barren cow.
Ban-lau, n.f. The Virginia creeper. (From ban, a forest, and
lau 9 a creeper.)
Ban-nu, v.t. re. To fold up, to bind; /. -i, pi. -e.
Banu a ki nahi, (phrase.) Whether agreeable or not.
Banrai, n.f. An oak forest.
Banslochan, n.m. (S. Vanshalochana.) A white substance,
found within the cylinder of the bamboo; a kind of manna
highly valued for its cooling and strengthening properties.
Baiishti, n.f. A medicinal drug.
Baiith, n.m. The servant of a chief's kitchen.
B&iithiya, ad.m. Handsome, pretty, n.m. A young man.
Bhohru i
m -mmw -w mr v* ww m mm
( Thind ghalo bdhthiyd, kdnjri ehheori age.
I The snow will melt with clouds, and gold melts
A couplet J with borax.
' So a handsome youth is melted by the harlots.
Ba'nu, v.t. re. (1) To strike, to hit. (2) To fire. (3) To
plough. /
/
/
A dwarf. [wind.
Baonal, %.w. A whirl-wind, -awna, v.i. ir. To blow, of a whirl-
Baori, n.f. (S. Vapi.) (H. bdoli.) A water pool.
Bapu, n.m. See Baba.
Bar, n.m. Fortification, a fence, -dena, v.i. ir. To enclose.
Mr n.f pi.. o. (1) A song. (Syn. har). (2) A day.
/
n. A kind of cake.
Barakhri, n.f. (H. bdrdkhari.) The alphabet.
Barat, n./. (1) A wedding procession. (2) Dunning, -i-bethna
v.i. re. To sit at one's door.
Barchha, n.m. ; pi. -e. A spear. /. -i. A small spear.
Bardhu, n.f. (1) Defeat. (2) Failure, -machni or -parni, v.i.
re. To be defeated, to fail.
Bardnu, v.i. re. To walk, to go on. (Bashahr.)
Barewe, n.m. A jack-'o-lantern, will-of-the-wisp.
Barf, n.f. See Hyun. -parni. To fall, of snow.
Bargat, n.f. (H. barakat.) Prosperity, a blessing.
Barge, n.m. Side, part. pi. -o.
Barho, n.m. A male spirit which causes sickness (Chamba).
Ban, n.f. A turn.
Bari-khe, adv. For the whole life.
Barkawnu, v.t. re. To beat, to hit, to strike: /. -i, pi. -e.
Barke, n.m. A guest, a person entitled to hospitality.
Barma, n.m. (H.) A gimlet.
Barne, n.f. A kind of fern.
Baro, n.m. Rations, provisions.
Baro, baru, n.m. Rations.
Vol
[N
»/
127
Baro, ad, 12; -wan, 12th.
Barto, n.m. A mudfi, or revenue-free grant (Mandi).
Barto-jeola, n.m. A free grant for service (Mandi).
Bar u, n.m. The name of a tune (rag) called barvva.
Barwe, n.m. pi. Cotton seed.
Bas, n.m. (S. Vasha.) Control.
Basna, n.f. (S. Vasana.) Fragrance, sweet smell.
Basat, n.f. A herd or a flock. (Also Basatri.)
Basera, n.m. A house or home.
Bashaftdar, n.f. (S. Vaishwanara.) Fire.
Basha, n.m. A small kind of hawk culled bahri in the plains.
Bas or bass, n.m. See Bashula.
Basetri, n.f. Cattle, quadrupeds.
/
Trust, faith, confidence.
Bashah,
Bashakh, n.m. (S. Vaishakha.) The first month of the Hindu
year, corresponding to April.
Bashana, n.f. A wish, desire, inclination (S. Vasana).
Bashafi-waii, n.m. A kind of swelling, a disease.
Basha'r, n.m. turmeric. See Bihan also.
Basharam, ad. (H. besharm.) Shameless. (Alike in all genders
and numbers.)
Bashatri, n.f. Trouble, hardship, difficulty, distress.
Bash-kaj. n.m. (S. Varshakala.) The monsoon, the rainy season.
Bashmati, n.f. One of the best kinds of rice.
Bashna, n.f. See Bashana.
Bashnu, n.m. A tenant, v.i. re. (1) To settle, to live, to lodge.
(2) To rain.
Bashnu, v.i. re. To warble.
Biishtala, n.m. The oracle delivered by the diwdH of a deity.
Bash tang, n.m. See Bishtang.
Bashula, n.m. An adze.
l Bashulnu, v.t. re. (1) To realize. (2) To settle, to restore order:
(2) An adze.
/■
Basnu, v.i. re. (See Bashnu).
Bass, n.f. (1) Smell, scent, Cri
Bast, n.f. (S. Vastu.) A thing
Basfc, n.m. (S. Vastu, the site of a habitation.) A stone brick
deposited in the foundation of a house and worshipped, and
called ckakka or bdstu.
Basta or -u. adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (1) Uncultivated. (2) n. Fallow.
Bastr, n.m. (S. Vastra.) Cloth, dress, clothing.
Bastu, n.m. (S. Vastu.) The deity of a house, the house deity.
(Also bdstu punish).
Basulnu, v.t. re. (1) To set right. (2) To realise; / -i, pi. -v.
Bat, n.f. (S. Varta.) A word, a thing, a matter, -lani, v.t. n
To converse.
Ba't or bat th, n.f. A path, way, road, -lani, v.i. re. To mak
a way. -haftdni, v.i. re. To travel.
128 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 191!.
Bataira, n.m. A stone vessel maker, one who works in stone.
Batali, ad. 42; -wan, 42nd.
Bater, n.m. (H.) A partridge.
Batetii, n.m. The little son of a Brahman.
Bathanu, v.t. re. To seat, to allow to sit down.
Batholi, n.f. Bread made of pot-herb flour.
Bathu, n.m. (S. Vastuka.) The pot-herh seed or plant; a kind
of vegetable.
Batna, n.m. A substance used for rubbing the pair before a
marriage.
Bati, n.t. (1) A small vessel of brass. (2) A weight of two sers.
(3) A wick.
/. -i, pi. e. (Also batna).
Batti, ad. 32; -wan, 32nd.
Batuwa, n.m. (H.) A small purse.
Batawnu, v.t. re. To let one know, -/. i. pi. -<f\
Batawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to knead.
Batri, n.f. A short cut. Lit. a little path.
Bau, n.m. Swimming, the act of swimming, -dene, v.i. ir. To
swim.
Bauiisu, n.m. A kind of loaf made with fat, and cooked in
steam (used in Balsan and Punar).
Bawan, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. Left. (S. vama.)
Bawna, n.m. See Baona.
Bawne, n.f. A kind of plant which bears blue Mowers.
/
/. See Baori.
Bayali, ad. 42; -wan, 42nd.
Bdar, n.m. A kinsman: kith or kin. -nn. v.i. re. To act like a
kinsman.
Bdhajwni, v.t. re. To extinguish.
Bebi, n.f. Sister. The vowel i is changed into e in the voca-
tive case as : Bebe tu kindi chdli '. " O sister, where
are you going to ?
1 1
Bedan, n.f. (S. Vedana.) An ache, a pain.
Bedi, n.f. (S. Vedi.) The ground on which is lighted the sacri-
ficial fire at weddings or other religious ceremonies.
Bedni, n.f. A pain.
Bednu, v.t. re. To call, to invite, to send for: /. -i, pi. -©■
Beduwnu, v.i. re. To be spoken, to be .ailed.
Bege, adj. m. or adv. Too much.
u, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Very much, too much, ixces-
sive.
Bei, n.f. (S. Vipadika.) A kibe. A sore or blister on the foot.
or empty-handed
Bejkhre, n.m. pi. Uglv or unclean feet.
Be'ka or -h, adj. m.; /. -i, pi -e. Empty, r . rf „„
B61 v ».«. (S. Vilwa.) The tree, or its fruii , called hd. (Affile
marmelos.)
Beora, n.m. (S. Vvavahara.) A matter, a subject.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahati Dialect*. \2\r
[X.S.]
Beora or -u 5 ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. (1) Reversed, upset, contrary.
(2) Left.
Be'r, n.f. Delay.
Ber, -o, pi. A village, a house or home.
Hera, n.m. A palace, especially the female apartments in a
chief's palace; pL -e.
Beri, n.f. (1) Iron fetters. (2) A boat.
Beri, n.f. See bdri.
Bes6, n.m. See Majnu.
Beta, n.m: (H.) A son. /. i. A girl or daughter; pi. -6. Sons.
Bethu, 7i. w. A low-caste farmer who works under a zaminddr.
Beth mi, v.i. re. (H. bait And.) To sit down.
Bglaiwnu, v.t. re. To clear off; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bhabar, //.//>. The scorpion plant, from which jute is obtained.
Bhabi, n.f. Brother's wife. Also bhdoj.
Bhadar, ad. m. (H. bahddur.) Gallant, brave.
Bhado, n.m. (S. Bhadrapada.) The 5th month of the Hindu
year, corresponding to August. (Also bhajjo.)
Bhadu, n.m. (H. bhaddu.) A white-metal ve-sel used for cook-
ing pulse.
Bhaer, n.m. Brother. /. -i, Sister ; m. -a, A ]>olite term of
address to anyone.
Bha'g, n.m. (S. Bhagya.) Luck, fate, fortune.
Bhag-khouwane, v.i. re. To be ill-fated, to be unlucky.
Bhagnu, v.i. re. To run away, to escape.
Bhahattar, ad. 72.
Bhai, n.m. (H. bh&i.) (S. bhr4tri.) A brother.
Bhainchal, n.m. (S. Bhumichalana.) An irthquake.
Rhains, n.f. (H.) (S. Mahishi.) A buffalo; m. -a, pi. -c.
Also mainsh.
Bhaish, n.m. (S. Abhyasa.) Practice.
Bhaishnu, v.i. re. To practise; /. i, pi. c.
Bhaithu, n.m. Au adopted brother. /. -an. An adopted
sister.
Bhajjo, n.m. See Bhado. -we, adv. In August.
Bhajnu, v.t. re. (H. bhajn/i.) To preserve, to keep in memory.
Bhajnu, v.t. re. To deny, to disagree, to refuse; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bhaji, n.f. Vegetable.
Bhala. or -u, ad. m. Good; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bhala, n.m. (H.) A spear; pi. e.
Bhalawa, n.m. (H. bhUdwd.) A medicinal tree, or fruit.
Bhalk, n.f. Morning, daybreak, -e. At daybreak.
Bhalla, n.m. A kind of cake, made of pulse flower; )>L -e.
Bhalli, n.f. A kind of food.
Bhalnu, v.i. re. To re< over from illne>s, to be restored to-
health.
Bhalnu. v.t. re. To keep in sight, to observe, to witness.
Bhalu, n.m. One who keeps anything in sight.
Bhalu, n.m. (See Banai.)
130 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Bha'n, n.m. Small coins.
Bhanda or -u, n.m. pi. -e. A brass, copper or iron vessel.
Bhande-babar-honi, v.i. ir. To be in menses.
/
/
/
Bhaiiji, n.f. Injury, -marni, v.i. re. To injure.
Bhanju or -a, n.m. sister's son; nephew. /. -i. Sister's daug
niece ; pi. -e.
Bhang, n.f. The hemp plant, or leaves, or smoking hemp.
Bhangolu, n.m. pi. Hemp-seed.
Bhiinoi, n.m. (H. bahnoi.) Sister's husband.
/
measure upon which was
cient unit of land (Kullu).
Bhara, n.m. (I) Hire, rent. (2) To give some corn to a calfless
cow or buffalo at milking.
Bhara, n.m. (S. Bhara = weight.) A load, luggage; pi. -e.
Bhara or -u, adj. m. ; /. i, pi. -e. Full, filled up.
Bhara, n.m. Fare, rent, -dena, v.i. ir. To pay the fare.
Bhari, ad. (H.) Heavy.
annas per rupee (Kullu)
Bharnu, v.t. re. (1) To pay. (2) To fill up.
Bhart, n.m. A kind of pulse, flat and black in colour.
Bharuwanu, v.i. re. To be filled; /. -i, pi. -6.
Bhash or bhakh, n.f. (S. Bhasha.) Language, a dialect. Pcr-
hdri bhdshbi jdnai. ? ' Do you know the Pahari language ?
Bhash, n.m. The lungs.
Bhasma, n.m. (S. bhasman.) Ashes.
Bhat, n.m. (S. Bhatta.) A term for a Brahman.
Bha't, n m. (S. Bhakta ) Boiled rice.
/
(Kullu)
/
regain one's caste; one's beiu^r out of caste by doing some-
thing wrong.
Bhatkanu, v.i. re. To stray, to wander; /. -i. pi. -<■•
Bhatte, n.m. pi. (H. bhatta.) Brinjals.
Bhatu, n.m. A Brahman's son whose duty it is to serve a chief
at the time of worship.
Bhau, n.m. A chief's son. A polite term used in addressing
any boy of good birth.
Bhaun, n.m. (S. Bhavana.) A temple.
Bhauii, n.m. A thought, a supposition. Mnebhau» se >"
dwnd, " I suppose he won't come.' '
Bhaw, n.m. (H. bhdw.) A rate.
Bhdar, n.m. A granary, a store-houst-.
Bhdari, n m. One in charge of Limarv. ■ store-keeper.
Bhed, n.m. f. -i, pi. -o. A sheen.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 131
[N.8.]
Bhekhal, n.m. A kind of plant with sharp thorns; pi. ■<>.
Bhet, n.m. (H.) A secret.
Bhet, n.f. (1) A present offered to a deity. (2) An offering.
(3) A benevolence made in cash by officials and by land-
holders in land to the Rana at the Diwali festival (Kut-
har). (4) An offering made on appointment to office by a
mahr (Bilaspur).
Bheta (see the preceding). A present made to a deity or ruler,
-deni or charni, v.i. ir. and re. To give or offer a
present.
Bhetnu, v.t. re.
/
Bhetu, n.m. (H.) One who knows secrets, -karna, v.t. ir. To
introduce, to acquaint.
Bhijnu, v.i. re. To be wet; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bhikh, n.f. (S. Bhiksha.) Alms, -deni v.i. ir. To give
alms.
Bhirnu, v.t. re. To fight, to struggle.
Bhit, n. f. (S. Bhitti.) A wall.
Bhithka or -u. ad. m /. -i, pi. -e. Inside, in.
Bhithla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -\.,pl. -e. Of the inside, inner.
Bhlaitha, n.m. The main beam of a roof.
Bhlekha, n.m. (H. bhulkdlekhd .) A mistake, an oversight.
Bhofar, n.m. Shoulder, pi. -o.
Bhog, n.m. (S.) An offer, -lana; v.i. re. To offer cooked food to
a deity.
Bhoglu, n.m. See Bihan.
Bho'j, n.m. (I) A feast. (2) Birch, -ru, n.m. Picnic. (3)
-pattar, n.m. Birch-bark.
Bhola or -u, adj. m. /. i, pi. -e. Simple-minded.
Bhonr or -a, n.m. (S. bhramara.) A black bee; /. -i,
pi. -e.
Bhoiiru, n.m. A song, a couplet : poetry, such as :
Kuje ru fulru
mano
11 The wild white rose is sucked by a black bee,
Roasted grain never grows, nor isadesired object gained."
Siti luindoli harno, bikro de mow,
Mdnu dekhe mukhte, terd latkd horo.
" Deer will walk, and peafowl too,
I've seen a good many men, but your gait is of another
kind.
Bhoiitha or -i, n. A sept of Kanets in Kaimli pargana and else-
where in these hills; pi. -e.
Bhoshe, n.m. pi. Roasted green wheat or gram.
Bhrungnu, v.i. re. To roar like a panther.
Bhryiirish, n.f. pi. -o. Eyebrows.
Bhu, n.m. (H. bhus.) Fodder.
132 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Bhubhal, n.m. A fire of hot ashes to fry potatoes in.
Bhubri, n.f. Mouth.
/, (S. Bhurai.) Earth, land. ~su, adj. A one-storeyed
house.
/
Bhukh, n.f. (S. Bubhuksha.) Hunger, appetite.
Bhukhie-raunu, v.i. ir. To remain hungry.
Bhul, n.f. (H.) A mistake, forgetfulness.
Bhulka, n.m. Vegetables, -ehannu, v.i. re. To cook vegetables.
Bhulnu, v.t. re. To forget; -/. i, pi. -e.
Bhunchu, ad. Sucked, or licked.
Bhuiidu, n.m. A fool, an ignorant man.
Bhu-ro-paral, ad. Good for nothing.
ni, n.f. Daybreak.
Bhyan-ni, n.f. Daybreak, -e. At daybreak.
Bhyansar, n.f. Morning, dawn, -i, adv. This morning.
Bhyass, n.m. (S. Abhyasa.) Practice, exercise.
Bhyasuwnu, v.i. re. To be accustomed, to be in practice; /. -i,
pi. -e.
/
(Also tong.)
f
9 >
Bi, ad. (S. Vinshati.) 20; -waft, 20th.
Bi, adv. Also, too. £e bi dwnd (hid. "He too was to come.
Bi, adv. (1) Also, even. Proverb:—
Take ri bi, " Of six pies,
Ghajqu ri bi. Yet beautiful."
(2) adv. As well as.
Biah, n.m. See Bya or By ah.
Bich, n.f. A crack, adj. Middle, n. Centre.
Bicha-bichi, adv. Through or hy the middle.
Hidana, n.m. Quinces.
Bidhni, v.i. re. To be extinguished.
Bidhnu, v.i. re To be extinguished.
Bigai, n.f. A tax levied per bighd (Kuthar).
Bighe, adv. In the fields.
Bihan, n.m. Coriandrura sativum. (Also bashdr.)
Bij, n.m. (S. Vija). (1) Seeds. (2) (S. vajra.) Thunderbolt.
^ -gajnu, v.i. re. To be no more.
" ri,w./. (S. Vijapura.) A kind of citron,
dn, n.f. A furrow left unsown in a field.
n.f. (S. Vidyut). Lightning.
/
/
B.kh, n.m. (S. Visha.) (1) Poison. (2) -ru or -ra, ad w.; /. -i
pi. -e. Difficult, dangerous (way).
Bikh, n.f. A step, a footstep, -deni, v.i. ir. To tread, to walk.
«i, n.f A hole, chasm, a crack, -parni, v.i. re. To crack
/
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. [33
[N.S.]
Bilkhnu, v.t. re. To scream, to cry.
Binayak, n.m. (S. Vinayaka.) The deity Ganesh.
Bifichi, n.f. A plant called gulmanhdi in Hindi.
Bifichu, n.m. (S. Vrishchika, H. bichchhu.) A scorpion.
Bifid, n.m. A handle of a sickle or a hoe. -lana, v.i. re. To fix
a handle.
Binda, n.m. A truss (of hay). Bindku.
Bifida, n.m.; pi. -e. A big grass bundle;/.-!. A small grass-
bundle. (Also puld and pidi.)
Bifid] u-tara, n.m. The morning star
Bingu. See Banga.
Bini, ad. (H. bind.) Without.
Bir, n.m. (S. Vira.) (1) A hero. (2) The deity Hanuman or
Bhairab. (Also used in compounds, e.g., Banbir, Lankrabir.)
, n.f. A green twig u
To brush the teeth.
•lani, v.i. ir.
Birie, n. A polite term used in addressing a maiden.
/
20
Bishka or -u, ad.m.\ /. -i. pi. -e. Empty, -hathe, adv. Empty-
handed; /. -i, pi. e.
Bish-tang, n.f. (1) The remuneration of a headman at the rate
of 6 pies per rupee of land revenue (Kuthar). (2) A
present to an officer in cash: (all the Simla Hill States).
-deni, v.i. ir. To give a present. (3) A bribe (also ko'r.)
Bishtx, n.m. (S. Vishuva.) (1) The moment of the sun's reach-
ing Aries. (2) A song sung by low-caste people in April.
Biu,ad. m. Good, -honu, v.i. ir. To be convalescent.
Biya or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Good. adv. Quite well.
Biye-re-muftde, ad. pi. Disciples of wise men.
Blaj, n.m. (S. Valiraja, the King Vali.) A night fair. (Also
barldj or brldj.)
Bla'k or biilak, n.m. A nose-ring.
Blair, n.m. A low caste (often called ' mate'). (Also halmaridi.)
Blawla, n.m. Condolence, -dena, v.t. ir. To condole.
Blel, n.f. Evening, eve.
Biiya, m. my; /. -e.
Boa, n.m. Flight.
Bobo, n.f. (I) A sister o
used in addressing a woman.
(2) A very polite term
Bodri, n.m. A kind of disease, chicken-pox. -nikalni, v.t. re.
To suffer from chicken-pox.
Boe, v.p.p. Passed away.
Bohit, ad. m. (H. bahut.) Much, abundant.
Bohu, n.f. (S. Vadhu.) Daughter-in-law.
Bojha, n.m. (H. bojh.) A load.
/
/
/
134 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911
136' 1, n.m. A high wooded place.
Bo'l, n.m. (1) A speech, a saying. (2) An oral agreement where-
by one's daughter is bethrothed to a boy ; in default the
sum of Rs. 20 is paid as damages.
B61, n.m. (1) A speech. (2) The term used for paying Rs. 20
to validate a betrothal .
Bolnu, v.t. re. To speak; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bon, n. f. See Baori.
Bon, n.m. See Ban.
Boii-nu, v.i. re. To flow.
Bonu, v.t. re. See Bijnu.
Bo'ti, n.f. See Bohu. '
Boti or botiya, n.m. ; /. -an. A cook.
Boti, n.f. A bit of flesh, -boti-karni, v.i. ir. To cut in pieces
Bou, n.f. (H. bahu, S. Badhu.) Daughter-in-law.
Boumen, v. pi. We will, or should, sow.
Bownu, v.i. re. To roll down, to flow; /. -i, pi. -e.
Bpari, n.m. (H. bydpdri.) A trader, a merchant.
Bra, n.m. A weight equal to 4 thdkris or 6 sers. The area*
sown with one drhd is reckoned equal to a bigha
(Jubbal.).
Braga, n.f. The wife of a bairagi.
Bragar, n.m. Ear-rings.
Bragi, n.m. Bairdgi f a Vaishnava.
Bragan, n.f. A lioness or tigress.
Bragg, n.m.; f. -an (S. Vyaghra.) A leopard or panther, -tu.
A leopard cub.
I, n.f. (S. Vidala.) A cat. (Also brqili) Dim. -tu or -ti. A
kitten .
Brass, n.m. The rhododendron.
Brat, n.f. (1) Dunning. (2) (H. bdrdt.) A wedding proces-
sion.
Brati-bethnu, v.i, re. To dun. (Also brdt-ldni.)
Bresht, n.m. (S. Vrihaspati.) Thursday.
Bthith, n.m. Flour of pot-herb grain.
Btholi, n.f. Bread made of pot-herb grain.
Buara or bwara, n.m. A helper; one who helps a fellow vil-
lager and gets food, but no cash, in return; pi Buare or
bware -lane, v.i. re. To engage helpers, -dewnu, v.i. re. To
go to help.
Buba, n.m. The husband of one's father's sister. /. -i, Father's
sister, pi. -e.
Buber-bhai, n.m. Father's sister's son.
Buda, n.m.; f. -i, pi -e. A bar.
Buddh, n.m. (S. Budha.) (1) Wednesday. (2) Wisdom.
Bug, n.m. A cover, especially for a gun, a pillow or bedding*
Bugcha or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi .£. A bundle.
fi uggl, n.f. Wrapping up the body in a sheet; -pani, ••*• re '
To wrap up one's body in a sheet.
Vol. VII. No. 5. | Dictionary of the Pahari Dialect*. 136
[N.S.]
Bujhnu,v.£. re. (H.bujhnd.) To understand, to know; . /-i,pZ.-e.
Bujhnwala, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. One who understands or knows.
Biilak, n.m. See Bla'k.
Bulanu, v.t. re. (H. buldnn.) To call, to invite.
Bunja, ad. 52.
Bun-nu, v.t. re. (H. bunna.) To weave; /. -i, pi. -c.
Bura or -u, ad;, m. ; /. -i, p/. -e. Bad, wicked, not good.
Bura-bhajana, v.i. re. To cease unhappiness.
Bura-lagna, v.i. re. To be unhappy, -manna, v. i. re. To be
displeased.
Buri-ghalni, v.t. re. To harass, to put to trouble, to plague
Buri-honi, v.i. ir. To be in trouble
Buri-lagni, v.i. re. To pine in love, to feel unpleasant.
Bwa'l, n.ni. (H. ubdl, S. Udgara.) (1) Overflowing. (2) Heat.
Bwal-ianu or dewnu, v.i. re. To overflow.
Bwalnu, v.t. re. (H. ubalnd.) To boil.
Bwara, n.m., pi. -e. See Buara.
Bya, n.m. (S. Vivaha.) Marriage. (Also by ah. -ahunda, adj.
m. ; /. i, hundi ; pi. -ehunde. Married.
Byaij, n.m. (H. bydj.) Interest.
Byali, n.f. Dinner, -channi, v.i. re. To cook the dinner, -e,
adv. In the evening. Bydle re pahre dyd Ludro — \ Sliib came
in the evening.'
Byalke-bakte, adv. In the evening time.
/
/
/
I'yafthdd, n.m. A tax levied at a chief's wedding and on his
children's marriages. (Also Byaol or Byaoji.)
Byaol or byaoli, n.f. See Byanhda.
Byashi, ad. 82; -wan, 82nd.
Byo'], n.m. A kind of tree, the leaves of which are given to
cattle as fodder.
/
(2) n.m.
Detailed account. (3) ad. contrary, left (beord).
C
Cha'b, n.m. A food made of rice and sugar.
Chabhoknu, vd. re. To dip.
Chabnu, v.t. re. To chew; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chabtitra, n.m. A raised bank or terrace, open or covered.
Chiibutra-wazir or Shri-wazir, n.m. The prime-minister, the
chief minister. (The former form was used in Kullu and
the latter in Bashahr.)
Chacha, n.m. Uncle. /. -i, Au
Chachenu, v.i. re. To cry or sc
Chadar, n.m. A sheet of cloth.
/
■
136 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Chadr, •*./. A scarf. (H. chaddar.)
Chaer, n.f. See Char.
Chaetu or chaethu or -a, ad. m.\ f -i, pL -e. (1) Desirable.
(2) Easy.
/. -i, pi. -e. Thin, straight.
Chagarnu, v.t. re. See Chagrnu.
Chagrnu or chagarnu, v.t. re. To know, to come to know, to
/
/
-nu. v.t. re. To wish.
/
Chair, n.m. The true or Golden Pheasant.
Chajara or -u., ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. e. Good, fine.
Cha'k, n.m, (1) An ornament. (2) A miller's wheel.
Chaka. n.m. Service in cantonments. (Obs., Kullii.)
Chakar, n.m. (H). A servant; /. -i. Service.
Chakchuiijri, n.f. A squirrel.
Chake, n.m. pi. Roofing slates; -a, sing.
Chake-bethnu, v.t. re. To realize a fine by sitting at one's door.
Chakhauni, n.f. A taste.
Chakhnu, v.t. re. (H. chakhnd.) To taste.
Chaki, n.f. (H. chakki.) A handmill.
Chakka, n.m. See Bast.
Chakkar, n.m. (H.) Circle, round, -lanu, or -denu, or -bahnu;
v.i. re. To turn round.
Chaknu
/
/. -i, pi. -e. A round
Chako'r, n.m. See Chakru.
/
Chakri, n.f. Service, -karni, v.t. ir. To serve.
Chakru, n.m. The chikor (also chakor).
Chaku, n.m. (H. chakku.) A knife.
Cha'l, n.f. (H.) (1) Gait. (2) A custom.
Chala, n.m. Shaking, -hona, v.i. ir. To be shaken.
Ohalana-deria, v.i. ir. To go on, to proceed.
Chalher, n.m. Breakfast time. (Also chalh'ir.)
Chali-janu. v.i. ir. To go on. -jan-nu, v.i. re. To know how to
walk.
Chalni, n.m. See Piilgari. (Bashahr.)
Chalnu, v.i. re. (H. chalnd.) To walk, to go on, to proceed;
/
/. -i. A shoemaker
Chamasha, n.m. (S. Chaturmasya.) The monsoon, the rainy
season, wet weather.
Chamba, n.m. (1) Copper. (2) A fragrant yellow flower.
Chamba, n.m. (S. Champaka.) A tree bearing a fragrant yel-
low flower {Michelia champaca). Proverb -.—Chdmbe mult
bhekhlqi jdmi : " Under a fragrant flower tree there grew a
_ (Used of the son of a well-to-do man who
has none of his father's qualities.)
thorny plant. ' '
Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 137
[N.S.]
Cham-ehamat. n.m. (1) Shining or blazing. (2) Flashing.
Cham-gadar, n.m. (H. changidar.) A bat.
Chamkawnu, v.t. re. To cause to shine; /. -i, pL -e.
Chaniknu/v./. re. (1) To shine. (2) To flash. (3) To be in full
power; / -i, pi. -e.
Champkali, n.f. An ornament worn by women on the neck.
(It is made either of gold or of silver.)
Chamri, n.f. The skin, -twarni, v.i. re. To whip.
Ghana' 1, n.m. A low caste, e.g., a shoe-maker.
Cha'n-chak, ad. Vain, in vain, without reason.
Chand, n.m. (S. Chandra, P. chand.) The moon.
Chandal, n.m. (S. Chandala, sweeper.) A wicked man.
Chandol, v.m. A swing made of wood, to seat four.
Chandra, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Wicked, bad.
Chaftga, -u, ad. m. ; /.-i., pi. -e. Good, fine. (H. changd.)
Changar, n.m. The upper storey of a house.
Chanhnu, v.t. ir. To desire, to wish; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chani, n.f. A bit, a very small part. Mddu mango ddhu, Rani
nd deo chani. " Madu wants the half, Rani will not give a
^ bit."
Chanknu, v.t. re. See Chdbnu.
Channa, n.m. The kernel of a fruit; pi. -e.
Chan-nu, v.t. re. (1) To make. (2) To cook; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chant a' I, ad. See chandal.
Cha'nu, v.t. re. (H. chdhna.) To want, to wish, to desire.
/. -i, pi. e.
Chao, n.m. See Chaw.
Chapnu, v.t. re. (See Chabnu.) To chew, -e-jogu, -a, ad. m.;
/.-i, />/. e. Fit to chew.
Cha'r, ad. (H.) Four. Chautha, m.; /. -i, pi. -e, fourth.
Char, n (H. dchdr.) A kind of sauce.
Charan, n.m. pi. (S. Charana.) Feet.
Charan, n.m. Grazing ground.
Char-deni, v.i. ir. To drive game.
(■harawnu, v.t. re. To graze; /. -i, pi. -e.
Charhai, n.f. (1) An ascent. (2) An invasion.
Charhnu, v.t. re. (1) To climb up. (2) To mount, to ride;
/. -i, pi. -e.
Charj. n.m. (S. Ashcharya.) Wonder, surprise.
Charj, n.m. (S. Acharya.) A Krishna Brahman, who accepts
the death-bed gifts.
Charkha, n.m. (H.) Spinning wheel, -katna, v.i. re. To spin.
Charnu, v.i. re. (H. charnd.) To graze; /. -i.
Chaska. n.m. Fondness, eagerness, -parna, v.i. re. To be fond.
Chatar, ad. (S. Chatura.) Clever, wise, active.
Chatiknu, v.i. re. To crack; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chatnu, v.t. re. (H. chatnd.) To lick; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chatrai. n.f. (S. Chaturi.) Cleverness, wisdom.
Chaubi, ad. 24; -waft, 24th.
138 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Chaudash, n.f. (S. Chaturdashi.) The fourteenth day of the
bright or dark half of a month.
Chaun, ad. Three; chiu, chijd, or chiyd; f. -i, pi. -e. ; third.
Chaunla, n.m. ; /.-i, pi. e. A wild beast with a white tail.
Chaunr, n.m. (S. Chamara.) A chowri, the tail of the yak used
to whisk off flies, etc.; also as an emblem or insigne of
princely rank*
Cli aura or-u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. (H.) Wide, broad.
Chaura, n.m. (1) A terrace, a courtyard. /. -i. (2) A yak's
tail.
Chauth, n.f. (S. Chaturthi.) The fourth day of the bright or
dark half of a month.
Chau'-thi, n.f. A small hole near the hearth of a cook-room in
m m 7 I
which salt and red pepper are put.
Chaw, n.m. Pleasure, ambition. (Also Chao.) -bona, v.i. ir.
To be ambitious.
Chawanu, v.i. re. To absorb; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chefar. n.m. A long shelf or plank to keep things on. (Syn.
Parchh.)
Chennu, n.m. A pole with two horns.
Chen-uii, n.m. The edible mushroom.
Chela, n.m.; /. -i, pi. -6. A disciple, a scholar.
Chele, n.m. See Diwdn y Dili wan.
Che'li, n.f. (1) Breakfast. (2) The second morning meal, -chan-
ni, v.i. re. To prepare breakfast.
Cheol, chewl n.m. A beam of timber.
Cher, n.m. See Chair.
Chera, n.m. A wooden bolt.
Chet or chech, n.m. (S. Chaitra.) The 12th month of the
Hindus, corresponding to March.
Cheta, n.m. (1) Memory. (2) Treatment, -chaujshi, n.f. Care-
ful treatment.
Chetha-chethi, n.f. Teasing, bothering.
Chetha-hunda or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Spoiled.
Cheta-rakhna, v.t. re. To take care of. [pi- -&•
Chetlinu, v.t. re. To spoil, to bother, to render useless; /• -i
Chetnu, v.t. re. (1) To feel. (2) i. To be cautious /. -i, pi -<'•
Chetta or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi - e . Narrow. (Also chydid.)
Chetuwanu, v.t. re. To recollect, to recall to memory; /. -i, pi •*•
Cheuii, n.m. A kind of edible toadstool, morel. Also chyatin.
Chewaj, n.m. A beam, of timber. (Also ddsci.) [curd.
Chha, n.f. Watery curd, -dhun-ni or chholni, v.i. re. To churn
Chhabra or -u, n.m. ; f. -i, pi. -e.' A large wide basket of bamboo,
to put bread in.
Chhabtu, n.m. A grain measure, equal to 2 sers.
Chhachha, n.m. pi. -e. A minute kind of gnat of yellow colour.
It is found in Shungri, Khadrala, etc., in the Bashahr terri-
tory. When it bites a prick is felt and the pain increases
and lasts for six months.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pohari Dialects. 139
[N.8.]
f
f
/
Ohhain, n.f. (S. Chhaya.) Shade, shadow, -parni, v.i. re. To
become shady.
Chhaka, n.rn. A day's labour paid with 2 sers of grain and a
meal (Bilaspur).
Chhakar-dada, n.m. The great-great-grandfather.
Chhakku, n.m. A small basket.
Chhaknu, v.t. re. To eat; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chhal, n.m. Fright, terror (from an evil spirit), -chhiddar, n.m.
A trick, pretension.
Chha'l, n.f. A wave. Nhane ri-. Bathing.
Chhala, n.m. Ring (of finger.) (Also chhalla.)
Chhalaka, n.m. A long wave; pi. -e.
Chhalang, n.f. A skip, or jump.
Chhalla, n.m. A ring. (Also chhdp.)
Chhalli, n.f. Indian corn. (Also chhalli.)
Chhalnu or chhalwnu, v.i. re. To be frightened or terrified by
an evil spirit.
Chhalnu, v.t. re. To wa:
Chhalu, n.m. A blister.
/. -i. A sieve; pi. -e.
Chhalii t, ad. Selected, the best (alike in all genders and num-
bers).
Chhamai, n.f. Half-yearly, -mangni, v.i. re. To ask for grain
at each harvest.
Chhambar, n.m. A kind of plant, adj. m.f. -i, pi. -e. Spot-
ted.
Chhamchhamat, n.m. The tinkle of metal ornaments.
Chhadmo, n.m. (S. Chhadma.) Deceit.
Chhadnu, v.t. re. To release, to leave; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chha'n, n.f. A leafy roof, a cattleshed.
(hhaiide, n.m. Entertaining. -rakhnu, v.t. re. To enter-
tain. CkhdOde kanie rdkhuv. "What am I to entertain
with? "
Chhande, ad. Entertaining.
Chhanga or -w, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi, -e. One who has six fingers or
toes.
Chhanite, ad. By chance.
Chhan-nu, v.t. re. To shift; /. -i, pi -e.
Chhaiitnu, v.t. re. (1) To select. (2) To cut, to lop.
Chhanu, v.t. re. To roof; /. -i, pi. -e. (Also chhdwnu.)
Chhap, n.f. (1) A ring (of a finger). (2) A seal.
Chhapar, n.m. A roof; /. -i. A small roof. pi. Chhapro.
Chhapawnu, v.t. re. (H. chhipdnd.) To hide; /. -i, pi. e.
Chhapka, n.m. A sudden blow or stroke.
Ciihapnu, v.i. re. (1) To set; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To hide.
Chhapnu, v.t. re. (H. chhdpnd.) To print, to impress.
Chha'r, n.f. Ashes. See Bhasma.
140 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Be n< jdl. May, 1911.
Chhar, n.f. A basket to keep a chief's robes in.
Chharawnu, v.t. re. To take back, to take away; /. -i.
pi. -e.
Chhari, n.f. A gold or silver mounted pole kept bv a sate-
keeper.
Chhariya, n.m. A gate-keeper of a chief 's palace.
Chharnu, v.t. re. To pound, to beat in a pestle; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chharnu, v.t. re. To set free, to release, to leave; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chharownu, v.t. re. To take by force; f.-i, pi. -e.
Chhatar, n.m. (S. Chhatra.) A deity's silver umbrella ; /. -i. An
umbrella, a canopy.
Chhati, n.f. A stick.
Chhath, n.f. (S. Shashti.) The sixth day of the bright or dark
half of a month. Also a ceremony observed on the sixth
day after the birth of a son, when Shashti Devi is wor-
shipped and a grand feast is given to all.
Chhati, n.f. A small stick.
Chhatta, n.m. (S. Chatra.) An umbrella; f.-i, A small um-
brella; pi. -e.
Clihau, ad. (H. chhah.) 6; -wan; m.j. -win; pi. -weft, 6th.
/. An agricultural implement (used in Bashahr).
Chhautu, n.m. A kind of implement to cut leaves and branches
for cattle bedding. It is like a small hatchet.
Chhawnu, v.t. re. See Chhanu.
Chhdawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to release or leave:
f.-i, (2) To take off.
Chhe, ad. See chhau.
Chhechar, n.m. (S. shot, six, and upachdra . a gif t .) A ceremony
observed at weddings in Chamba and the Simla Hill States.
when the bridegroom reaches the bride's house with the
wedding procession; at the gate the bride's father give.^
him (1) water to wash his feet, (2) a Hlak of sandal.
(3) a garland, (4) a robe, (5) a betelnut, and (6) an orna
ment, i.e., a gold ring.
ei, n.f. A store c*
/
-lani, v. To store fuel.
m Mm v k ^v m ■ m «^k
Chhe'k n.m. A tearing, -nu, v.t. re. (1) To tear. (2) To |>»t
aste
Chhekan, n.m. A tear, separating.
Chheknu, v.t. re. (1) To tear, to break. (2) To put out of caste
To excommunicate.
Chhekuwanu, v.i. re. To be torn or separated.
/
/
f.-i, pl.-e. A kid.
Chheo, chhew, n.m. End. -hona; v.i. ir. To be no more.
Ui heori, n.f. (1) A woman. (2) A wife (also rhhewri).
uiner, n.f. (1) War, a battle. (2) Sound, -u, >,.m. One who
Vol. VII, Xo. 5. | Dictionary of the Pah an Dialects. 141
[X.S.]
Chhera, n.m. A stirring about, -dena, v.t. re. To give a stir.
Chhera wa, n.m. (1) Irritation. (2) An invasion. (3) An in-
vitation.
Chherawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause to stir; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To
cause to irritate.
Chherawnu, v.t. re. To fight; /. i, pi. -e.
Chhernu, v.t. re. To irritate, to annoy, to trouble.
Chhete. adv. Once on a time.
Chheti, n.f. A married woman's private property (in Kullu).
In Bashahr it is termed Istri-dhan.
Chhew, n.m. See Chheo.
Chhewnu, v.t. re. (I) To pay off. (2) To settle; /. -i, pi. e.
Chhibar or Clihibr, n.m. ; pi. -o. A sept of Kanets found in the
Chhabrot par<jnn<\ and elsewhere.
Chhichhra, n.m. f. -i, /)/. -e. A bit, pieces.
Chhiddar, n.m. (S. Chhidra.) A hole.
Chhij-bij, n.m. The balance of an account.
Chhijnu, v.t. re. To be destroyed, to be no more, to end.
Chhik, n.f. (S. Chhikwa.) A sneeze.
Chhika, n.m.; f. -i, pi. -e. A net made of twine, used to
hang a vessel in.
Chhiknu, v.i. re. To sneeze.
Chhilnu, v.t. re. To bark, to peel: /. -i, pi. -e.
Chhilnu, v.i. re. (1) To make faces. (2) To mock; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chhiniba, n.m. A washerman; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chliimchhi, n.f. The eve, evening, -e. In the evening.
Chhimehhi, n.f. Sunset, -honi, v.i. ir. To become evening.
-ye, adv. By sunset.
Chhimpa, n.m. A goshawk.
Chhinchhri, n.f. A kind of wild plant.
Chhini, n.f. \ chisel.
Chhin-nu, v.t. re. To lop, to cut; / -i, pi. -e.
Chhinw, n f. pi. -e. The shadow of the setting sun.
Chhir or chhira, n. Wood, fuel,
Chhir, n.f. A noose, a splinter, -gadni, v.i. re. To be pierced
with a wooden noose or splinter.
Chhirkanu, v.t. re. (H. chhirkrvi.) To sprinkle.
Chhirki, n.f. Fuel or wood. (Also jhukri.)
Chhiti, n.f. A drop or drops of water, etc.
Chhitar or chhitr, n.m. Old shoes.
Chhitwnu, v.i. re. To get wet ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chho, n.m. pi. A spring of water, -fatne, v.i. re. To spring
from the earth (used of water in the rainy season).
Chhoi, n.f. Soap water distilled from ashes to wash clothes.
-lani, v.i. re. To distil water from ashes.
Chhoi, n.f. Soap water, made from ashes, -lani, v.i. re. To
distil water from ashes to wash clothes.
Chhokra or -w,9t.m. : pi. -c. Son, lad. boy. (H.) fern. Chhokii.
A female attendant on a chief.
142 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Be.n<i<tl. [May, 1911.
Chholnu, v.t. re. (1) To churn. (2) To dissolve; /. -i, pi. -e.
/
/
/
• /
-jana, v.i. ir.
Chhot
/
/
Chhotli, ad. f. Defiled, polluted, m. -a, pi. -e. Menstruation.
Chhubkuwe-nachnu, v. See Chubkuwe-nachnu.
Chhukra, n.m. A musical measure.
Chhulnu, v.i. re. To jump and skip to avoid an arrow.
Chhunli, n.f. A term used for 2 bighas of land.
Chhiiiiwnu, v.t. re. (H. chhund). To touch; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chhtiru, ad. m. A handful.
Chhut, n.f. (1) Leisure. (2) Remission.
Chhut, n.f. Leisure, -ni-honi, v.i. ir. To have no leisure.
Chhutnu, v.i. re. To get rid, to escape, to be left ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chhutt, ad. See Chhanite.
Chhwain, n.m. Leafy bedding for cattle, used to make
manure.
•
roof.
/. -i, pi. -e. (2) To set, (3) To
Chhwanwa, n.m. The act of touching, -lana, v.i. re. To touch.
Chhwanuweii, adv. At the setting place, the west.
Cham, n.m. (H. chard.) Fodder.
Chaura, n.m. A courtyard.
Chi, n.f. A pine tree. (Also chir.)
Chij, n.f. (H. chiz). A thing, an article, -o. Things.
Chija, ad. See Chaun.
Chiji, ad. See Chaun.
Chik, n.f. Mud or earth, -lani, v.i. re. To clean the bands with
mud and water after going to stool (also chik).
Chiknat, adj. Slippery, n.m. A patch of smooth mud.
/
/
/
/. Mouthpiece
-lig-
ni, v.i. re. To appear, of sunshine on the peaks, -lagi-
jani, v.i. ir. To have appeared, of sunshine on the peaks.
Chilra or chilta, n.m. ; pi. -e. A kind of bread.
adhere, to cling to; /
/
bhimn, n.f. The yellow wasp.
Chimta, n.m. (H). Tongs. /. -i. A
Chimtnu, v.i. re. To be hurt.
Ching, n.f. Cry, screaming, -nu, v.i
Chini or chine, n.f. A kind of corn.
Chin-
nti
/
/
'Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. L43
[N.S.]
Chin t ha, n.m. The back of the head.
Clrinta, n.f. (S. Chita.) The funeral pile, for cremation, -lani,
U.t, re. To prepare a funeral pile for cremation.
Chift waft, n.m. A plant that grows near water and is used as a
medicine for burns.
Chira ,
Chiran
/
/
/. An ache, a pain
Chirkhu-masan . n.m. A male spirit which swings, whence it-
name. It haunts cross-roads and frightens the passers-by
(used in Chamba).
Warbling
i. To warl
ad. m. ; /
/. -i, pi. -e.
/
/
/
Chirwnu, v.i. re. To be torn; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chirwijanu, v.i. re. To be torn; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chish, n.f. Water, -lagni, v.i. re. To be thirsty.
Chisha or -u, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Thirsty.
Chishe-raunu, v.i. ir. To remain thirsty.
Chit, ad. Flat, -honu, v.i. ir. To be flat, -raunu, v.i. ir. To
die.
Chit, n.f. pi. -o. An ant. (Also chiuhti.)
Chita or -u, ad. m.\ f. .i, pi. -e. White.
Chita, n.f. (S.) A funeral pile.
Chitera, n.m. (S. Chitrakara.) A painter, a picture-maker.
nu, v.t. ir. To remain in memory: /. -i, pi. -c
Chithi, n.f. (H.) A letter. (Chinthi in Madhan). Theo^r.
Chithra or -u, n.m. ; pi. -e. A rag.
Chito, n.f. pi.; sing. Chit. An ant. (Also ckyuOti and mnkori
in Baghal and Kunihar Statf\s.)
Chitra, n.m. (1) A medicinal herb. (2) Name of a constellation.
Chitwnu, v.t. re. To remember; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chiu, ad. See Chaun.
Chiuri, n.f,
Chiuti, n.f
f
Chiya
/
/. (H. chqulai.) A kind of green
s
Chochla, n.m. A jest, -u, n.m. f. -i, pi. -e. A jester.
Choga, n.m. (H.) A kind of long cloak.
Choi, n.f. A spring of water.
Chokan, n.m. Cooked pulse or vegetables, or meat.
<"hokhu, adj. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Clean, chaste.
-Choknu, v.i. re. To dip, to plunge; /. -i, pi. -<\
144 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Chokwnu, v.i. re. To be dipped or plunged.
Chola or -u, n.m. A dress, a cloak; pi. -e.
/
Choltu, w.ra. A small cloak.
i
(2) The gum of a tree
/
Chonr, n.m. (S. Chamara.) Chowry, the tail of the Bos grunni-
ens, used to whisk off flies ; also as an emblem or insigne
of princely rank.
Chop, n.f. (1) A pole, a tent-pole.
Chopar, n.m. Butter.
Choparnu, v.t. re. To rub with butl
Chopdar, n.m. (H.) See Chhariya.
Chor, n.m. and /. (H.) A thief, a robber. /. -i. A theft,
thieving or robbery.
Chor, n.m. A white sorrel.
Chora, n.m. Leaking, -lagna, v.i. re. To leak.
Chornu, v.t. re. To steal; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chornu, v.t. re. f. -i, pi. -e. To plu
/
Tinien meri dingli chori pcii, " He has broken my stick.
Chorwnu, v.i. re. To be concealed or stolen.
Chosha, n.m. pi. -e. A burn.
y >
/
/
A (H.) A hurt, -deni, v.t. re. To throw away
Baskets
basket. /. -i. A small basket. pl.-&
Chothra, -u, n.m. A basket used to keep grain, etc. /
small basket, pi, -e. Baskets.
Choti, n.f. (1) A top, a peak. (2) A pigtail.
Chrai, n.f. (H. ckmimi.) Breadth or width.
• — - . 7 --.-»»■ j
Chrassi, ad. 84.
Chrel, n.f. A hi
pregnant.
Chreori. nJ. T\
f
It is hung on every house at the Bais&kki SaitkrantodX
Bishu.
Chreru, n.m. pi. Birds. Chnrii bdshdildgi: "The birds began
to warble."
Chrin, n.f. A bad smell
Chrira, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of insect having long hair on the
body, long in size, and with many feet,
thnpu, v.t. re. To stretch, to spread ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chtiknu, v.i. re. To crack, to jump ; /. i, pi. -e.
Umbhnu, vi. re. (H. chvbhnd.) To pierce: /. -i, pi. -e.
Umbki, n.f. A dip. .marni, v.t. re. To take a dip.
Umbkuwe-nachnu, v.i. re. To dance to the tune called Chub-
ku, also idiomatically, • to be much pleased.'
Vol. VII, No. .*). | Dictionary of ih<> Pahari Diahds. h:>
Chug, n.f. Grain for birds. (Also chugd.)
Chugal or chugl, ».*», A small piece of charcoal or stone placed
on the aperture of a pipe to prevent the tobacco from going
down into the pip<
/
/. (11.) A backbiter.
-pani, v.i. re. To backbite.
Chugawnu, v.t. re. {See Charawnu.)
Chugnu, v.t. re. (See Charnu.)
Chuhra, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A sweepci
Chui-jani, v.i. ir. To miscarry.
Chuj, v.m. A young hawk.
Chuk, n.f. (1) An oath on the ruler. (2) A mistake.
Chuknu, v.i. re, (1) To take an oath on the ruler. (2) To en
forget.
/
/. (S. Cliulli.) A stove.
/
/
A beak, a hill. Alsoclnmj.
Chuiichu, n.m. (S. Chuchuka = nipple of the breast,) Breast.
/
A distich goes :
Chia chundie ghugti bd&hau, bono chundie totd ;
Kali jugo rd pohrd Idgd , dddi Idi-guwu potd.
" A dove is warbling on the top of a pine, and a parrot on
the top of an oak ;
'Tis sad of this iron age, that a grandson lias taken away
a grandmother."
Chundu, n.m. A. pinch. -6deni, v.i. ir. To pinch.
Chungnu, v.t. re. To take up. to lift up ; /. -i, pi. -r, to pick .
Chungnu, v.t. re. To pick up; /. «i, pi. -e.
Chuiigu or chungu-bir, v.m. A male spirit, under a sorcerer's
control, and employed to bring things to him. It also
drinks the milk of cows and brings milk, ghi, etc., to itfl
owner (used in Chamba and the Simla Hills, respectively).
Chun-pun, n.m. Goodness.
Chup, v.m. (H.) Silence, -karni, p.t. re. To be silent.
Ohupa or -u, ad.m. ; /. i, pi. -e. Silent, quiet, tranquil.
Chupe-raunu, v.i. ir. To keep quiet, to be silent.
C'hura, n.m. Powder, dust, saw-dust.
Churi, 7i. f. Bangles made of lac or glass.
Churk-churk-lani or karni, v.t. re. To chew anything.
Churnu, v.t. re. To crush ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Churnu, v.i. re. To leak ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Churwnu. v.i. re. To be crushed ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Chushnu, v t. re. To suck, to absorb : /. -i, pi. -e.
('hut, n.f. (1) Breakage. (2) The act of breaking, or decrease.
(3) Deficiency.
Chutiya, ad. m. and /. pi. -e. Fool, ignorant.
Chutnu, v.i. re. To he broken. ti-ianu, v.i re. To bo broken.
14<> Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Chutpana, n.m. Folly.
Chwanni, n.f. (H. chawanni.) The coin of four annas.
Chyauii, n.m. See Cheuii.
Chyawan, n.m. (Ft.cM, pine, and ban, forest.) A pineforest.
Chyetta, ad. m. See Chetta.
D
D& or -u, mase. affix, /. -i, pi. -e. In, into, within ; examples :—
T 7/7 7 • / V * 7 • /■• ml • _ _• 1 1 • • a. y '
/ttda rfwrf m a^i. f< There is no milk in it.
Lotridi chish ni rauwi. li There is no water in the jug.
7 j
Tinde michh bi rqu ? i ' Do men live in them \
Tindu kun ihu? u Who was in that (house) ? M
Da, n.f. A jump, a spring, a bound.
Da'b, n.m. Pressure, -adena, v.i. ir. To press
pi. -e.
/
Daba, n.m. Plaster (medical), -dena or -lana, v.i. re. To apply
a plaster.
Dabaw, n.m. Pressure, -dena, v.t. re. To press.
/
/
/
/. A small pond or tank ; /
/
or
f
Dadhana, n.m. The melon fruit, tarbuj in Hindi.
Dadiya. A term of address ; /. -i. my friend.
Daf, n.m. A kettledrum, -ru, n.m. A kind of small kettle-
drum.
Dan. A small recess in a wall. (Syn. Tira or Tiri.)
Da^g, n.f. A witch, -lagni, v.i. re. To be influenced by a witch.
Da'g, n.m. Cremation. (2) A spot, -dene, v.t. ir. To cremate.
Daga, n.m. (P.) Pretence, a trick, -dena, v.t. re. To play a
trick.
Dagandra, n.m. A kind of disease in which an itching sen-
sation is felt on the body, -lana, v.i. re. To suffer from
that disease.
Dagetu, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. .& The children of a Dagi.
Daghelu, n.m. Heels.
Dagi, nm. and /. A low-caste people who render menial ser-
vices. (Also koli and darjhi.)
Dagle, ad. Bitter.
A Proverb
Hat merie Bay hale,
<(
Jethi ban but bi ddgle.
What is to be said of Baghal State,
Where even the wild plants are bitter ?"
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 147
[N.S.]
Dagnu, v.i. re. To fire. (2) To burn with fire ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dagrasa, n.m. (H. gardsd.) A kind of instrument used to cut
plants, etc., as fodder for cattle.
Dagyali, n.f. The 14th and 30th, i.e., the Chaudas and Amavas
of the dark half of Bhado are termed " Dagyali," on which
days the Dags are believed to assemble at the Karol mountain
in Baghat territory.
Dah, n.m. (S. Daha — combustion.) A burning, -lana, v.i. ir.
To cremate.
Dah, n.m. Envy.
Dai, n.f. (H.) A nurse. (2) A sister. Example : Date kd
bole. " What do vou sav. sister V
f
f
Daiii, n.m. (S. dadhin, H. dah.) Curds; curdled sour milk.
tithi, n.f. Chin.
Daiya, int. O God ! my God !
Da'j, n.m. (H. dahez.) The articles of a dowry.
Dak or Daki, n.f. Vomit, -awni or -lagni, v.i. re. To vomit.
Da'k, n.f. (H.) The mail.
Da'kdhar, n.m. (E. doctor). A doctor.
Dakenni, n.f. A kind of small fox. (Also dakdnni.)
Da'kghar, n.m, (H.) Post office.
Dakhl, n.m. (P. dakhl.) Interference, -dena, v.i. ir. To inter-
fere.
Daki, n.f. Vomit, vomiting, -awni, v.i. re. To vomit.
Dakiya, n.m. (H.) A postman.
Dakkh, n.f. (S. Draksha.) Grapes, pi. -o. -lani, v.i. re. T.
plant grapes.
Dakhn, n.m. (S. Dakshina.) The south.
Daknu, v.i. re. To vomit.
Da'l, n.f. (H. ddl.) Pulse (cooked or uncooked.)
Da'l, n.m. A tree. /. -i. A small tree or plant ; pi. -o.
Dala, n.m. Cooked corn for cattle.
Dalasha, n.m. (H. dildsd.) Condolence, encouragement, -dena.
v.i. ir. To condole, to encourage.
Dalki, n.f. Meat, flesh.
Dajnu, v.t. re. (H. dalnd.)
pi. -e.
/
/
/
Dalta, n.m. An esculent root like the potato.
/
/
(2) A kind of tree.
Dam, n.m. A burn, -dena, v.i. re. To burn.
Dam, n.m. A box made of bamboo and covered with leather,
used for travelling (Bashahr).
/
/
148 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Dan, n.m. A long stick used to pluck walnuts.
Di'n, %.m. (S. Dana.) A donation, a gift, -dena, v.i. ir. To
make a gift, -land, v.i. ir. To get a gift, -karna, v.t. re.
To offer a gift.
Dana, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. e. Wise, clever, expert.
Dana, n.m. A pimple, seed, corn, grain; pi. -e.
Dand, n.m. pi. or sing. (S. danta.) Tooth or teeth, -chorne,
v.i. re. To break one's teeth
Dand, n.m. (S. Danda.) A fine, penalty, punishment.
Danda, n.m. (1) A pole. (2) A bachelor.
Dandi, n<f.- (1) A small palanquin. (2) Earrings.
Dandnu, v.t. re. To fine, to punish, to impose a penalty.
Dangra, n.m. A small weapon like an axe.
Dangu, n.m. A gatekeeper. (Used in Maiidi State.)
Daiigru, n.m. See Dangra.
Dano, n.m. (S. Danava.) A demon, a ghost.
/
/
Dan wan, n.m. A sinew, pi. eh.
Dahwthe, n.m. pi. See Chilra.
Dao or daw, n.f. A chance.
Dapet, n.m. A blow.
Dar, n.f. (H.) Fear, fright, -lagni, v.i. re. To fear.
Da'r, n.m. (S. Daru=wood.) Timber.
Da'r, n.f. A flock of birds, such as wild pigeons.
Da'r, n.m. Grinding the teeth, -dukhne, v.i. re. To feel toothache.
Darain, n
Sandi.)
(Al
/
Darawnu, v.t. re. (H. dardnd.) To cause to fear, to put in
fear; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dari, n.f. (H.) A durree.
Dari, n.f. (H.) The beard.
Dariya, m. f. -e. my dear.
Darknu, v.i re. To crack; /-i, pi. -t-.
Darnu, v.t. re. To take away. (Used in Balsan.)
Darpok, ad. (H.) Coward (alike in all genders.)
Darii, n.m. (H.) Gunpowder.
Daru, n.m. and /. One who fears.
Daru, n.m. Pomegranate fruit. -6. n.m. The pomegranate
tree.
JJaryaw or draw, n.m. A river. (H.)
Dasa, n.m. A long beam. (Also chewal.)
Dash, ad. (S. Dasha.) Ten. -wan, ad. The tenth.
Dasha, n.f. (S.) Fate. Buri-, n.f. Bad luck.
Uashanda, ad. m. ; /. i, p i .$. a fool. Pdnde khe dashdndd.
' ' 4 f oo1 bef ore a learned man. ' '
Dashmi n.f. (S. Dashami). The tenth day of the bright or
dark half of a month.
Vol. VII, No, 5*] Dictionary of the Pa i hart Dialects. 149
[N.s.]
Dash mi, n.f* (S. Dashimi.) The tenth of the light or dark half
a month,
Dashnu, v.t. re. To point out, to let know; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dasshi, n.f. A Frill, a fringe.
Dasiini, n.f. (S. Devashayini.) A term for the Ekadashi or 1 1th
of the bright half of Asharh month.
Dat, n.m. A threatening or warning.
Datnu, v.i. re. To threaten, to warn; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dauda, n.m. A water place made for putting children to
sleep in shade in summer so that a trickle of water gently
falls on their heads (also dodo).
Daune, n.m. pi. A kind of food.
Daur, n.f. (H.) A run.
Daur, n.m. (H. Dar.) Fear, terror, lagna, v.i. re. To fear.
Kygj_h daur ni. " There is no fear. 1 '
Daura\vnu, v.t. re. To cause to run; /. -i, pi. -e.
Daurnu, v.i. re. To run, to walk with hasty steps; /. -i,
pi. -e.
Daya, n.f. (S.) Benevolence, tenderness.
Dayi, >./. See Dai.
De, A particle. See Da.
Debi, n.f. (S. Devi.) A goddess.
Debri, n.f. A small temple.
Debta, n.m. (H.) See Deo.
Debu, n.m. and /. A giver, a donor.
Dedli. ad. See Der.
De*g, n.m. A cauldron, a boiler.
De-ghalnu, v.t. re. To give away; /. i, pi. -e.
Dei-jonu, v.t. ir. To give away; /. -i. pi. -e.
Dekhde-akhi-kharni, v.i. re. To tire the eyes with looking.
Dekhi-a, dekhi-ro, c.p. Having seen.
De'n, n.m. (S Rina.) A debt. -dari. n.f. A debt.
Denu, v.t. ir. (H. dend.) To give, bestow upon; /. -i, pi. -e.
Denu, v.i. re. See Dewnu.
• • •
Deo, n.m. (S. Deva.) A deity, a village god. -lu or -hi. ad. m.
f. -li, pi. -le. Pertaining to a deity.
Deola, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Relating to a deity.
Deoru or -a, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small temple of a deity.
Deotha, n.m. (From Deo, a deity, and pdthd t a grain measure.)
A term for the grain given to a village deity. Two path as
per lih of land (8 big has) is given for the village deity.
Deothan, n.f. (S. Devothapini.) A festival observed on the
11th of the bright half of Kartik.
Deoti, n.f. A goddess.
Der, ad. (H.) One and a half. (Also dudh or dur.)
Dera or -u. (H.) (1) A lodging, a dwelling. (2) A small tent,
Desh, n.m. (S. Desha.) A country.
Deshkt or deshkat, n.f. Banishment, deportation, -deni, v.i.
ir. To exile, to banish, to deport.
150 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Deso, n.m. (S. Desha, a country.) A country, a place, a room.
Deshr, ad. Of one's own country, a native.
Dess, n.m. (S. Divasa.) A day. -ru, n.m. pi. Short days.
-are, n. pi. Long days.
Deur, n.m. Husband's brother.
Dewnu, v.i. re. To go.
Dewijanu, v.i. re. To go away.
Dgaiidra, n.m. See Dagahdra.
Dha, n.f. A sad or mourning keen.
anyone's death.
Dhab, n.m. Manner.
-deni, v.i. ir. To keen at
o
/. -i, pi. e.
Dhablu, n.m. f. -i. A white blanket ; /. -i. A small blanket.
Dhabnu, v.i. re. To settle, to be all right; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dhabnu, v.t. re. To mix water in watery curds.
Dhafer, n.m. pi. (H. thappar.) A blow, -ba'ne, v.t. ir. To
give a blow. (Also draffar.)
Thread.
Dhagule, n.m. pi. Bracelets.
or dhaini, n.f. A daughter.
Dhaja, n.f. (S. Dhwaja.) A flag.
Dha'k, n.m. A rock, a precipice (also dhdnk). -ru, n.f. A small
precipice.
Dhakh, ad. A little quantity.
Dhaka, n.m. (H. dhakkd.) Jolt, push, shove, -dena, v.t. ir.
To push, to shove.
Dhaka, n.m. A cover, a lid. -dena, v.i. re. To cover.
Dhakam-dhaka, n.m. A violent shove or jolt.
Dhakan, n.m. (H.) A cover, a lid, a pot-lid.
/
Dhakh, ad. A little, a small quantity.
Dhakiyawnu, v.t. re. To cause t< ' "
Dhaknu, v.t. re. To cover ; /. -i.
Dhakri, n.f. A small precipice. "
Dhakru, n.m. See Dhakri.
Dhakuli, n.f. A drum like an hour glass.
Dhakuri, n.f. A small ridge.
Dhakii, n.m. and /. pi. Monkeys. (So called because they live
among precipices.)
Dha'J, n.f. Abortion, -jani, v.i. ir. To produce abortion.
Dhal, n.f. (I) Asalutation. -karni, v.t.ir. To bow down. Dhal
thakra, miyafiji jai. Pars Rama, pairi pai. " Thakur, I
beg to salute you, O Mi van, I salute you Pars Ram, I
bow down to you." A hail. (2) A tax on land levied to
pay tribute (used in Mahlog).
Dhala, n.m. A peak, the top of a hill.
Dhalde-awnu, v.i. re. To decay; /. -i, pi. -6.
Dha nu, v.i. re. (1) To set in. (2) To be melted ; /. -i, pi -e.
)ha nu, v.t. re. To cause to melt.
Dhalnu, v.i. re. (].) To be poured down. (2.) To fall down.
Vol* VII, No 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 151
[N.S.]
Dha'm, n.f. A grand feast in which rice and meat are
distributed, -deni, v.t. re. (1) To give a grand feast. (2)
To applaud.
Dhamaka n.m. A loud sound.
Dhamka, n.m. (1) A sound. (2) A fright.
Dhamkaw, n.m. Threatening, -dena, v.t. ir. To threaten.
/
/
Dhan, n.m. (S. Dhana.) Riches, wealth.
Dha'n, n.m. pi. (S. Dhanya.) (1) Rice seed. (2) Paddy.
-bone, v.i. ir. To sow rice.
Dhan-bachri, n.f. pi. Winged ants. Tlieir wings grow in tin
rice-sowing season (March), hence the name.
Dhanda, n.m. (H.) Work, an engagement, -karna, v.i. ir. To
do a work, -lana, v.t. re. To be engaged.
Dhang, n.m. (S. Dansha.) A gadfly.
Dhang, n.m. (H.) A manner or mode, -lana, v.i. re. To
devise a plan ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dhaiigiya, a<i.m. Cunning, deep.
Dhania, n.m. See Bihan.
Dhaiikh, n.m. See Dhak.
Ehankhar, run. A wilderness.
/
as
/
Dhanu, n.m. (S. Dhanusha.) The weapon, bow.
Dha'r, *./. (H.) A ridge. (2) A pouring. (3) An edge.
Dhar, n.m. (H.) A body without its head.
Dhara, n.m. (EL.) A robbery, -parna, v.i. n. To rob.
Dharam, n.m. (S. Dhar ma.) Virtue, goodness, duty.
Dharaptu, n.m. An assistant clerk (u d in Mandi State).
Dharmaurji. n.m. (S. Dharma hat a.) An earthen pot filled with
water, and a little milk, hung on a tree or house for 10 days
after a death. It has a small hole at the bottom through
which the water drips and is refilled every morning.
Dharnu, v.t. re. To put, to keep, place ; /. -i, pi. -<\
Dharor or dhror. (H. dharohar.) A pledge.
Dharadhar, ad. By way of the ridge.
/
/
-
/. (S. Dharitri.) The earth.
Dhashnu, v.i. re. To plunge in.
Dhasrala, n.m. A loud noise or sound.
Dhat, n.f. (H.) Passion.
Dhatu or dhathu, n.m A kerchief worn on the head by females.
(Madhan, Theog, Balsan. Kmnharsain, Bashahr and Kullu.)
Dhaula or -u. ; '/. -i, pi. -e. See Chita (11.).
Dhauh-nu. v.t, re. To earn ; /. -i. pi. -e.
152 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Dhaunsa, n.m. A large kettledrum which is sounded on horse-
back on the marriage of a chief (also dhonsd).
Dhauiithi, n.f. A small bow, used to card wool.
Dhauri, n.f. The hide of an ox or buffalo.
Dhauwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn.
Dhawa, n.m. (H.) An invasion.
Dheka, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A fool.
Dhela, n.m. (H.) Half-a-pice; /. -i. Half-a- rupee ; eight annas.
Dhe'n, n.f. (S. Dhenu.) (1) A cow. (2) A donation.
Dheota, n.m. A maternal grandson ; /. -i. A maternal grand-
daughter.
Dher, n. Aheap, a mass, -lagnu, v.i. re. To be heaped.
Dhera, adv. (S. Dhairya.) Wait a little.
Dhi, n.f. (Punjabi.) A daughter.
Dhij, n.f. (S. Dhairya.) Belief, confidence, -dharnu, v.i. re.
To have patience, or reliance.
Dhijawnu, v.t. re. To make believe ; /. -i, pi. -e.
DhijnU; v.t. re. To believe, to trust; /. -i, pi. -6.
Dhikki, n.f. The hiccough, -lagni, v.i. re. To hiccough.
Dhima or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. Mild, tender.
Dhindhra, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of food made of esculent leaves
mixed with gram flour and cooked in vapour or ghi.
Dhinga-dhifigi, n.f. Violence, force.
Dhifiga-dhingiye, adv. Forcibly.
Dhinko, n. /. pi. Humblings.
Dhinko, n.f. pi. Beseeching.
Dhira, adv. In a waiting manner, -ho, v. Wait a little.
Dhirj, n.m. (S. Dhairya.) Patience. -dharnu, v. To be
patient.
Dhishiiu, v.t. re. (S. Drishir.) To see; /. -i, pi -e. (Also
dishnu.)
Dhiye. A polite phrase used in addressing boys.
Dhnichha, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Brown.
Dhobbi, n.m. (H. dhobi.) A washerman, ni-, /. The washer.
man's wife, -tu, n.m. The son of a washerman, -ti, »</•
The daughter of a washerman.
Dhofa, n.m. See Dhoka.
Dhoh or -a, n.m. A place.
Dhoka, n.m. (H. dhokhd.) Misunderstanding, -lagnu, v.i. re.
To misunderstand. (Also dhop't.)
DhcVl, n.m. (H.) A drum, -bajawnu, v.i. re. To beat a drum-
-chi, n.m. A drummer, -ki, n.f. A small drum, -iya
One who beats a drum.
w . m
Dhoftsa, n.m. See Dhaunsa.
Dhoftsi, n.f. A grain measure equal to 9 seers and 8 chhitaks.
(Two kansis make one dhonsi) : used in Kullu.
Dhonu, v.t. re. (H. dhond.) To wash ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dhonu, v.t. re. To carry ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Dhora, n.m. Management. (Also skem.)
Vol. Vll, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 153
[N.S.]
Dhoti, n.f. (H.) A piece of cloth worn between legs.
Dhow. See Dhoh.
Dhowa, n.m. A place, a room.
Dhowawnu, v.t. re. To cause to carry ; /. -i, pi. -e.
ul, n.f. (Fr. dhdr, a ridge, and bdgur, the air.) The air
that blows on a ridge.
Dhrari, n.f. A wild plant which bears white flowers and pro-
duces a cotton-like substance, which when dry is used for
tinder.
Dhui, n.f. The female organ.
Dhuinshlu or -a, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. (S. dhusara.) Grey (in
colour).
Dhui, n.f. (H.) Dust.
Dhum-dham, n.m. (H.) Pomp.
Dhumru or -4, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Dhuiftshlu.
Dhunawnu, v.t. re To cause to shiver.
Dhun-fri, n.f. A kind of plant used as a vegetable.
Dhun-nu, v.i. and t. re. (1) To shiver. (2) To churn.
Dhuii-wan, n.m. (S. Dhuma.) Smoke.
Dhup, n.f. (H.) Incense.
Dhur, n.f. (1) The uppermost part of a roof. (2) A peak.
(3) Direction.
Dhur, n.m. pi. The four quarters or directions. Chqu dhure.
" In the four directions.''
Dhuri or dhuru, adv. All over the country.
Dhurpat, n.m. A plank used for teaching letters, written
with red powder, to boys.
Dhushli, n.f. Mismanagement.
Dhuwa, n.f. See Dhui.
Dhuwari, n.m. Smoke, -lagna, v.i. re. To feel smoke.
Dhwala, n.m. A kind of tax, levied at one rupee per landholder
(used in Koti).
Dhwali, n.f. (1) A descent, down-hill. (2) A tax. (See
dhwala.)
Dhwa'r, n.m. (H. udhdr.) A borrowing, -denu, v.t. re. To
make a loan, -lenu, v.t. ir. To borrow.
Dhwawi, n.f. A milkmaid.
Dhyan, n.m. (S. Dhyana.) Meditation, -lanu, v.i. re. To
meditate.
Dhya'n, n.f. See Dhain.
Dhyara, n.m. pi. -e. The day. -i % n.f. Daily rations.
Dhyari-dhyari, adv. Every day.
Diali, n.f. (S. Dipavali.) The Diwali festival.
Dib, n.m. (S. Divya = Divine.) An oath. -denu. v.i. re. To
give an oath, -lenu, v.i. ir. To take an oath.
1 )ibr, n.m. A pond, -i, n.f. A small tank.
Dibru, n.m. -i, n.f. A small vessel used to cook in.
Dihnu, v.i. re. To snow. (Also dinhnu.)
Dik,' n.m. (P.) Trouble.
154 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [M
Diku, n.m. Snowfall, -lagnu, v.i. re. To fall, of snow.
Diku lag a Jahru we ,
Jhotd kdtd Baddruwe.
• • • •
c< It began to snow at Jahru, 1
And a male buffalo was sacrificed by the Badaru'
people.
* 9
Dil, n.m. (P.) The heart, mind, -derm, v.i. ir. To give heart,
-lanu, v.i. ir. To be attentive. -dekhnu, v.i. re. To
examine one's heart, -o du honu, v.i. ir. To be in good
heart.
i, ad. f
wards.
-ri. n.f*
adv. With
/
reli-
Dinwaii, n.m. The man who speaks on behalf of a deity.
Diwaii or dewa.
Din wan, n.m. Snowfall.
Diii-uk, n.m. pi. (H. dimak.) White-ants.
Din-win, n.f. The wife of a dinwdn.
Dishnu, v.t. re. (S. Drishir.) See Dhishml
Dita or-u, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. v.p.t. Gave. (See Drnu.) (Also dittd.)
Diuii-nu, v.i. re. To snow.
Diuti, n.f. -tu, n.m. A small earthen lamp.
Diut, n.m. (H. diwat.) A lamp or lamp-stand.
I)iv]i, n.f. A firefly. (Also dyuwli.)
Diwa, n.m. (S. Dipa.) (H.) A lamp (of earth).
Diwaii, n.m. See Diiiwan.
Diwi, n.f. A small lamp lighted with clarified butter at a
gious ceremony.
Diwt, n.m. (H. diwat.) A lamp-stand.
Dlanga, ad. m. A pine or cedar tree having two long branches :
/. -i, pi. e.
Dlicha, n.m. (P. gdlichd.) A rug, a carpet.
Dlucha, n.m. A torch (of torch-wood).
Dnau, n.m. A kind of wild cat.
Do, ad. (H.) Two.
Doba, n.m. Destruction, ruining.
Dobnu, v.t. re. To destroy.
Dobru or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Of twofold.
Do'chi, n.f. A hamlet, -lagni, v . re. To look after two
villages .
Doda, n.m. A soap-nut. -e-ra-da'l, n.m. The soap-nut tree.
Dofa, n.m. (See Dhofa.)
Dob. (S. Droha.) Enmity.
3 Jahru is the name of a place in Simla.
2 Badaru is a sept of Kanets in Koti State.
Vol. VII, Xo. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 155
[N.S.]
Doha, n.m. (H.) (1) A couplet. (2) A poetry.
l>ohai, n.f. (H. duhm.) Exclamation.
Dohar, n.f. A sheet of cloth.
Dohi, n.m. (S. drohin.) Enmity (used in Kuthar).
/
/
Dohri-purni, v. -i. re. To cross or penetrate.
uonru, n.m. A large blanket.
Dokh, n.m. (See Dosh.)
Do'l, n.m. (H.) Swinging.
Do'l, n.m. (H.) A bucket. Dolaj or dole. With a bucket,
l>o]a, n.m. A kind of palanquin for a bride; /. -i, A small
palanquin.
Dolri, n.f. An ornament, a garland.
Don-ne, n.m. pi. A kind of food.
Doii-ru, n.m. (S. Damaru.) A small drum of the hour-glass
shape.
/
Doru, n.m. (1) A field. (2) An ornament of women.
l>o'ti, n.f. A very small plot of land,
Bdro hath do'ti—Thdro hath moi.
• • •
" A little field 6 yards long, and a smoothing plough
9 yards wide."
Do'tu, n.m. A small field. (Also 46'ti, n.f.)
Dottai, adv. To-morrow. Se dwnd a dottoi, "He is to come
to-morrow/'
Dotte, adv. To-morrow.
Dpohr, n.m. (S. Dwi-prahara ; midday.) Midday, -hona, v.i. ir.
To become midday.
Drani, n.f. The wife of one's husband's younger brother. (Also
dre n i . )
Drat, n.m. A long kind of sickle used to cut thorns, -i, n.f.
A sickle used to cut grass. (Syn. Da'ch.) (The vowel a is
prolated.)
Drati, n.f. See Dach.
Dreni, n.f. See Drani.
Dres, n.f. A chintz.
Drotu, n.m. Earrings.
Drub, n.f. (See Jub.)
Drubda, n.f. (S. Dwividha.) Doubt.
Dselu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. That which is not level,
Dsiini, n.f. (S. Deva-shayani.) A festival observed on the Nth
of the bright half of Ashar.
Dualnu, v.t. re. See Duwalnu.'
Diihna, n.m. A milking pot.
Dfij, n.f. (S. Dwitiya.) The second day of the bright or dark
half of a month. Bhai- n.f. A festival which takes place
on the second of the bright half of Kartik. One's sister
156 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911
is visited and food taken from her hands ; she is rewarded
according to one's means.
Duja or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Second.
Dujrie, adv. Secondly.
Dukh, n.m. (S. Duhkha.) Trouble, -honu, v.i. re. To be-
troubled.
Dukhawnu, v.t. re. To put to trouble.
Dukhi or dukhia, ad. Troubled.
Dukhna, n.m. pi. -e. An ulcer, a blister, a hurt.
Dukhnu, n.m. (1) A blister, an ulcer. (2) v.i. re. To feel pain
Duleha, n.m. A torch of torchwood. -karna, v.i. re. To light a
torch .
Dum, n.m. The name of a village deity.
/
dead
Duiigu, or -a, ad. m.\ /. -i, pi. -e. Deep.
Duiikar, n.m. A precipice.
m.\ f. -i. 7)1. -e. Doubled: -karnu. v. t. ir. To
„ ad
make two- fold.
/
Dunu, n.m. A kind of wild onion.
Dupatta, n.m. (H.) A sheet of cloth.
Diipo'hr, n.f. (S. Dwiprahara.) Midday.
Dur, ad. See Der.
Dur, ad. Far away. n.m. Distance.
Durb, n.m. A grain measure. 100 kharshas make one durb.
Durbhag, n.m. (S. Durbhugya.) Misfortune, complaint.
-deria, v. To complain.
/
Durr, phrase. A cross word, to say "be off."
Dushella, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sloping.
Dusilla, n.m. Two ears of wheat or barley or maize in one,
supposed to be an ill omen.
Duwalnu, v.t. re. To enter.
Dwadash, n.f. (S. Dwadashi.) The twelfth day of the bright or
dark half of a month.
Dwarmi, n.f. (H. dowanni.) The coin of 2 annas.
Dwa'r, n.m. A cave.
Dwa'r, n.m. (S. Dwara.) Doors.
Dwd't, n.f. (H. ddwdt.) Inkstand. Syn. Miisajan.
Dyala, n.m. A play in which fire is burnt.
Dyanu, v.t. re. To cause to give.
Dyawar, n.m. dyawari, /. He or I
to a chief.
Dyar, n.m. Cedar tree.
Dyuwli, n.f. The fire-flv.
the nurse-
Vol. VII. No. 5.] Dictionary of the Palmri Dialects. 157
[X.S.]
E
9 >
E. A termination to nouns and pronouns which denotes the
plural; as: Ejld = th\&, Ejli = these. A vocative particle
used in addressing anyone; as: Eji ore hdndo, Sir.
come here.
Ebe, adv. Now. Ebe kd kari. What's to be done now?
Ebii, adv. Just now. Si dewd ebu. He lias gone just now.
Eja or -u, pro. m.s. ; /. -i. This. pi. -e. These.
fiji, phrase. O Sir, O Madam.
Ejla or -u, pro. m.s. ; /. -i. This one. pi. -e. These ones.
Ek, ad. (H.) One. Mun fdbd ek rupoiyd. " I got one rupee."
Ekho> pro. Some.
Eki. See Ek. Eki jane eti khedai. "Send one man here.
Eki, ad. Only one.
Eki-bari ? ad. Once. adv. At one time.
fin, n.m. See Ain.
Era, ad. See Ishu. Used in Baghal, Kunihar and Xalagarh.
Ere, phrase. O you. fi-ro-la. " O you Sir."
Erka or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. This side.
firu, ad. See Ishu. (Balsan and Madhan.)
Es, pro. m. and /. (1) Him or her. (2) To this. (Also eskhe.)
Esi, adv. By this way.
Esru or -a, pro. m. ; /. -i. Of this. pi. -e. Of these.
Etai, adv. See Ethi.
Ethi or -a, adv. Here, at this place.
, adv. Here, at this place.
1 hya-age, adv. Hereafter, in the future.
F
Fabnu. v.t. re. (1) To get. (2) To meet ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Faddi, ad. The last.
Fadi. n.m. One whose turn is last in a walnut-game.
Fafra, n.m. A kind of coarse corn.
Fa'g, n.m. The Holi festival of the Hindus.
Faggan, n.m. (S. Phalguna.) The 10th Hindu month, corres-
ponding to February.
Fai, n.f. (H. phdnsi.) A hang.
Kair, n.f. (E. fire.) The sound of a gun. -karni. To fire.
Faiwta, n.m. ; /. -i. pi. -e. A kind of jackal.
Faka n.m. A mouthful of roasted grain . -emarne, v.t. re. T<
chuck roasted grains.
Fakhir, n.m. (H. fakir.) A mendicant.
Faki, n.f. Complaint.
Fal, n.m. (1) A fruit. (2) The result. (S. fala.)
Fa], fali, n.m, and /. Vomit, -awna or -awni, r.i.re. To
vomit.
158 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 1.
*
Fala, n.m. A plank; /. -i. A small plank, pi. -e.
Fala, n.m. A sheer (of a plough).
Fall, n.f. (1) A bean. (2) A small board.
Falta, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small plank.
Fan, n.m. (H.) The extended hood of a cobra.
Fana'r, n.m. A cobra.
Faiid, n.f. Subscription, -pani, v.i. re. To subscribe.
Fanda, n.m. (H.) A noose, a snare.
/
* W *v*yv*, v.v. -v. -».^ V****V^.V, vw
Fang, n.m. A slit ; pi. -o.
Fang-farali, a. Cunning, deep.
/
/. A kiss, -leni, v.i. re. To kiss, -deni, v.t. it.
To give a kiss.
Fan-nu, v.t. re. To card (wool).
Far, n.f. The sound of a bird's
Farangi, n.m. A European.
/
/
Fard, n.f. Crookedness, -a, ad.. Crooked.
Fardii, n.m. A hare.
Fari, n.f. The lungs.
Fark, n.m. (P. farq.) Difference, -panu, v.i. re. To make a
difference, -deonu, v.i. re. To differ, -honu, v.i. ir. To be
different, -lagnu, v.i. re. To seem different.
Farka, n.m. The lap. -pana, v.t. re. To receive in one's lap.
farku
f
f. -i ; pi. e. Syn. shetnu
Farkuwe, «efa. In the lap.
Farnai, n.f. A large saw.
Farnu, v.t. re. (H.) To tear, to slit, to break.
Farrata, n.m. A sound of flying.
Farru, n.m. A hare.
Farshi, n.f. (P.) (1) The Persian language. (2) An ironical
speech.
Faruwa, n.m. A mattock, a hoe.
Fashawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause tn entangle; /. -i. p*. •&> ( 2 )
To put to trouble.
£ashnu, v.i. re. To entangle, to ensnare, to en
£at, n.m. The act of cutting off with a sword,
bat, n.m. The width of a river.
Fatawnu, v.t. re. To cause to break ; /. -i, pi.
bat-bai n.m. One who slays a goat or sheen.
o seize, to put to trouble ; /
/• (1) A 1 rni used for a e
/
/
20 hamlets (used i n Kullu). (2) -hundi, ad. i
f
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. ir>i>
[N.8.]
Fa'tu, n.m. A small bundle of wool or cotton.
Fatu or -a, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Broken, torn.
Fatrala, n.m. A loud sound.
Fawra, n.m. See Faruwa.
Fefra, n.m. (H.) The lungs.
Fegu, n.m. A fig-tree. (Also phegu.)
Fegra, n.m. A fig-fruit. (Also phegra.)
Fer, n.m. A distance.
Fera, n.m. Rounding.
Fera, n.m. A bad turn, a swindle.
Ferawnu, v.t. ir. To cause or allow to walk.
Fernu, v.t. re. (1) To return. (2) To send for a walk ; /. -i\ pi. -e.
Fetu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Flat, -parnu, v.i. re. To be Hat.
-panu, v.t. re. To make flat.
Feu, n.m. Burning charcoal. (Also fewtu.)
Fewata, n.m. A kind of jackal.
Fewtu, n.m. A burning charcoal. Agird fewtu dend ji : " Please
give me a burning charcoal."
Fikar, n.f. (H. fiqr.) Care, anxiety, -parni, v.i. re. To be
anxious, -lagni, v.i. re. To feel anxiety, -rakhni or karni,
v.i. re. To be careful.
Fil, n.m. (1) A snail. (2) -a, n.m. A kind of plant.
Fila, n.m. A snail; pi. e.
Fimfri, n.f. A butterfly.
Fim, n.f. (S. ahifena.) Opium.
Fimi, aA. m. and /. sing, and plural. One who takes opium.
Fimshu, n.m. A small ulcer.
FnVhawnu, v.t. re. To cause to rub or press.
Finchnu, v.t. re. To rub, to press; /. -i, pi. e.
Fiftchwanu, v.i. re. To be pinched; /. -i, pi. -<\
Fingla or -u, ad. m. : /. -i, pi. -e. One who walks crookedly.
Fini, n.f. The heel.
Firang, n.f. Venereal disease, a chancre.
Firawnu, v.t. re. (1) To turn up. (2) To cause to return.
Firg, n.f. Chancre, -awani or lagni, v.i. re. To suffer from
chancre.
Firi. con. Again, adv. Afterwards. (Also fire.)
Firkan, n.m. Turning round ; /. i-.
Firknu, v. To come back.
Firnu, v.t. and i. re. (1) To return. (2) To whirl, /. -i ? pt. e.
(3) To wander, /. -i. pi. -e.
Firwdn. ad. m.\ f. in, pi. -en. Returnable.
Fisalnu. v.i. re. To slip.
Fishknu, v.i. re. (See Fisalnu.)
Fittemu, a. phrase. A curse for a wicked deed.
Fittesul, phrase. A curse for the wicked manner of doing something,
Fofa or-u, ad. m. : /. -i, pi -e. Having no strength.
Foka or -u, ad. m. : /. -i, />/. e. Empty.
Fora <>r -u, n.m ; f. -i, pi. ♦ An ulcer, a blister (H.).
160 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
/
Fo't, n.f. (1) A kind of melon.
To sow dissension.
Foz, n.f. (P. fauz.) An army.
Frej, frejo, adv. The day before yesterday.
Frusht, n.f. (U. fursat.) Leisure.
/
(2) Dissension, -pani, v.i. re.
/
Fuknawla, n.m. A blow-pipe ; a bamboo cylinder used to blow
up fire.
/
up the fire.
a,te; /. -i, pi. -e.
-deniorlani, v.i. ir. To blow
Ful, n.m. (H.) (1) A flower. (2) Bones taken to the Ganges.
(Syn. Asthu.)
Fula, n.m. A cataract, an eye disease.
f
f
f
Fulnu, v.i. re. (1) To bloom. (2) To be aged; /. -i, pi
Fulru, n.m. (1) A floweret. (2) The flower of a fruit.
Fungshi, n.f. An ulcer, a blister.
Furu, n.m. The tail of a turban.
Fusa n.m. See Dhuwa.
•
Fusi, n.f. See Dhui.
Fut, n.f. Disunion, dissension.
Futawnu, v.t. re. To cause to differ in opinion.
Futnu,V*. re. (1) To break. (2) To burst : /. -i, pi.
G
able
ird
Gaa, n.m. A kind of big lizard. (2) Sowing of vege
-lane, v.i. re. To sow vegetables.
Ga'b, n.m. Pregnancy.
Gabru, n.m. A young man, pi. -o.
Gabu, n.m. A lamb.
Gachhyawnu, v.t. re. To string.
Gachi, n.f. 'The waist, -banni, v.i. re. To ti<- up the waist, gir
one's loins.
Gachiye (phrase). With a girdle, girt.
Gachrornu, v.t. re. To agitate; /. -i. pi. -e. T
Gada, ad. ».; /. -i, pi. e. Deep. Gade-khanu, v.t. re. * c
trouble much ; /. -i, pi. -e. ,
Gadar, n.m. A kind of marriage observed by low-caste pe<>P e -
Gadawnu, v t. re. To cause to fight; /. -i, pi. e.
Gaddi, n.f. A load of hay or leaves for cattle.
Gadha, n.m. (H. gadhd.) An ass. a donkey.
Gadhilnu, v.t. re. To melt on a fire; /. -i, pi. e.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pdhari Dialects. 161
[N.8.]
Gadi, n.f., A load of grass; also Gddkd; /. -i, pi. e.
Gadi, n.f. (H. gaddi.) (1) Throne, -deni, v.i. it. To instal.
(2) A shepherd.
Gadijanu, v.i. ir. To be fought; /. -i, pi. e.
Gadnu, v./. re. To throw in.
• adnu, v.t. re. (1) To quarrel. (2) to fight ; /-i, pi. e.
Gade-tha^nu, v.t. re. To cheat unmercifully, -jhafignu, v.t. re.
' To kill.
Gadri, v.t. pi. A kind of worm that lives in multitudes in a
damp place.
Gaff, ad. (H.) See Bakla. -u, n.m. A bribe.
Gagar or gagr. n.f. (H.) A metal water- vessel.
Gahiin, or ga'n, n.m. A harrow, with 8 or 10 teeth, drawn by
oxen, used for loosening the soil round young corn. (Dan*
drala in Kangra.)
G&hlu or -a, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Muddy, dirty.
Gdhlu gdhlu bahijd,
Nimlu irtrnlu rahijd.
•' Dirty water flows away,
Clearwater remains."
Gain, gaini, n.m. and /. The sky. -ra-goja, n.m. A thunder-
bolt, -ra-jya-gola, n.m. Like a thunder-bolt.
Gaj, n.m. (H.) A ramrod.
Gajnu, v.t. re. To sound.
Ga'k, n.m. (S. Grahaka, H. gdhak.) A purchaser.
G&'l, n.m. (H.) (1) The cheek. (2) n.f. An ill name, a curse.
Gala, n.m. (S. Gala, H. gold.) The throat.
Galgal, n.m. A kind of long citron.
Galawnu, v.t. re. (I) To cause to melt. (2) To cook well.
Gaji, n.f. Ill names, -deni, v.t. re. To call ill names, -e-
bhandnu, v.t. re. To curse.
Galim, n.m. (P. ganhn.) An enemy.
Galiya, ad. m. Idle, unfit.
(ialnu, v.i. re. (1) To melt. (2) To be dissolved; /. -i, pi. -e. (3)
To be destroyed.
Galnu, v.t. re. To cause to melt or destroy ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Galti, n.f. (P. yalti.) A mistake.
Ga'lu, ad. See Gahlu.
Gam, n.m. (P. g,am.) Patience, grief, sorrow, -khanu, v.i.
re. To have patience.
Gampawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to bear or have patience.
/. -i, pi. -e.
Gampnu, v.t. re. (1) To bear, to undergo. (2) v.i. re. To have
patience. /. -t, pi. -e. Gampawnu. Casual v.
re. To be patient.
Gan, run. (1) A swarm. (2) The name of a village deity.
Ga'na, n.m.; pi. e. (H. gahnd.) An ornament, -tu, n.m. A
-mall ornament or ornaments.
162 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. "[May, 1911.
Oanawnu, v.t. re. To cause to reckon. (2) To cause to count ;
/
Gaud
/
Gandi-janu, v.t. ir. To let
him go.
/
•Gandhi, n.m. (H. gandhi.) A perfumer.
Gane, n.m. pi. (1) Sugarcane, ad. pi. Thick.
Ganes, n.m. (S. Ganesha.) The deity called Ganesh.
Ganga, *./. (S. Gan'ga.) The river Ganges.
Gani-karnu, v.t. ir. To count, to enumerate.
Ganj, n.m. (H.) (1) A mass, a heap. (2) A grain market.
/
/
/
/
/
To be hard.
/
Gafithnu, v.t. re. To mend, to repair ; /. -i, pi. -e.
•Gaftthi, n.f. A bundle, -de-panu, v.t. re. To pack.
Ganu
f
Ga'nu, v.t. re. To do farmyard work.
Gan-unka, -u, ad. m.\ /. -i, pi. e. Before, in front. Se gan-
unka dewi gawd. " He has gone before. 1 '
Gaiiw, n.m. (S. Grama, H. gdnw.) A village, a town.
•Gaiiwra, n.m. See Gaoftra.
Gaftwuft, n.m. The future, the time to come, -ka or ku, ad. m. ;
/. -i, pi. -e. Before, in front.
Gaftwra, n.m. A hamlet.
Gaoftra, n.m. A hamlet, a small village. (Also gdnwrd.)
Gap, n.f. Gossip, -marni, v.i. re. To talk a great deal, to
run on .
Gaporia, ad. m. Talkative.
Gappi, ad. m. One who gossips.
Ga'r. n.m. (S. Angara.) Burning charcoal.
Gara, n.m. (H.) Kneaded clay, mortar.
Gara, n.m.; pl.-e. Maize plants heaped at one place to dry.
-lana, v.i. re. To heap the maize plants.
Garam, ad. (H.) Warm, hot. -karnu, v.t. ir. To make warm.
Gar&wnu, v.t. re. (See Gudawnu.)
Gard, n.f. (H.) Dust.
Gardan, n.f. (H.) The neck. (Also gelni.)
Garh, n.m. A fort, -i, n.f. A fortress! -ia-negi, n.m. One m
command of a hill fort (Kullu).
Gaii. n.f. Cocoa.
Garj. n.f. (P. <jaraz.) Need, necessity, -parni. v.t. re. To be
in need of or to be needy.
Garji-janu. v.i. ir. To roar ; /. -i. pi. -e.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 163
[NS.~\
Garjnu, v.i. re. To roar.
Garka, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Heavy, weighty. (Syn. Gam,
Garuwa.)
Garka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Heavy, weighty. (Also pom.)
Gark-janu, vi. re. To waste ; f. -i, pi. -e.
Garmi, n.f. (H.) Heat, warmness.
Garnu, v.t. re. See Gadnu.
Gaftha, n.m. (S. Angaraka.) A small burning coal.
Garu, ad. m. See Garka. (Alike in number and gender.)
Garu, n.m. (H. garuwa.) A deity's waterpot.
Garuwa, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Heavy, weighty.
Garuwa, n.m. (H.) A water-jar.
Garwi, n.f. A small water-pot. . . .
Gas, n.m. (S. Grasa.) A mouthful, a morsel. Syn. Gra, t*rali.
or Grass.
Gasbel, n.f. (S. akashabela.) The air-creeper.
Gaski, n.f. A heavenly nymph.
Gat, »./. (S. Gati.) (1) The last duties of a deceased U A
tune for a guitar, -karni, v.i. re. To perform the last
duties, -banawni, v.t. re. To beat severely, -satlani, 9.*.
re. To have the last duties performed.
Garbh, n.m. (S. Garbha.) Pregnancy. Proverb :
Sargo rau garbho ru kun jdno ?
C C
Who
(H
Gateru, n.m. A ghost. (Bhajji.) . .
a a t; ' « / A c= m oil «f rt n*» found among main, -clnmgm, v.i. /e.
/
To pick Znes from grain. -ba>, v.t. n. (1) To thro,
small stones at. (2) -mayikarni, v. To make a union.
GmlC'n" 1 ™. ^road by which the cattle leave the houses to
go out for grazing. It is a big road in front of a v.lla.
and runs between fences.
Gauft, ad. Forward.
Gaunt, or gaunch, n.m. (S. Gomutra.) Cow-urine.
Gaunch. See Gaunt. m A ^, v
fliw »; a n^ w .ra ™ /. Aweaklvcow. (Also swm.j
/. A cow. -ra, n.f
ad. m. : /
/
/
Gelra, n.m. The throat or windpipe.
Genda, ».m. A kind of flower. Mangold.
Gera, ».m. Giddiness ochre colou ,
(H.)(l) Red ochre, -wa, (2) ««• "i
• „ / -i -»*. -e. A hearth, a fire-pot.
■/
/
fi_ _ t
ad. m. ; /
.de-panu, v.t. re. To burn
Geuft, n.m. (S. Godhuma, H. pMM.) Wheat, (Also gmft.)
164 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Geunwaii, ad. m. ; -win, /. -wen, pi Of the wheat colour.
Gha, n.m. (S. Ghasa, H. ghds.) Grass.
Ghach-ghach, n.f. Bothering, -lani, v.t. re. To bother.
Ghachrol, n.f. Bothering, -lani, v.i..re. To bother, to linger.
Ghaghri, n.f. (H. ghaghrd.) A gown.
Ghai, n.m. A grass-cutter, -an-ni, v.t. re. To put to trouble.
-karni, v.i. ir. To act prudently, -awni, v.i. re. To be in
trouble.
Ghain, n.f Grass land, -ti, n.f. A piece of grass land.
Ghaini, n.f. Grass lands.
Ghalnu, v.t. re. To dissolve. /. -i, v.i. re. To be loyal ; pi -e.
Ghamrnu, v.i. re. To be unhappy.
Gha'n, n.f. So much grain as can be roasted in a vessel.
Ghana, n.m. A small wall, -dena, v.i. ir. To build a wall.
Ghandali, n.f. See kachawli (used in Bilaspur and Kangra).
Ghandi, n.f. (H. ghanti.) A bell.
Ghandu, n.m. The throat.
Ghangheri, n.f. A kind of vegetable.
Gha'nu, v.t. re. To kill, to slay, to put to death ; /. -i, pi -£•
Ghanta, n.m. (H. ghantd.) A large bell, -dena, v.i. re. To
give nothing.
Ghaprala, n.m. A plunging sound.
Gha'r, n.m. (See Ghaur.)
Gha'r, n.m. ; /. -i. A precipice.
Ghara, n.m. (S. Ghata.) An earthen water-pot.
Ghara, n.m. A waterfall.
Gharawnu, v.t. re. To cause to manufacture ; /. -i, pi -6.
Gharchi, n.f. Property, an estate.
Ghare, n.m. pi Curves.
Ghari, n.f. See Gharchi. Proverb: Ghari ro munhtd dpnai
dashi : ' ' One has to show his own estate and face."
Ghari, n.f. A precipice, -parnu, v.i. re. To fall from a preci-
pice.
Ghari-ro-khanu, v.t. re. To harass, to greatly trouble; /. m h
pi -e. '
Gharnu, v.t. re. To mend, to make, to manufacture; /. -i, P l - - e '
Ghartu, n.m. A small dwelling. (From H. ghar; a house.)
Ghartu, n.m. A family or its member (used in Bashahr).
Gharu, ad. Homely, household, relating to a house.
Gharu, n.m. A term for the men on corvee work.
Ghasawnu, v.t. re. To cause to be worn off.
Ghaser, n.f. A kind of play.
1 hasi-janu, v.i.ir. To be worn off.
Ghasni, n.f. See Ghaini.
Ghasnu, v.i. re. To wear off ; /. -i, pi -e.
Ghassa, n.m. A beating, crushing, -dena, v.t. re. To beat.
Ghat, n.f. Revenge.
Gha't, n.m. A quay.
Ghata, n.m. (H.) Decrease, decay, loss.
Dialects. 1 05
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of tfa
[N.S.]
Ghatanu or ghatawnu, v.t. re. (H. ghatdnd.) To deduct ; /. -i.
Ghatnu, v.i. re.' (H. ghatnd.) To be less ; /. -i, pi -e.
ad
(Alike in both genders.)
Ghatru, n.m. See Ghat or Ghaut.
Kneadin
Ghau-nu, v.t. re. To knead ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Ghaur', n.m. (H. gto.) Home, house, a dwelling.
Ghaur, n.m. A heap, a mass, -lagne, v.i. re. To be in heaps.
Ghaut, n.m. A stone-mill, -pishnu, v. t. re. To grind in a
stone mill.
Ghaw, n.m. (H
Ghehgna, n.m.
as
for grass lands. (Also ghydngnd.)
Ghe'p, n.m. Goitre or bronchocele. -i, n.m. and /. One who
has the goitre. (Also ghepu.)
Gher, n.m. Circumference.
Ghera, n.m. (1) See Gher. (2) Surrounding.
Ghera-fera, n.m. A visit.
Gherawnu, v.*. re. To cause to surround ; /. -i, p*. -e.
Gher-fer", n.m. A response, -denu, tn*. re. To respond.
Ghernu, v.f. re. To surround ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Ghesa, w.m. A fall, a bruise, a crush.
Ghesawnu, v.*. re. To cause to bruise or crush ; /. -i, p*. -e.
Ghesnu,'i>.*. re. To crush, to bruise ; /. -i, pi- *©•
Gheta, n.m. A coarse neck. ,
Gheur, n.m. (H. ghewar.) A kind of sweetmeat
Ghiari, ghyari, n./. An earthen pot for clarified butter.
Ghiartu ghyartu, n.m. A small earthen pot for clarified
Ghich"p£h' n / A great crowd, -honi or -maclmi, v.i re To
be P much crowded, -karni, v.i. if. To crowd, -hatawm,
v.i. re. To disperse a crowd.
Ghin,w./. Compassion, tenderness. (Rashahr )
^hin-nu v.t. re To buy, to purchase; /. -i, plj- ^^
Ghin/n./. (1) Sympathy. (2) Love. f*f>J^'' To love
/
(2) Sympathy.
^rninanu, v.t. re. xo »pun, ™ - , hnttpr
Ghir4,V». (H.^«.) A ve ? el of cbr.fied butter.
Ghiri-awnu, v.i. re
i
f
i
Ghiri-firi-ro, ad. In a wandering manner.
Ghisawnu, v.t. re. See Ghasawnu. f
Ghisnu," v.i. re. To slip down ; /. -J, P'- -©•
Ghiu', n.m. (H. ^i.) Clarified batter.
Ghiya-tori, n.f. A kind of vegetable.
Ghmaw,n.m. (H. ?to^) A winding path.
Ohmer
166 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L
/. The act of troubling, -a-ghachi, n.f
again and again.
/
/
Gho'l, n.m. A kind of wild goat, -an, »./. Wild she-goat, -ta
/. i, pi. e.
or -tu. A wild kid ; -ti, /.
Ghol-matho'l, n.m. The act of mismanaging.
Gholnu, v.t. re. To dissolve, to mix into water;
Gholto, n.m. A pony (Bashahr).
Ghora, n.m. A horse. /. -i. A mare, -u, n.m. A pony.
Ghorlu, n.m. See Gholto.
* •
Ghra'ru, n.m. pi. Snoring, -dene, v.i. ir. To snore.
ishni, n.f. (S
a new house.
The ceremony of entering
Ghawru, n.m. See grawru.
Ghra't, n.m. (H. ghata.) A water mill to grind grain.
Ghratiya, n.m. One who has a water mill.
Ghraul, n.m. A kind of bell (like a dish) used in Hindu temples.
Ghryaun, n.f. A tune played at a village deity's dance.
Ghryaunu or ghryaun-lani, v.i. re. To play the tune called
Ghryaun.
Ghugi, or Ghuggi. See Ghugti.
Ghugnu, v.i. re. To bark of a dog.
Ghugti, n.f. A dove, -lani, v.i. re. To play.
/. A small shed in a farmyard to keep grain in whei^
it rains.
Ghiim, n.m. A long way.
/
/
/. Fragrant.
Ghumaw, n.m. Turning.
Ghumawnu, v.t. re. To cause to turn.
Ghumnu, v.i. re. To turnback; /. -i, pi. e.
Ghun, n.m. An insect that destroys timber.
Ghuiid, n.m. A veil, -karnu, v.i. re. To put on a veil.
Ghuiighru, n.m. pi. Small bells used by dancers.
Ghurkaw, n.m. The act of threatening, a threat.
f. (H. ghurki.) A threat.
/
Ghurknu, v.t. re. (H." ghufknd.) To threaten ; /. -i, fl &
Ghuri-ro, adv. Strongly.
Ghurnu, v.t. re. To gird up; /. -i, pi. -e.
Ghusernu, v.t. re. To throw in ; /
/
Ghushu, n.m. A kind of game in which there are two parties
of men : each party taking in their hands small bundles o I
straw alight on both sides, throw them at the other party.
This takes place on certain days of October.
Ghusnu, v.i. re. To enter, to be admitted ; / -i, pi e.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1<>7
[N.S.]
Ghusrnu, v.i. re. See the preceding.
Ghutj n.f. The act of swallowing.
Ghutawnu, v.t. re. To cause to swallow up.
Ghutnu,V*. re. To swallow up; /. -i, pi. e.
Ghwa'rnu, v.t. re. To open, to uncover, to remove a hd; /. -i,
pi. e.
Ghyaiigna, n.m. See Ghengna.
Ghyanna, n.m. A fireplace.
Ghyari, n.f. An earthen pot; used to divide clarified butter.
Ghyu, n.m. See Ghiu.
Gi, n.f. Gums of the teeth.
Gi\ n.f. A kind of tune, -lani, v.i. re. To play a particular
tune. (Also -bajni or -bajawni.)
Giawan, n.m. A kind of tax (used in Kuthar State).
Gich-pich, n.f. See Ghich-pich.
Gijawnu, v.t. re. To cause to accustom.
G\\xm',v.i. re. To accustom, to practise ; /. -1, pi. e.
Gil,' n./. A term for the 16 days, the last week of Ashar and 1st
week of Sawan, respectively. Trees planted during this
fortnight flourish and flower well. _
Gila or -u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. e. Wet. -karnu, v.t. ir. To wet.
-honu, v.i. ir. To be wet.
Gillar, n.m. See Ghep.
Gin-uii, n. (8. Godhuma, P. gandam.) Wheat.
Ginawnu, v.t. re. See Ganawnu.
Ginda, w.ra. A tom-cat. n , , ,
Gindu, n.m. (S. Kanduka or Genduka). A play-ball, -knelnu.
v.i. re. To play with a ball.
Gin-nu, v.t. re. See Gan-nu.
Gint, n./. An account. (From Hindi gini.)
< i.ra-giri, n.f. A hue and cry. -inachm v.t re. To 'j^eatno >-
Girawnu v.t. re. To spoil, to throw away. (From Hmdi
girdnd . )
/
Giri-firi-awmi, ».i. re. To take a walk; /.-i, p«. -e.
down ; /
^riri-ianU, V.I. IT. XO iau uuww , /• -* i- - T^tl,incr
n- i • t • • t-^ i^ wo^tpd to be given away tor nothing.
Girk-janu, v.i. ir. To be wasted, to ue K j
Girrra, tf.t. re. (
Gla'b, n.m. (H
ose
orf/
f.-i,pl.e. (2) To turn.
/
Glain,w.ra. A kind of pine tree. fMnm root
G14i; n.m. (H. pAK.) (1) Red powder. (2) Hu ( lima root,
madder (raajith).
Gla'm, n.f. (H. Idgum.) A bridle ,,
r<i ' m ' ~, J* /W /////7<? 1 A cui>, a tumfolei.
Glas, or Glass, n.m. (xi. f/uns.j ** ^ t
bow.
Glista, n.m. (P. M/isAf.) A span.
168 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Gobar, n.m. (H.) or gobr. (1) Cow-dung. (2) Manure
>brai, n.f. Tl
manure land.
-lani, v.i. re. To
Gobraush, n. /. A heap of manure.
Gobrila, n.m. An insect found in manure, a chafer.
Gochha, n.m. (H. angochhd.) A towel.
Go'd, n.m. The lap. -lana, v.t. ir. To adopt a son.
Godi, n.f. The lap. -lana, v.t. ir. To take in the lap.
Godi, n.f. A kind of wild edible root.
Gokhru, n.m. (1) A kind of ear-rings. (2) A kind of medicine.
Go], ad. (H.) Round, -chan-nu, v.t. re. To make round.
Gola, n.m. Thunderbolt.
Goiakh, n.m. (1) A fund. (2) The fund out of which alms
were given (used in Mandi).
Goli, n.m. pi (1) Apes. (2) A bullet, -bahni, v.i. re. To
shoot a bullet
Gon, n.m. Desire, wish, pleasure, -dekhna, v.i. re. To go one's
own way.
Gonch or Gofit, n.m. (S. gomutra.) Cow's urine.
Goiichawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to make water (used
of cattle only).
Gonchnu, v.i. re. To make water (used of cattle only).
Goiitraia, n.m. The naming ceremony of a child.
Go'r, n.m. A lizard {goh is a kind of big lizard, also found in
'the Simla Hills).
Gornu, v.t. re. To weed, /. -i, pi. -e.
Goru, n.m. Cattle.
Goshtha, n.m. A cake of dry cow-dung.
Got, n.m. (S. gotra.) Parentage, lineage ; stock (of a family).
Gota, n.m. (H.) A dip, a dive, -khana, v.i. re. To miss, to err.
-marna, v.i.re. To take a dip, to dive.
Gota, n.m. (H.) Lace, -lana, v.i. re. To lace.
Gothi, n.f. Blame, -lani, v.t. re. To blame.
n.m. A wild anima
/. Odd. -noti, n.f
f
Gra or grah, n.m. A morsel, a mouthful, -lana, v.i. re. To
take a morsel.
rasa
/
Gra'nu, v.t. re. (1) To collect revenue. (2) To realize ; /
pi. -e.
Grass, n.m. See Gra.
Kull
/
Grawru, n.m. A little bird. (Alike in singular and plural.)
Greut, n.m. A long way, turning here and there.
Grewanu, v.t. re. To turn back;/, -i, pi. -e. , .
Grhaiwan, n.m. A tune played to make a deity dance. -lani>
v.i. re. To play the deity's dancing tune.
/
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 169
[N.S.]
Grhaiwnu, v.t.re. To cause or allow a village deity to move or
dance.
Grib, ad. (H. yarib.) Poor, helpless.
Griknu, v.i. re. To roar (of thunder). Also gariknu.
Gro or Grau, n.m. pi. The nine planets, which are: (1) The
sun. (2) The moon. (3) Mars. (4) Mercury. (5) Ju-
piter. (6) Venus. (7) Saturn. (8) Rahu. (9) Ke*u.
(From Sanskrit Graha.)
Gron or graun, n.m. (S. grahana.) An eclipse, -lagnu, v.i. re.
To appear, of an eclipse, -dekhna, v.i. re. To witness an
eclipse .
Gu, n.m. (S.) Excrement. (Also kH.)
Gubar or Gubr, n.m. See Gobar or gobr.
Gubrai, n.f. See Gobrai.
Gubrila, n.m. See Gobrila.
Gudla or -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Sweet, tasty.
Gufa, n.f. (S.) A cave or grotto scooped out of solid rock.
Kh
/
/
/
Kul , n. f
corn
Gujchhu, n.m. The flesh of the buttocks.
Guje, n.m. pi. Grain (used in Bashahr State).
Gum-honu, v.i. ir. To disappear; /. -i, pi. -e.
Gun. n.m. (S. guna.) Obligation, -man-na, v.i. re. To be ob-
liged. . ,
Guna, n m. (P. gundh.) A crime, a fault, a ""stake
Guiidawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to knead or braid
Gundnu; v.t. re. (1) To knead. (2) To braid ; /. -i, pi. •«•
Gunjo, n.m. pi. Moustache.
Gun lagna, v.i. re. To be indebted.
Guhth, n.m. pi -o. Pony.
Gur,'n.w. (H.) Brown sugar.
Guri, n.f. A knot, knob. , , .
Gusa, n.m. (P. ^umoA.) Anger, indignation, -karna, v.t. ir.
To become angry or indignant. n „ nl uhn \ The
Gutha, n.m. (S. angushtha, the thumb.) H ; *»ff«) °
' thumb, -dashna, v.i. re. To deny, -lana, ».». re. To put
the thumb, e.g., on a deed, -i, nj. A hnge. .
Guthra, n.m. See Gutha. -i, w./. A finger.
Cuwa or Gowa, ». The past tense of the verb janu, to go,
GwaTm. (H. gawdh.) (D A witness, also (2) evidence.
Gwachi-janu, vi. ir. To be lost ; /. -i, p. -e.
Gwachnu, v.t. re. To lose, v.u re To be lost ; A-i-Pj- "<\
Gwii, n.f. (ll.gawdhi) (1) Evidence. (2) A witness, -dem,
v.i. ir. To give evidence.
170 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Gwali, n.f. (1) A shepherdess. (2) A kind of insect, green in
colour and long in size, like a grasshopper.
Gwa'r, ad. Uncivilized, ignorant, a fool. (H. gaiiwdr.)
H
Well.
ad. m. ; /
Good. Adv.
HAehhe, n.m. pi, A kind of thorny plant that bears edible
berries.
/. (H. haddi.) A bone.
• . w
Ha'd, n.f. Conversatio ... __, „,
Ha'd, n.m. pi. Bones.
Hadd, n.f. A limit, boundary, -honi, v.i. ir. To get
bounds.
Hadi, n.f. Conversation, -lani, v.i. re. To converse.
Hadri-lani, v.t. re. To converse.
Hae, int. Oh, alas, ah !
» a»w uu.
/
/
Hagnu, v.i. re. (H. hagnd.) To go to stool.
Hail nf. (pronounced hel.) A hard task, to be done with the
help of many persons, -deni, v.i. ir. To work collectively.
Hamgo. A form of address to a relative, meaning, ' mv
dear.'
Hajtila or hajiire. A form of address : < O vou '
Hajar, ad. (P. hdzir.) Present.
Ha'k, n.f. A halloo, -deni, v.t. ir. To halloo.
Hakawnu,vX re. (H.kaMnd.) ~
f
f
f
Haj-bai, n.m One .who ploughs, a ploughman.
Halie. n.f (Vf hnlAZ \ t\,„, • F °
f. (H. haldi.) Turmeric.
ria Kawnu, v.t re. io cause or allow to shake ; /. -i, pi. -e.
H«U Zm InTk^^ •■*•. ^- halkd -) Light, not weighty,
nana, n.m. (H.) A noise, a hue and cry. -pana, v.i. re. To
make a noise. * ' r sain .,
make a noise. u }
Halmandi, n.m^ See Bjair. (Used in Bashahr and Kumhar-
Ha nu, v.t. re. To shake, to tremble.
Ha o n.m. A kind of greens called in Hindi, chamchur.
Ha sh or .,, % j The long piece Qf wood
Ha tu, n.m. A kind of small plough.
Halwa,n.m. (H haluwd.) A kind of cake.
Hambai, adv. ' Yes,' or ■ very well.'
Hamen, pro. pi. We. -in, /.
H^ y ^?" / v Enmit >'' °PP03ition. -karni, «.». ir. To oppose.
'J?* YeS - * n4 ' ndv > Yea or no. '-karni, *.». »>. To sa 5
yes
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 171
[N.S.]
Hana, n.m. (S. hani.) Loss, injury, -jana, P.i. ir. To sustain
a loss.
Hand, n.f. A walk, travel, -i, ?i.f. An earthen cooking vessel.
Handi-na balu (phrase). I cannot walk.
Han do) a, n.m. See Chandol.
• • ' m
Hanjar, n.m. (H. hazdr.) A thousand.
Hans, n.m. (S. Hansa.) A goose.
Hansili, n.f. (P. hdsil.) Revenue or tax. (Used in Kullu.)
Har, n.m. A flood, -awna, v.i. re. To wash off.
Har,n./. (S. Hara.) (1) Abduction. (2) A garland.
Har-karn, n.m. The sum paid, in addition to the marriage ex-
penses, by a man who abducts another man's wife, to her
husband. (Used in the Dhami State.)
Ha' re. adv. Kindly, -karne, v.i. ir. To entreat.
Hara or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (H.) Green.
Hara, n.m. (1) A small field. (2) A trial, -karna, v.t. ir. To
try.
Harawnu, v.t. re. (H. harwdnd.) To cause or allow to defeat.
Harawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to flow away ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Hargat, n.f. (A. harkat.) Injury, loss, fault, -karni, v.t. ir.
To make a mistake.
Hari-janu, v.i. ir. To be washed off ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Hariyaga, n.m. An allowance for the Raja's kitchen. (Used in
Mandi.)
Harja, n.m. (P. harz.) Mischief, injury, -hona, v.i. ir. To be
lost.
Ham, n.m. (S. Harina.) A buck. /. -i. A doe.
Harnu, v.t. re. To fail ; /. -i, pi. -e. (H. hdrnd.)
Harnu, v.t. re. To try, to examine, to scrutinise; /. -i, pi. -e.
Har-r or har-ri. A medicinal fruit, bellow or (hebulic myro-
balan (terminalia chebula) : seven varieties of this are
distinguished. (From Sanskrit haritaki.J
Har-ri, n.f. The wooden pipe of a huqqa.
Haryawul, n.m. (H. haridwal.) Meadows.
Has'avvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to laugh ; /. -1, pi. -e
HasL n.f. (S. Hasya.) Laughter, -chhutni, v.i. re. To laugh.
-karni, v.i. ir. To laugh at.
Hasi-kheii-ro lane, v.t. re. pi. To beguile the time with pleasure.
Haali, n.f. An ornament worn on the neck by women.
Hasnu, v.i. re. To smile, to laugh. (From Hindi hnnsw,.)
Hatawnu, v.t. re. (H. haiand.) To cause or allow to prevent .
HatawAu. v.t. re. To cause or allow to return : to prohibit.
Hath or h at th, n.m. (S. hast a.) A hand.
Hath, n.m. (S. hatha.) Insistence, -karna, v.i. re. lo insist.
Hathange, n.m. pi. Commutation for begdr or corvee (Bilaspur).
Hathar ad. f. A cow or she-buffalo, which only allows one
a 5 /
person to milk her.
Hathaura. n.m. (H.) A hammer.
Hathi, ad. Obstinate.
172 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911
Hatho-joriro, c.p. With joined hands.
Hathru, n.m. pi. Hands. (H. hath.)
Hatnu, v.i. re. To turn back; /. -i, pi. -e.
Hatnu, v.i. re. (1) To return, to come back. (2) To be off.
-lani. v.i. ir. To cause to
/
Hatya, n.f. (S.) The act of killing.
trouble, -karni, v.t. ir. To kill.
Hatth, n.m. See Hath.
Hatti, n.f. (H. hatti.) A shop, -karni, v.i. ir. To open a shop.
Haul, n.m. (S. Hala.) A plough, -banu, v.i. re. To plough.
Haunsla, n.m. (H. hausild.) Ambition, desire, capacity.
Hawa, n.f. (H.) The air, wind.
Hazri, n.m. (P.) An attendant, -ka, n.m. A term for a free
grant in lieu of serv
Hega, n.m. Carefulness.
Mandi )
He'l, n.f
f
offer a goat sacrifice.
ice. -karni, v.i. ir. To insist,
or sheep, -deni, v.i. ir. To
Held, n.m. A special begdr or corvee leviable for repairs to
roads or buildings, and on special occasions, such as a
wedding or death in the chief's family.
Heli, n.f. Wisdom, activity.
Hera, n.m. Game, shikar, hunting, -lana or -karna, v.i. re. and
ir. To go on a shooting excursion, -i. n.m. A shikari, a
shooter.
He'r-fer, n.m. An answer, a reply, -dena, v.i. ir. To reply.
Hernu, v.t. re. To work ; /. -i, pi. - e .
Heru, adv. Perhaps, -la, v. Look here!
Hesr-lana, v.i. re. To chant a song in union (by all persons
carrying a heavy load, or moving a heavy mass) in order
to keep time. [time
Hessa, n.m. The cry of a number of persons at work at on«
He t, n.m. (S. Hita.) Affection, -lana, v.i. re. To be affec-
tionate.
Hethe adv Down, -pana, v.i. re. To spread a bed (used in
JtJhajji State).
Hethi, adv. By the lower way (used in the Bhajii State).
Hethla, ad. m. ; /. -i, p l. . e . Lower.
Hiaji n.f. Supper (used in Keoftthal).
Hichhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to promise or agree.
Hich hnu, v.t. re. To promise, to agree ; /. -i, pi. -e.
H.chki, n.f. (H.) See Dhiki.
Hij or hijo or hijau, adv. Yesterday, the past dav-
Hij-bhyansn, adv. Yesterday morning. (Also hijo-bhydnsri.)
Hii-bvale or hiio-hv^ i. a ^ ~ — :~f -J^^-j- ' i:«-
/
Last evening, yesterday evening
A -i> pi. -e. Yesterday's, of vesterdav
Hila? or hillan 7 n.m, See Bhaiftchal' (used in Bilaspur and
Kangra).
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 173
[N.S.]
Hirnat, n.f. (P. himmat.) Courage, -harni, v.i. re. To di>-
hearten.
Hindne, n.m. pi. The legs of a quadruped.
Hiftg,' n.f. (S. Hingu.) See Suridha.
Hini, ad. f. Decaying, decreasing.
Hin-ne, n.m. pi. See Hindne.
Hir, n.m. pi A kind of wild fruit.
Hiyaw, n.m. (H.) Courage, -awna, v.i re. To be courageous.
rtiye-lanu, v.t. re. To embrace; f.-i, pl.-e.
Hochha", ad. m ; /. -i, pi. -e. Short, -jana, v.i. ir. To fall short.
/. i, pi. -e. Lisping.
/
Holi", n.f. (S. Holika.) The Holi festival, -khelni, e.». re. To
enjoy the Holi festival.
Holi, v. ' (She) may be.'
Homeft, humeri, »./.«. 1st p. ^- We will be. In f. Homin,
humift. .'. >i •'' «nL '<
Honi,w./. The act of taking place. As H o m hoi-la >n . lhat
'which is to happen will happen." •
Honu, ».t. ir. To be, to become, to take place; /. -i, p*. -e.
Hor, pro. Other. -tVL By the others.
Hor, con. (l)And. (2) ad. Eke. "*« W at * **
you say S ' ' (3) ad. More. < ■ Tan hor M cAaym ? Do you
want more? "
Hoth or hotth, n.m. (S. Ostha.) pi. Lips
Huka, n.m.' (P. At^,) The hubble-bubble. totrimooajHp.
-pina> «.•'. »r. To smoke, -bharna, *.*. re. To put hre on
H^THom,) Burnt offering, the .cjjjtjng ^ of dan
fied butter, dried fruit, etc., into the sac red hie
invoca
' i j. -~ 4-,,.w» .L-nrna. ??.J. II. lO ittti
v.t. re.
To sound a certain tune, -karna, v.i. »:
the sacred flames with calrified butter, etc
di *> / »H ) The amount of revenue, -den, v.i. n . xo
di, n.f. {tt.) r '« „ r xi,ni vi re To collect revenue
pav revenue or taxes, -grahni, v-ire. io ^
Huiigrnu, v.i. re. To low like a cow ; /. -i, />«• ■*■
Hur, w'.m. A bolt above a door.
Huro, n.m. Roaring or thundering.
Huwarnu, v.t. re. See Hwarnu.
Uwarnii, huwarnu, v.t. re m
to a rest; /. -i, pi- -e
Hyao, hyaw,«.w. Courag<
unload
load
^ Snow, -knan, »./. i ne «in u* ="»" >
Hyun, n.m. (S. Hima.) »n0* (Pro verb.)
a glacier, -ghalnu. v.'- re. *»> i
Am ''Mo, bdnthiyd, kanjn rand, dgL
1 74 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
" The snow will melt with clouds, and gold with borax,
So is a youth, young man, before a harlot.' '
Hyund, n.m. The winter season.
I
Ichhya, n.f. (S. Ichchha.) Desire, wish, -karni, v.i. ir. To
wish.
Iji, n.f. Mother. Ijiye, tu led karat \ " O mother, what are
you doing ? ' '
Ikki, ad. Twenty-one. (H. ikkis.)
Iktali, ad. Forty-one. (H. ikchdlis.)
Ham, n.m. (P. ilm.) Knowledge, cultivation of the mind.
In, n.m. See qin.
Indar, n.m. (S. Indra.) Also Indr. The deity of rain, the deity
presiding over Swarga or the Hindu paradise, the deity of
the atmosphere and' rain, -ni bashda. It does not rain,
-bashda bhaja. The sky refused to rain.
Ine, pro. pi Agent case. 'By these.'
Iiikh, n.f. (S. Ikshu, H. Ikh.) Sugarcane. (Kamdndi in
Kangra.)
In 6 , pro .pi. To these . (Also iyon . )
inoh, pro. To these.
Inu, adv. So. ad. Such. (Used in Bashahr.)
re ' n : m - P l - A kind of salty pudding made of the pulse called
kolth (Dolichos biflorus).'
In-re, pro. pi. Of these.
Irai, ire, n.f. A kind of nlanl
i
baskets are made.
isnft or-u, adv. m. ; /. -i, pi. . e . So, such. Ishu kishu japan.
"Why do you say so ? " Ishi bhald ddmi. " Such a good
man." Ishi bdto nd Iqi. "Don't sav such things."
I she ghqur band . - Build such houses. ' ' "
ishar n.m. (S. Ishwara.) Heavenly Father, God, the Creator,
isnka or -u, adv. m. ; /. -i } pi. . e . To this side. (Erh'i in Bal-
san, Jubbal and Punar.)
l^iur, n.m. (S. 1 shwara.) God.
J
J;i. v. (Jo.
•Jaa. adv. When.
Jaa din a bdt'h/e,
Tundd mdro ddnge.
When times are not good,
Then every one can ''give trouble.'
■Vol
[N
»/
175
(H
/
response, -no, v.t. re.
Whenever. (H. jabkabhi.)
adv. Whenever (vou please
7
Jachnu, v.t. re. To try, to estimate, to examine;/. •£,
pi. -e.
Jag, n.m. (S. Yajna.) A sacrifice, -dena, v.i. n. To perform a
sacrifice, a religious ceremony.
Ja'g, n.f. Awaking, -awni, v.i. re. To awake ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Jaga. n.f. <H. jaqah.) A place, a room. ?
Jaga, v. The past tense of the verb jdgnu, to awake, ' awoke ;
/. -i, pi. -e.
Jagar, jagr. (1) n.m. A small wall. (2) ad. m. and /. Mute
or dumb, -deni, v.i. ir. To build a wall.
Jagarn, n.m. (S. Jagarana.} Keeping ceremonial vigil the
m
/. (P. zaqdt.) Tax, octroi.
/
Jag-jup, n.m. A picture of the deity Ganesh carved in stone
or wood and set up in the house-door when ready. (Used
in Kangra).
/
Jagra, n.m. (S. Jagarana.) A religious cereniony
ved
throughout the Hill States. The principal rite is to invite
the village deity to one's own house for worship, and give a
grand feast after performing hum. -dena. v.i. ir. lo otter
• /
a jagra.
Jagrul, n.f. A subscription for a jagra. -deni, v.i. ir. lo sub-
scribe for a jagra. . , A
Jaguli, n.f. A catching in the throat from eating uncooked
zimiqand , ox ghuiKydn . -Kgni, *.*. re. To suffer from eat-
ing uncooked zimiqand, etc. .
Jaidya-bolni, v.i. re. To pay one's respects to a chief.
Jaikar, n.f: Victory. As : J«ikar dewa mahnra^a. roMMd
bale howe. ' Victory to thee. village deity, protect us b 3
all the means in thy power.'
Jaiiid, ad. A fool, ignorant.
Jakawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to be rubbed.
/
/
Jal,'n.m. (S.Jala. Water. (Syn. Chfa )
Jalab, ».m.p*. Purgation, -lagne. p.». r lo purge.
hund
/. -i. /'/. e.
Jajawnu, v./. re. To cause or allow to oum . f min f-in
Jal-jogan, *./. The nymph, residing near a wate f« am
who is believed to oast spells over women and cm Wren
and has to be propitiated with sacrifice. (Chamba). (Syn.
Jal-matri.)
176 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L.
/
/
Jamat, n.f. Shaving, -karni, v.i. ir. To shave, -banawni,
v.i. re. To shave.
Jama't,n./. (H.) A gang of mendicants, especially Vaishnavas.
Jamaw, n.m. (H). A gathering.
Jamawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to grow. (2) To cause
/
/
Jamnu, v.i. re. (1) To grow. (2) To become sour, of milk;
/
/
/
Jamtu, n.m. pi. A kind of citron.
Jan, n.f. (H. jdn). Life, strength, -awni, v.i. re. To survive,
-jani, v.i. ir. To end one's life.
Ja'n, n.f. A huge stone.
Jana, n.m. A person.
Janas, n.f. Wife, woman (used in Bilaspur and Kangra).
Jafi-un, adv. As long as. Jan-un se ni dyd, tdn-un an ni dend/t :
" As long as he has not come, so long I won't go."
Janawnu, v.t. re. To acquaint, to introduce; /. -i. pi. -e.
Janda, n.m. A lock, -dena, v.i. ir. To lock up.
Janet, n.f. (H.) A wedding procession.
Janeu, n.m. (S. Yajnopavita.) The sacred thread, -honu, v.i. ir.
To celebrate the sacred thread ceremony.
Jani, con. Perhaps (III. God knows). [caste.
Janja, n.m. Abstinence, sobriety, the act of putting out of
Janjnu, v.t. re. To put aside, to excommunicate, to put out of
caste; /. -i, pi. -e.
Janmantro, n.m. (S. Janmantara.) The next world.
Fanmastmi, n.f. (S. Janmashjarai.) The birthday of Krishna,
which falls annually on the 8th of the dark half of Bhado,
and men and women all fast on that day and perform
the pujd of Sri-Krishna. It is a great feast among all the
hill-men, cooked food as prasdd being exchanged among
relatives.
/
/
/
Janu, n.m. (S. Janu). Knee.
Janu, v.i. re. To be born ; /. -i. pi. -e.
Japan or jappan, n.m. (1) Conversation. (2) A talk.
Japawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to speak ;
Japda, pre. par. Speaking : /. -i, pi. -e.
Japnu, v.t. re. (H. japnd). To speak, to converse; to talk. /• •»»
pi. -e.
Japor, ad. m. Foolish, ignorant.
Deshl kd }u,io japor,
Kiahe karia'khdi khnr.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 177
[N.S.]
The men of the plains are fools,
They know not how the walnut is eaten."
Japu-hundu, pas. par. Spoken ; /. -i, pi. -e
Jar, n.m. A grinder tooth.
Jar or zar, n.m. A term for the Tibetans, whose religion is
* _ *
Buddhism.
Jar, n.m. (S. Jwara ) Fever, -awna, v.i. ir. To suffer from
fever.
Jaroli, n.f. Bread of barley-flour, -channi, v i. re. To mak.
bread of barley flour, -khani, v.i. re. To eat barley food.
Jas, 'pro. Whom. -kas. pro. Whomever.
Jash, n.m. (S. Yashas.) Glory, -hona, v.i. ir. To be glorious
-kamawna, v.i. re. To gain glory.
Jasra or -u, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Whose.
Jat, n.f. (1) Caste. (2) A fair. (From Sanskrit yatra.) -o-khe-
janu, v.i. ir. To go to a fair.
Jataji/w.m. A messenger, a watchman (used in Kullu).
Jatt," n.m. (H.) The Jats of the plains.
Jaulu, n.m. pi. Twins, -jane, v.i. re. To bring forth twins.
Jaur, n.j. (H. jar.) Root.
Jawa, n.m. A kind of wild tree.
Jaz or Zaz, n.f. (H. dad.) Ringworm.
Je, con. If. As: Je ah dewndd. " If I had gone.
Jeb, n.f. (H.) Pocket. (Syn Guja, Khisa.)
Jebbu, adv. As soon as. (Also jebri.)
Jebri, adv. See the preceding.
Je'k. v.m. A kind of tree.
Jeiishi, adv. On which day. *,. , • „* i„„,i
Jeola, n.m. A term used in Kullu for Ubharsm area of land,
' half of which was held rent free in lieu of service, winch
as
/
Jeota, n.m. A kind of thin rope.
Je'r, n.f. The womb, of cattle. B;1 - „- ...j
Jera, ad. See Jishu. (Used in Baghal, Kumhar, B.la.pur and
Nalagarh.) .. , .
Je'ru, adv. See Jishu. (Balsan and Madhan.)
Jes, p\o. See Jas. (Used in Bashahr and Kumhars™
Jes-kes. pro. See Jas-kas. ^„*u
Je't, ,,./ Mouth, -bakni, v.i. re. To open the mou-h.
/
/
The wife of the husband's elder brother.
Where.
Whence
Jethiva. n.m. Husband's elder brother.
Jethtil, n /. A term used for an extri
the eldest brother.
178 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
adv
f
ad. m. ; /
Jewta, n.m. A small rope.
/
<-e. par. Watching ; /. -i, pi. -e.
ftli, n.f. A guard, a watch, -karni. v.t. ir. To watch, to
guard.
Jgwalnu, v.t. re. To watch, to guard.
du or -a, m. ; /. -i, p 1 . -e. Watched.
Jhabbal, n.m. A jumper, an iron instrument used for mining.
Jhafan, n.m. A kind of palanquin. (Also japhdn.)
Jha'g, n.m. Foam, -awna; v.i.re. To foam.
Jha'k, n.f. Care, -honi or-rakhni, v.i. ir. and re. To be care-
ful, -rauni, v i. ir. To be anxious about.
Jhakhr, n.m. A shrub.
Jha'j, n.m. A water-fall.
Jhalara, n.m. Swindling, -dena, v.i. ir. To swindle.
Jhall, n.m. pi. Thorny shrubs, -fukne, v.i. re. To burn
thorn
s.
/. -i, pi. -e. Mad, insane.
/. Itch, -lagni ; v.i. re. To feel an itching.
Jhamaka, n.m. A sudden light, lightning.
Jhamman, n.m. The cover of a doli or palanquin.
Jha'n, n.f. (P. jahdn.) The world, c/. Jihan.
Jhanaokha, n.m. Moonlight.
Jhanwan, n.m. (1) Light. (2) The filth of iron used to wash
the feet, etc., also used to wash an elephant.
Jluinda, n.m. A flag ; /. -i. A small flag. (Also jhandd.)
f
f
Jhangsh, n.m. The snake-plant, (Its root when dried and
pounded is made into a powder and is a great remedy for
cattle-itch. A small quantity is given with kneaded flour
to the animal to eat.)
Jhanj, n.f. Cymbals, made of bell metal and used in pairs-
(H. jhdnjh.)
Jharito, n.f. pi. Hair of the private parts (H.).
J hapeta, n.m. Struggle, strife, a quarrel.
•Ihar, n.m. pi. Continued rain, -lagne, v.i. re. To rain continu-
ously. (Also jhafi, n.f.)
•lhara, Agjhara, n.m. A tinder-box.
r jar
• narawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to drop ; /. -i, pi -e.
.liarfa, n.m. Care, anxiety, -man-na, v.i. r*. To bp in the care of.
Jhan, n.f A chiefs water vessel or watt. JB ,
tinart, n.f. Continued rain, steady rain, or drizzle, -lag'. 11
v.t. re. To rain continually.
•JUarnu, v.i. re. To drop, to fall down (fruits, <
-Jhatawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to call ; /
/
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 17i>
[N.S.]
/
Jhatu, n.m. An illegitimate son (Bashahr).
1, n.f. Fire, -lani, v.i. re. To burn lire.
Jhe'l, n.m. The act of undergoing.
Jhelawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to undergo.
Jhelda or -u, m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. pre. par. Undergoii
Jhe'lkhana, n.m. (H.) The jail.
Jhelnu, v.t. re. To undergo, to bear.
/. -i ? pi. -e.
>rne; /. -i,
/
/
/
/
/.
Jhirk or jhirki, n.f. Scolding, threatening, -deni, v.t. re. To
' scold, threaten, -khani, v.i. re To get a scolding.
/
/
Jhirnu, v.t. re. To drag, to draw. Jhirda or -u, m. ; /. -i, yl -«'•
pre. par. Dragging, drawing.
Jhiru-hundu or -a, m. ; -/. i, pi -e. pas. par. Dragged, drawn.
Jhish, jhiBhi or jhiahd, adv. Yesterday (Bhajji).
Jhithke, n.m. pi. Clothes.
Jhokkii, n.m. Burning fuel.
Jhoknu, v.i. re. To throw fuel on the fire. (H. jhoknd.)
Jho'l, n.f. See Jhaul.
Jhola, n.m. (H.) A wallet, -bharna, v.i. re. To fill a wallet.
Jhoji, n.f. A small wallet, -lani, v.i. ir. To become a mend.
cant.
Jho't, n.m. A root, origin, foundation.
diri, n.f. Firewood, fuel, -chan-r
-bkndni, v.i. re. To distribute fuel.
To cut fuel.
s wi n
/
Jhulda, pre. par. Swinging.
Jhulkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to shake.
Jhujkda/pre. par. Shaking, quaking, trembling fy\t**'
Jhulknu, v.i. re. To shake, quake, tremble; /. -1, pi. -e.
Jhujku-hundu, pas. par. Shaken; /. -h pi- * e -
Jhulnu, v.i. re. To swing round.
Jhum, n.f. A covering, made of a blanket, used to protect one
from rain.
•Ibumi-rauni. v.i. if. To hang. .
Jh«mku7*'.m. pi. A kind of earrings, -lane, v.t. re To wear
earrings, -gharne, v.i. re. To make earrings (of gold or
J\mmnu?v.i. re. ( I ) To hang down. (2) To dose, to slumber.
180 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Jhumr, n.m. (H.) An ornament worn on the head.
Jhunfri, n.f. (H. jhopri.) A cottage.
Jhuriga, n.m. (1) Property. (2) Estate.
Jhunjri, n.f. A kind of wild plant.
/
Jhutnu, v.t. re. To drink, to quench; /. -i, pi. -e. (
Jhutth, n.m. (H. jhuth.) Untruth, fabrication, lie.
Jhwa'r, n.m. (1) A present. (2) Salutation.
Jhwarnu, v.t. re. See Juharnu.
Jja-de-rakhnu, v.t. re. To keep in mind, to love;
Jia-ra-aftto, n.m. That which is in the mind.
Jia-ra or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pl. -e. Of the mind.
Jibh, n.f. (S. Jihwa.) The tongue, -e japnu, v.t. re. To
speak. (Also Jibti).
/. (P. zidd.) Opposition, persistence, -karni, v.i. ir.
To persist.
/
Jidwanu, v.i. re. To persist, to oppose.
f
pas. par. Pressed down ; /
pas. par. Eaten; /. -i, pi.
par. Feeding; /
•e. To feed; /.'-i,
/
/
Jimi, n.f. (P. zamin.) Land, -jaga, n. Landed property
estate.
Jimnu, v.t. re. To take food. (H. jimnd.)
•Jimpar,w.m. (S. Yamapura.) Death, demise.
• inda, -u, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. . e . In which.
Jindri, n.f. (H. jindgi.) Life, existence, the course or period o
life.
Jindri, n .f. ( p. z i n dagi.) Short life.
•Jine, pro. By whom.
Jinie, pro. Who or by whom.
Jino, pro. To whom.
Tishka or -u, adv. m. ; /. -i, p l. -e. Wherever.
Jishu or - a , ad. m. ; /. -i, pL . 6 . As. (H. jqisd.)
•Jitawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to win ; /. -i, pl. -e.
••tda,^ ^ Winning; /. -i, pl. . e .
Jitm or jitiro, c.p. Having won.
Jitmi, v.t. re To win, to overcome, to cor
•ntu, n.m. Conqueror.
• itu-hufidu pas. par. Won, conquered; /. -i, /,*. - , t
' rtkl £ J i Va) The 80ul « life > disposition (Also ftp.)
• or ,y un ( Sj Yama.) (1) Death. (2) The deity of death-
• unda or jyunda,arf. w . L iv i ng . ' * ' *
J IWanil 4f* ** Tt i- o»
J
/
/. -i, p*. -e
e's life ; /
/
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1^1
[N.8.]
Jiwe-jai-janu, v.i. ir. To perish, to he bereft of life; /. -i.
Jiwiro, c.p Having lived.
Jmhai, n.f. (H. jamhdi.) Yawning, -awni, v.i. re. To yawn.
Jmhyali, n.f. (1) Chin. (2) The lower part of the mouth.
Jo or Ju, pro. Who, which, or that. As: Ju kdl diru4hu y se
hun thu ? M Who was the man, who came yesterday ? "
Jo, n m. See Jau.
Jo'ch, n.f. A rope to fasten the yoke to the plough. (Also jot.)
Jo'k, n./. (S. Jalauka.) A leech, -o, pi. Leeches. Aim, v.i. re.
To apply leeches.
Jo'r, n.f. (H. jar.) A root, c.f. Jaur.
Jor, n.m. (P. zor.) Might or power, strength.
J6'r, n.m. (1) Joining, junction. (2) Total, -dena, v.i. ir.
To add. -pana, v.i. re. To add (a piece).
Jora. n.m. (1) A pair. (2) A pair of shoes, -marna, v.t. re.
To beat with shoes. (Syn. Pani.)
Jorawnu, v.t. re. See Jrawnu.
Jorda, pre. par. Joining; /. -i, pi. -e.
Joria or joriro, c.p. Having joined, having added.
Jornu, v.t. re. To join, to add; /. -i. pi. -e.
Jor-nu, v.t. re. (H. jornd.) To join, to unite by repairs.
Joru-huiidu, pas. par. Joined, added; /. -i, pi. -e.
J6% n.f. (1) See Joch. (2) Flame of a lamp. (3)^ A hill peak.
Jotawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plough; /. -i, pi. -e.
Jotda, pre. par. Ploughing; /. -i, pi. -e.
Joti, n.f. (S. Jyotish.) Light (of the sun or a lamp).
Jotia or Jotiro, c.p. Having ploughed.
Jotnu, v.t. re. To plough; /. -i, pi- -&•
Jotu-hundu, pas. par. Ploughed; /. -i, pi- -6.
Jpor, n.m. A fool. (Also japor.)
Jrainth, n.m. A kind of wild pear.
Jrawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to join; /. -i, pi- -e.
Jroli, n.f. See Jaroli.
Ju, pro. See Jo. fc
Ju, re. pro. Who or which. (Agentive Junien).
•Tii, n.f. Louse, -wo, pi. Lice, -parai, v.t. re. To suffer from
lice
J6b, n.f. (S. Durva.) Bent grass (Panicura dactylon) said to
mean lit. ' That which hurts sin.' -o-n-dai, n.f. A plant
of bent grass, -jamni, v.i. re. To grow, of bent grass.
Jubar or Jubr, n.m. Meadow, a level space with grass on it.
-bahnu, v.i. re. To make a new field, to cultivate waste
land.
Jubr, n.m. See Jubar.
Jubri or jubti, n.f. A small meadow.
Jubti, n.f. See Jubri.
Judh, n.m. (S. Yuddha.) War, a fight.
Judh-mamla, n.m. Fighting.
Jugale, n.m. pi. Watchmen.
182 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L
Jugtie, adv. Carefully, attentively.
Jugut, n.f. (1) Fitness, good accommodation. (2) Connection.
Juhar or jhwar, n.m. (1) A present. (2) The present in cash
made to a chief at an audience, or greeting,
irnu, v.t. re. To offer on
pi. -e. (Also jhwdrnu.)
f
v w w
Jujh, n.m. (S. Yuddha, a fight.) Fighting, war. -lana, v.i. re.
To fight, -lagna, v.i. re. To begin fighting.
Jujhda, pre. par. Fighting; /. -i, pi. -e.
/
or
Juiiju-huiidu, past par. Fought; /. -i, pi. -e.
Jukham, n.m. (P. zuqdm.) Cold and cough, -bona, v.i. ir. To
suffer from cold and cough. (Also -awn a.)
Julfia or julfiya, n.m. One who has curls.
Julfo, n.m. pi (P. zulf.) Curls.
Jummo, n.m. (P. zimah.) Responsibility, -karnu, v.i. ir. To be
responsible.
Jun, n.m. Yoke.
agentive.)
Who or by whom. (The latter form is
Jun, n.m. (S. Drona.) A grain measure equal t<> 16 pdthds or 4
arhds.
Ju'n,'w./. Moonlight or the moon. -lagni.w.*. re. To shine (of
the moon).
Jun, n.f. A meal. Duji-jun. The next meal.
Jundku, n.m. See Juti.
J/ / * •
uni, w./. Revenue in kind. (Also kdrd-juni.)
Junien, re. pro. (Agentive.) By whom or by which.
Juri-janu, v.t. ir. To be engaged (in battle).
Jurji-pani, v.i. re. To set against, to set by the ears.
Juth, n.f. Uncleanliness, pollution.
Jutha or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. - e . Polluted by tasting.
-J u than, n.f. Pollution by tasting
)wisthaniva.) The second son of a chief.
(Also duthafiyd.)
mouth
food.
Juthia or juthiro, c.p. Having cleaned the hands and mouth.
Juthnu, v.i. re. To clean the hands and mouth after taking
food.
/
•'uraa, pre. par. Being engaged in anv work : /
•luti, n.f. Braided hair of a maiden.
•lu^ia or Jutiro, c.p. Having been engaged.
•Jut
/
Jttwri, n.m. A broom fused in Bhaiji).
Jwadri, n.f. A butterfly. pL Jwadri.
.Twain, n.m. (S. Jamatri.) Son-in-law.
Syn. Fitnfri.
Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 183
[N.S.]
Pi ^./. (S. Ajamoda.) (1) The common carroway (('arum
carui), a kind of lovage (Lingusticum ajwaen, Rox.). (2)
A kind of parsley (Apium involucratum) ; said to mean,
lit. ' That which pleases a goat.'
Jwan, n.m. A youth, an adult, ad. Young, -ta, n.m. t\. n.f.
One in his teens.
Jwans, ii. f. A female, a woman.
Jyu, n.m. See Jiu.
Jyuh, n m See Jj'uii.
K
Ka; pro. What? Which? As: Kd bolo ji ? "What do
you say ?
5 ?
Kaa ? or kau ? acfa;. How many ?
Kabai ? ocfo. When, at what time ? -kabai, adv. Some-
times.
»
Kaba't, n.f. (P. qabdhat.) Inconvenience, objection, -honi,
v.i. ir. To be inconvenient.
Kabre I adv. At what time ?
Ka'ch, n.m. (H.) (1) Glass. (2) A necklace of heads.
Kachu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Unripe, not well cooked, only
half cooked.
Kachh, n.m. The armpit. (S. kaksha.)
Kachhri, n.f. A rope to bind a load, -lani, v.i. re. To bind a
load to carry it away.
Kadash, n.f. (S. Ekadashi.) The eleventh day of the bright or
dark halt of a month.
Kadi? adv. When ? At what time ? -ni, adv. Never.
Kadi- j ah, adv. Long ago.
Kadi-ni, adv. Never.
Kadka, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Long ago. (Also kadh'i.)
Kafal or kaffal, n.m. pi. A kind of wild tree or its fruits,
-pakne, v.i. re. To ripen, of wild fruits.
Kafan, n.m. Coffin, shroud ; /. -i, A coffin.
Kafni, n.f. See Kafan.
Kagat, n.m. (P. kdgaz.) Paper.
Kahat, ad. Sixty-one. -wan, ad. Sixty-first,
Kahattar, ad. Seventy-one. -wan, ad. Seventy-first,
Kahlu-bir, n.m. A spirit who lives on the mountains and whose
anger causes landslips. It must be appeased with sacri-
fice (Chamba).
Kai, ad. (H.) Too many, a great many.
Kai, n.f. (1) Moss. (2) Desire.
Kail, n.f. The blue pine, -ti, n.f. A smail blue pine tree
Kuli, n.f. Uneasiness, -parni, v.i. re. To be uneasy, -awn..
v.i. re. To become uneasy.
Kain-ni, n.f. (H. kahdni, a story) A riddle.
184 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Kqini Idu bjhqin-ni Idu, bujh bajhdiyd bird ,
m ... 7 '7- .._/ -*— n f a j lage, king, jwdn, jird.
" I tell you a riddle or a puzzle, understanding hero :
There are three fruits on a tree, assafcetida, lovage and
cummin." (The reply is * a large spoon.')
Kain, n.m. See Jun.
Kain or Kyeii, ad. Something, -ni, ad. Nothing.
Kainal, n.f. The green pigeon.
Kainchi, n.f. (H.) (1) Scissors. (2) The slope of a roof.
Ivaifith, n.m. A kind of wild pear; c.f. Jrainth.
Kairi, kanri, kyari, n.f. The neck. Bali Rdje kdnri ddi :
(i Bali Raja bent his neck.
3 9
Kait, kaith or kayath, n.m. (S. kayastha). An accountant,
a writer. (Bashahr, Kumharsain, Mandi and Suket.) In
the Simla Hill States he is called Bagshi or Bagsi.
Kaith, n.m. See Kait.
Kaiti, n. f. Moss, lichen.
Kaj, n.m. (S. Karyya.) Work, business.
Kajo % adv. What for ? (Kangra, Bilaspur and Xalagarh.) (In
the Simla Hills kwe or kwai is used.)
Kakh, n.m. A straw. Proverb:
Bhari muihldkho ri,
Kholi kakho ri.
■'■ A closed fist will hold a million,
An open one will not hold a straw.
1 J
(Meaning that honour is the best thing, and disgrace a
thing worth nothing.)
kakkar, n.m. A tree which yields valuable timber.
Kakkar, n.m. The barking deer.
Kakri,V/. (S. Karkati.) (1) A cucumber. (2) The lungs, -ra
rog, n.m. Lung disease.
Kaku, n.m. A polite term used in addressing a boy.
Kal or kaU, adv. Yesterday, -byaje, adv Yesterday evening.
-bhyansri, adv. Yesterday morning. . .
Kal, n.f. (S. Kalaha.) Dispute, quarrel, struggle, -honi, r.i. »r.
To be disputed , to struggle.
Ka'l, n.m. (S. Akala, and Kala.) (1) The time of death. (2)
Famine, -parna, v.i. ir. To be a famine year.
Ka}, kalo, n.m. (S. Kala, time.) Death, demise.
Kala or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Black. (H.)
Kalam, n.f. (H.) A pen. -banawni, v.i. re. To mend a pen.
Kalan or kalne, n.f. A variety of coarse rice sown on dry land.
Kalao or kalaw, n.m. A kind of pea. cf. lvlaw (Bashahr).
Kalewa, n.m. Breakfasl. -karna, v.i. ir. To take break****;
Jvalgi, n.f. (H.) An ornament worn on a turban.
Kah-marcho-re dane, n.m. pi. Black pepper seeds,
valja, n.m. (H. kakjd.) Liver. (Also kdlju.)
Kalka or -u, ad. m.; f. .{. pi. -e. Saltish, too salty.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 185
[N.S.]
Kalu-bir, n.m. See Kahlu-bir.
Kam, n.m. (S. Kama.) Work, business, -kaj, n.m. Domestic
duties, -kar, n.m. Office or household duties.
Kam, ad. (H.) Less, -honu, v.i. ir. To be less, -karnu. v.t. ir.
To make less, -i, n.f. Deficiency.
Kama, n.m. A servant. (Kangra, Bilaspur and Xalagarh.)
Kamai, n.f. (H.) (1) Earnings, wages. (2) Fate, fortune.
Kamal, n.m. A kind of grass.
Kamandi, n.f. See liikh. (Kangra.)
Kamawia or kamawiro, c.p. Having earned.
Kamawiida, pre. par. Earning ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Kamawnu, v.t. re. To earn.
Kamawu-hundu or -a, pas. par. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Earned.
Kamdar, m.n. An official, -i, n.f. Officialdom. Generally used
to denote the officials of a pargand. Each pargand has
five officials : the mahta or mauta, karauk or krauk. si an a,
ghenghna, and piada. The mania corresponds to a naib
tahsildar and decides petty cases. The brink collects tin
cash revenue and hands it over to the man to for payment
into the State treasury. He has also to manage the
corvee in his pargand. The siond examines the revenue
accounts to see if anv land-revenue remains unrealized.
The ghenghna 's duty is* to realize the clarified butter levied
on certain grass lands. The pi<i<l/rsis to carry out tin
orders of the mqut'i . krduk and sidnd. (Also kdrddr.)
Kamdari, n.f. See Kamdar.
Kamdhenu, n.f. (S.) The cow of plenty: also used for any cow
that never calves yet always gives milk.
Kamhalu, n.m. A kind of basket used to keep wool in for
spinning;. . , .
Kamhaltu, n.m. dim. A small long basket to keep wool in.
Kami. n.f. (H.) Decrease, deficiency, -karm, v.i. »: lo de-
crease, -ho ni, vi. ir. To be decreased.
Kammal, n.m. (H. kambal.) A blanket. (S. Kamvala.)
Kamr, n.f. (H. kamar.) The waist, -ban-ni, v.i. re. (I) lo
gird up one's loins. (2) To be ready. , , .
Kamwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn ; /. -l, pi- -e.
Ka'n, n.m. pi. (S. Karna. H. kh,. Ears, the organs of
Kana ie a7m. ; /. -i. pi. e. (H.) One-eyed. .Also faint*.)
Kana, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. The youngest.
Kanait, n.m. See Kanet. w
Kanak, n.f. (H.) Wheat. (Syn. Ceiift or Gm.u.)
Kanali, n.f. A large wooden vessel used for kneading ttcmi etc.
Kanawara, n.m. An inliabitant of Kanawar ; ; /. -i. pi. -e.
Kanbal, n.m. The ceremony of boring a child sears.
Ivanbaii.n./. (H.) An earring. (Also fawtf£.)
Kanbicha. n.m. A heavy earring worn in the middle of fch<
ear.
186 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
youngest.
/
ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (S. Kanishtha.) Younger or
over and above his share as one of the brothers.
Kahda, n.m. (H. kdntd.) (1) A thorn, -chubhna, v.i. re. To
pierce with a thorn. (2) A ridge.
Kand
Groaning.
Kan-de-lagnu, v.i. re. To begin to groan : /
Kaiidei, n.f. (S. Kantakdrikd.) A medicinal plant, a sort of
prickly nightshade (Solanum jacquini.)
Kandyai, n. f. A kind of thorny herb used in medicine.
Kaneru, kanheru, n.m. An iron tip for an arrow.
Kanet, n.m.; -an, n. f. The term for the fourth class of the
Hindus in the Simla Hills. The Kanets are divided
into several hundred septs, some of which are de-
scended from the original inhabitants of these hills known
as mawis. A proverb runs : Kaneto
" A Kanet has one mother and eighteen fathers.
9 ?
Kangano, n.m. pi. Bracelets. (S. Karik
Kangru, n.m. A small comb. (Fr. H. k
f
Kanhor, n.m. Chestnut. Wild chestnut. (In Bashahr they
make flour of wild chestnuts by keeping them for some
time in running water.
Kani, n.f. (H.) A very small bit. As: Hire ri kani. A small
bit of diamond.
Havin
T I
Kame '. pro. With which \ adv. Win
Kani-joga? phrase. For what purpose, what for \
Kahki, n.f. Lingering, delay, -lani, v.i. re. To linger.
Kankori, n.f. A Brahman girl given in marriage to a Brahman
and dowered by a chief's wife
Kann n.m. (S. skandha.) houlder. -o-pande, adv. On the
shoulders.
Kanna, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Kanchha.
van-nu, vi.re. To groan ; /. -i, pi, \ e .
Kann, n.f. See Kairi.
Kansa, n.m. (S. Kaftsya.) Bell-metal, white metal.
/
/. See Kanbal
Kantt
(H.) A big necklace.
/
Kanthi, n.f. A small necklace, -ban-ni, v.t. re. To make a
disciple.
Kanthi, n.f. A necklace of tulsi (worn by males).
Kanu, ad. m. See Kana
Kanu, n.m. pi. Husks of rice
audu
man an enemy, a foe.
Vol. VII, No. 5. | Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1*7
[N.S.]
Kanyai or knyai, n.m. Xoise. -pana or -lana, v.i. re. To make
a noise.
Kapat, n.m. (H.) Deceit, -i, ad. Deceitful.
Kapti, ad. (S. Kapatin.) Deceitful.
Kar or ka'r, n.f. (S. Kara.) Duty, work, business. As: Deo
kar. The work of a godling. Rauli-kar, State business.
Jai jai-kar. A blessing used in greeting a god or deity.
Kara, n m. Revenue, taxes, -bharna, v.i. re. To pay taxes.
Karam, n.m. (S. Karmma.) Work, duty. Kriya- n.m. (1)
The last duties performed after cremation. (2) An act.
Karattan, n.m. (H.) Bitterness.
Karawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to do or make; /. -i,
pi. -e.
Karbar : n.m. (H.) Business, -karna, v.i. Ur. To be engaged.
Karbari, n.m. One who manages, a manager.
Karchha, n.m. A large spoon used in cooked pulse. /. -i. A
spoon, -u, n.m. A small spoon.
Karhaul, n.f. A loan, -karhni, v.i. re. To borrow.
Karhawnu, v.t. re. To cause to borrow,
rvarhnu,'*;.*. re. (lj To boil. (2) To take out.
Karj, n.m. (P. qarz, a debt.) (1) A debt. (2) Revenue
Proverb: Karjori jimi thinde, pdni rd »h<n> sarte fabo.
"Land on payment of taxes and a cold bath can be had
everywhere. ' '
Karkhana, n.m. (H.) Workshop.
Karnal, n.m. A long kind of musical instrument made of brass
-bajni, v.i. re. To blow the karnal. -chi, n.m. One who
blows the Jcarndl.
i
Karnu, v.t. ir. (H. karnd.) To do, to make, to worn /. -i,
pi. -e. pas. ten. Kiftvaft; /. -i, >>(■ ;*■ P™> V°?' Karda >
/. -t pas. par. Kiu-hundu. cp. Karia or Kanro.
Karta, n.m. Household work.
Karii ! v. May I do ?
Karuwi-roti, n.f. See Kauri-rot i.
Karuwu or -a, ad m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Bitter, distasteful.
Kas ? pro . Whom i " Kas bolai \ ' ' W aom do you say
Kash £ kaush, n.m. (1) An oath, an ordeal (2 » Contamina-
tion, "chama, v.i. re. To be contaminated with ver* ris
Kashatu, n.m. ' A species of rice, red in colour ( Also Ksh a t u )
Kashi,' n.f. A hoe. -lani. v.i. re. To work with a hoe.
Kashi, If. (1) Pasture. (2) Branches of forest trees cut
fodder for goats, etc. -chdn-ni r.'.re. Tc > make pasture
for cattle, -khe-deunu, v.i. re. To go to bring leaves for
C£tt;tlP
Kash-karna or -lana or -thwawna, v.i re. To take an oath.
Kashokra. n.m. An agreement by which one party who agrees
to the other's taking an oath has to pay a rupee to the ruler.
•pana, v.i. re. To pay a rupee to the ruler for the other
party's agreeing to undergo an ordeal.
a<
188 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Kashmal, n.m. Burbis barbra. A thorny shrub bearing long
sharp thorns and black berries which ripen in June. The
root, which is like turmeric in colour, is boiled and slices
are used as poultices for diseases of the eye. Rasaut in
Hindi.
Kashnu, v.t. re. (H. kamd.) To tighten, to bind, to tie.
Kamr-kashni, v.i. re. To be ready; to gird up one's loins.
Kashra or -u, pro. m. ; /'. -i. pi. -e. See Kasra.
Kashri, n.f. The act of presenting butter to a village deity.
The people store clarified butter in the name of village
deity, and when the ghira (clay receptacle for ghi) is full.
offer it first to the deity 'and then use it.
kasht, n.m. Kasht i, n.f. (S. Kashta.) Trouble, pain, -parna,
v.i. re. To be in trouble, -thwawna, v.i. re. To take
trouble.
Kasr or kassr. Illness, sickness, -honi, v.i. //. To be ill.
Kasra ? or u ? pro. m. ; f. -i, pi. . e . Whose ?
/. (P. gasm.) An oath, an ordeal, -khani, -karni or
thwawni, v.i. re. To take an oath.
musk-pod. The animal
perfume so called is brought from Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan.
Kashmir and Kanawar. It is also found in the Simla
hills The best is that imported from
Bash ahr.
Katab, n.m. (H. kitdb.) A book; pi. -6.
■
cutting,
ii or kta
/
/
-lagni, v.i. re. To begin
/
\r ukx > '' y or histor y 8,J ch as the Ramayana or
Alaiabharata. A tax was former] v levied on this in
Kullu. -ImfVhni *> *' -« nr i. *. _ *Li
>hm, v.i. re. To relate a story.
K ., , — .—x V i, v.i. it. xo reiaxe a story.
Kajheru n.m. pi. A kind of hill peaches that ripe in October.
Katan, ad. pro. Several. (Also kldn.)
£atarnu, v.t. re. (H. katarnd.) To clip, to cut with scissors.
Kat^™' ; ^ 1° Cause or all °w to cut or fell; /. -i, pi -e.
k1 i T "' v <i £ To cause or allow to g pm ; -/• -if* "*■
\'Z'?r?\ ^ artlka ) The seventh Hind.', month correspond-
ent t ° / 0ct0 ^- -e, «to. In October.
8n«« £u£ Spin; '•-*■ P l - ■* Kata-huhda. pa* par.
apun. Katda, pre. p« r . Spinning. Katia or katiro, c.p.
Katn^!^ 8P T Kata ' *"* ** S P™-
rt' r T ° ° U > t0 *** /• 'Svl. -e- Katda, m.; f. *U
!mMu P P(lr - Cuttin %- Katia, c.p. Having cut. Katu
tiundu, pas. par. Cat.
/
several »-. • i.- ° ' aiUU U1 grum (L'unicuni /^^""'v
several varieties are cultivated and used as food by the
poor.
KauM,„.». (S.K ama la.) ( | )A | otu3 . (2)A
Vol. VII, Xo. 5.J Dictionary of
189
[N
f
Kaunthi, n.f. (S. Shyamaka.) A kind of grain (Panicum frv-
mentaceum, etc.). Also shdnwk.
Ivauri-roti, n.f. A tax levied on the death of a chief at on.
rupee per house, payable on the 5th, 7th, or 9th day after
his demise. The money raised is spent on the performance
of the rites called kriyd-karm.
Ivauwa, n.m. (S. Kaka.) A crow.
Ivaya-dharni, v.i. re. To assume a human form.
Kayath, n.m. See Kait.
Kaziya. n.m. (P. qaziah.) A quarrel, a dispute, strife, -karna,
v.i. re. To dispute, -bona, v.i. ir. To be disputed.
Khalrht. «. «j m hnm,ranf,\ T T nfortunate. unluck v ; -t, n.f. Mis-
• honi, V.i. ir.
fortune.
Kbit, n.f. (P. kabdhat.) Inconvenience, objection.
To be inconvenient, -kaini, v.i. ir. To make inconvenient.
Also Kabat or kfat.
Kchaetu or kchaethu, ad. to.; f. -i, V 1 - -*■ Undesir.
(Also kachdetu or kachdethu.)
Kchai, n./. Weakness, immaturity. (H. haehehdi.)
Kchaja, -u. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of no use, bad. wicked
R-*.i»; n a ^, . 4 A w .^ a\ Noteood. /.*., bad. (2) uooa
eas\
for not I ling.
/
/. (H. kuchdl.) A bad custom. ... ..,.,
uw-« « / Mm AonnlAtii root also called ghumyan
i
Kchawli, n.f. See Kchali.
/
-ee
one eye.
Kdauru, n.m. A wild plant like mistletoe but with red berries.
WA\7»?Ja „ .„ „a m f A. »/-e. Xot well-shaped, ugly _ ,
kod-d
Kdhanga or -u, ad. TO. ; /. -i, P* -<"
Kdimi, ad. m.; and /. pi (P.
firm.
Kdith or kditha. ».»». The flom c
Kdo'l, ad. m. Of an ugly shape.
K.doii, w.m. Bread made of kodd.
Ivdoshle, n.m. pi. Loaves made of bote.
Ke, con. Or, or, either. (Also hi.)
Kebri ? adv. ' See Kabaj ? ( Bashahr and MgarM
Kei/keti? or kethi I adt>. Where ? At what place
Kele. ».m. />/. (S. kadali.) Plantains -14ne. •£< £ To eulti
vate plantains, -khane, w. *• To **t P antain*.
Mo. „./. A species of cedar. (J*»« rf " w "' "•>
Kejti. kelwi, n./. A small cedar tree.
Kelwi. ».*/. See the preceding.
Ken, kyefi, pro. Anything.
Kenshi l adv. On whicli day I
Kenu, adv. See Kishu (Bashahr and Kotga.h).
Ken.yin. pro. Something or anything.
Keii-yin-ni, pro. Nothing-
190 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Kera 1 adv. See Kishu (Baghal, Kunhiar and Bhajji).
Keri, kyari, n.f. Neck. Syn. gardan.
Ke'ru? adv. See Kishu ? (Balsan and Madhan.)
Kesh, n.m. ; pi. (S. Kesha.) Hair.
Kesi ? adv. Which way ?
Kesr, n.m. (S. kesara.) Saffron.
Kethi ? adv. See Kei ?
Keti ? adv. See Kei ?
Ketnu ? or -a ? ad. m. ; /. -i, />Z. -e. How much ?
Ketu, w.m. A kind of wild plant.
/
Ke
Kfe'r, w.ra. Difficulty, hardship, trouble. Proverb: </«« paro
kfer, taa nd pdni Wr; jaa a ghe'r, taa nd p&n i be'r. '■ When
there is trouble, one ought not to weep ; when there is an
opportunity, there should be no delay.' [poor.
Kgal, ad. (H. kahgal.) Poor, helpless, -honu, v.i. ir. To be
/
To be caught in a snare.
-o de lagnu, v.i.re
Khabr, n.f. (P. khabr.) News, tidings, -deni, v.i. ir. To give
news, -honi, v.i. ir. To be known, -karni, v.i. ir. To in-
form, -lani, v.t. ir. To take care.
/
Khat
/
excavate.
/
Khachia or khaehiro, c.p. Having dug.
Khachnu, v.t. re. To dig, to excavate;
Khachr, n.f. (H. khachchar.) A mule. ' pi.' -\.
Ivhachu \ v. May I dig ?
Khachu-hundu or - a , pas. par. Dug. /. i, pi. -e.
Kha^l, n.m. A ditch. (Also khddd.)
Kha d, n.m. (H.) Manure.
Khad, n.f. A small river.
Khadd, n.f. See Khad.
Khadra, nm pl.-e. A kind ol coarse grass.
Khafju or kha^du, n.m. (H.) A ram. (Syn. bher.)
Khafki, n.f (P. khafgi.) Displeasure, -honi, vl ir. To be dis-
pleased, -karni, v.i. ir. To be displeased, -khani, v.i. n
lo bear one's displeasure, -parni, v.t. re. To be dis
pleased.
Khai, n.f Rust, -khoni, v.t. re. To remove rust, -lagni, v.i.
re. To be rusty, -lagi-jani, v.i. ir. To be rusty.
ai j,T (1 , Emb ezzlement, misappropriation of money.
-Jagm or -lani, v.t. re. To emb- /./Jo. (2) A pit, a ditch-
mJt^L 7 "£*&**■ - To dig a ditch or pit.
/
or puiimg. -atan-lagni, v.i. re. To struggle.
-nu, v.t. re. T<»
>n. the act
Vol. VII, No. 5.j Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 191
[N.S.]
Kaiiichawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to pull; /. -i, p*. -e.
Khajnchmi, v.t. re. See Khainch.
Khair, n.f. (P. khair.) Welfare, -honi, v.i. ir. To he good.
-manawni, v.t. re. To wish well.
Khair, n.m. '(S. khadira.) A tree, the resin of which is used
in medicine. (Terra japonica or catechu: Mimosa cata-
chu.) .
Khgiru, n.m. A kind of gruel made from sour cheese by boiling
rice in it. (Also kjuwiu.)
Khairu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, 'pi. -e. Brown (in colour).
Kha'j, n.f. (S. kharju.) Cutaneous eruption, itch, scab etc
-honi, v.i. ir. To suffer from itch, -lagm, v.i. re To have
the'itch. -khurkni, v.i. re. To scab off the itching part.
-khurk-de-lagnu, v.i. re. To begin to itch.
Khajanchi, n.m. (H.) A treasurer, -giri, »./« ™ work ot a
cashier, -giri-karni, ».». »V. To work as a cashier.
Khajbli, n.f. Haste, -lagni or honi, v.i. To be hasty.
Khaji, n.f. Itch, scab.
Khakh, n.m. Cheek, pi. -o. „-*«««*
Khal, khaul, n.m. The substance that remains after extiact-
ing oil from oil seeds. , .. #aw*
Kha'l , n./. (H.) A hide, skin, -karni. v.i. re. To skm. (Ateo
Kha'l, nlm] A tank, a pond. Dim. -ta, n.m. A small pond.
Khajja, n.m. A kind of resin, frankincense.
Khalra, n.m. See Khal. _ , . , . -
Khalri, W ./. (1) A small skin bag. (2) A skm,* hide, ». a.
»/. -e.
Khalta, n.m. See Khalra. (Also fcftaft*.)
Khalta, n.m. A small pond.
Khaltu, n.m. See Khalta.
Kham, n.m. Crookedness. .
Khamba, ».m. (H. hhambd.) A beam of timber, a pie..
Khampa, ».m. An inhabitant of Ladakli.
/
/
-lani, v.i. r>
digging. .. . ,._ ,
Sa^ %r^rTK^«ia»«* l,toi
Khafid ft./
' Sugar and black grain at °f™*' ke digcord
Khand, n.f. Discord, enmity. - k ^ n '^ [ be on KOod terms.
be betrothed. fc , „ - ino h<n4wni V.i* re.
Khanjri. >,/. (H. ****** ^^X^^M -
To play on a tambourine, -marnni,
tambourine with leather.
192 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
K hank a or -u, ad. to.; f. -i, pi. - e . Lit. 'That which bites.'
Vicious, fierce, like a lion, bear or leopard, -mrig, n.m.
A lion, bear or leopard.
Khan-nu, vt. re. To dig, to
-u, to. ; /. -i, pi. -e. pre
f
excavating, -kha-
nia or khaniro, c.p. Having excavated, dug. -khanu-
huiidu or a, to. ; f.-i, pi. -e. pas. par. Excavated,
rvlianu, v.t. re. To eat, to take food. Khanda., pre. par. Eating.
Khaia or khairo, c.p. Having taken food. Khau-hundu.
pas. par. Eaten.
jvliansi, n.f. (H.) Cough, -honi, v.i. ir. To suffer from cough.
Khanti, n.f. (S. Khanda.) A bit, a piece.
Khar, khaur, n.m. Grass, hay. -lun-nu, v.i. re. To cut grass.
-o-khe-dewnu, v.i. re. To go to'cut grass. Mere kharo khe
deivnu a\ ' < I have to go for grass.
/
^; £^«n. A grain measure equal to 20 juris or dro-
nas (16 pa/Ms make one /wn.)
Kharcb, n.m. (H.) Expense, -honu, v.i. ir. To be expended.
-karna, ©.«. ir. To disburse, to'expend.
lUiarcha n.m. A thick blanket made of goat's hair. (Syn.
bakra thd. )
Khari, n.f. pi See Kha'r.
Kharm n.m. A tester of grain. (Mandi.)
a fodder for cattle.
Kharki, n.f. See Khark.
£ larnu, v i. re . (1) fo be tired.
/
/
a^. to.; f..i,pl.e. Good, well, -horra, v.i. ir. To
• uni . m , v.i. re To stand up
not stand up. "
rutinize; /. -i. pi- -e-
Mere ni kharuwo : "I can '
Kliasam n.m. (H.) Husband, master.
/
Kanets
the Simla hills. (The latter form is used in Kotkhai and
Jubbal.)
Kha't, n.m. A pit, -khodnu, v.i. re. To dig a pit. (Also khdch,
or khah.) g F [cremated.
£haj, n.m. The frame on which a dead body is carried to be
£ ia an ; ». w . Means, livelihood.
£ >ati, w ./. See Khat.
^hatkd, « .«. (1) A knock. (2) A doubt, uncertainty, -bona,
KhitY-""'' ^/.^ knocked. -Una. To knock, to doubt.
Kha til ', khtk awnu t>J. re. fo cause or allow to knock.
/
Khat nn ■# ™ Ul «' l0 excavate; /. -i, pi. -e.
Wo'rkW ^ 5? earn ' t0 g^, to.work. ' Khatda, pre. W
vommg. Khatu-hundu, poa. par. 1 irned or gamed.
Vol. VII, No. 5.'] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 193
[N.S.]
Khatia or khatiro, c.p. Having earned, gained or worked.
Proverb: Khdid pqisd Rdje rd, jdyd beta jiun ra: ' 1 h-
money earned is for the Raja, and a son is born for the
lord of death.'
Khatnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn; /. -l, pi. -e.
Khatnu, v.t. re. To amass, to gather; /. i, pi. -e.
Khatr-twaja, n.f. (P. khdtir-tctivazah.) Hospitality, a warm
reception. -honi, v.i. ir. To be received with great
kindness, -karni or -lani, v.t. ir. and re. To otter one s re-
ception. _
K-hattr. ad. 71. -wan. m. -win, /. -wen, pJ. Seventy-first.
Khatu or -a, ad. m. ; /. i, pi. -e. (H. fcftotfa.) Acid. sour.
Khauhra, w.m. (H. kharahrd.) A currycomb. -lana, v.t.**.
currycomb.
Khaul, w.m. See Khal.
Khaulja, n.m. See Khal j a.
Khaur, n.m. See Khar. . ,
Kh»; «. * „rf », • / -i «/. -e. (1) Clean. 2 Hairless.
Khaush, n.m. See Kh
/
Khawni. n.f. (Fr. khdnu: to eat.) An oath or a curse. »'
wim Me Mw-/u' <&** : " She cursed me.
Khbar, n.m. (P. alchbdr.) Newspaper.
Khbani, n.f. See Khobani. ,
Khdernu, *.*. re. To drive off, to hunt ; /. -i. &< '*' Algo
Khe. n.f. Excrement, ordure. JWj-.£- £*^JfeE
an affix added to nouns, as
for her. Hdmo
Khe'ch, khet, n.m. (H. Jfefc*.) A field, land. Tocult ivate.
Kheehi or kheti, »./. Cultivation. - k ^'"V"Jw^ -i.
Khedawnu, *.*. W. To cause or allow to drive or hunt, /•
Khedldenu. v.t. ir. To cause or allow to drive or hunt.
Khednu, v.t. re. To drive, to hunt; f.-i, />'• " e -
Kheh! n.f. See Khe.
^■irL A mfmT^. (2) A fair at which archer, i-
practised.
Khelari, n.m. (H.) One who plays, a player.
Khelnu, v.i. re. To play, to sport-
Khelwar, n.m. A plaything.
[goti.)
(H. tan-
(H.) See Khe'ch, kl
., .i.f. (H.) Cultivation
/. An allotment of land made
ivnetri, //./. An allotment oi i»ii"'»«~ ,, Knmharsain.)
Khetru, »[m. See Beth* (Bashahr, Ju bba , Ki « ) ^
Miichri, khichru, ».*». and /. (H.) A aisn ui i
boiled together, -honi or -honu, *.. ir. To be mixe
together.
194 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
■
Ivhij, khiz, n.f. Displeasure, indignation, anger, -honi, v.i. ir.
To be angry or displeased, -karni, v.i. ir. To become
angry, -saun-ni, v.i. re. To incur anyone's indignation or
displeasure.
Khijnu, v.i. and i. re. (1) To be angry, to be displeased. (2)
To become weak.
Khil,w./. ; pi. -o. Swollen pare]
re. To parch swollen grain.
Khilari, n.m. See Khelari.
Khiftdawnu, v.t. re. To caue^ M
Khifidda, pre. par. Spilling.
-bhujni, v.i.
t
/
Khiftdia or khindiro, c.p. Having spilt or scattered.
Khindi- j arm , v.i. ir. To be spilt or scattered ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Khindnu, v.t. re. To spill, to scatter;
Khindri, n.f. A quilt. An old quilt.
Khindta or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small quilt.
Khindu-hundu or -a, pas. pay. Spilt, scattered; /. -i, pi- •©•
Khmkhap, n.m. (P. kamkhwdb.) A kind of laced silk cloth
(made in Benares).
Khinla, n.m. A hoe.
KMr, n.f. (H.) A dish of rice boiled in milk,
fc-hira, n.m. (H.) See Kakri.
KJiir-khira-we, adv. aloud.' -hasnu, v.i. re. To laugh aloud.
Khis, n.f. Breaking wind, -chharni, v.i. re. To break wind.
Khisa, n.m. See Guja.
Khiz, n.f. See Khij.
Khjina, n.m. (P. khazanah.) Treasure, riches, wealth.
Ivhlai, n.f. A nurse.
Khlain, n.m, A farmyard. (Also khhrdrd.)
Kh arm, v.t. re. To cause or allow to melt; /. -i, pi. -e.
£hlawa, n.m. One who looks after a chief's son.
K.hhvara, n.m. See Khlain.
Ivhmar, n.m. See Kmhar.'
Khobani, n.f. Apricot.
Khodim v.t. re. To dig, to excavate; /. -i, pi. -v. Khodia or
khdodiro, c.p. Having dug or excavated. Khod-da -r •».
m m f. -i, pi. -e. pre. par. Digging. Khodu-hundu or -a,
/• -i, pi. e. pas. par. Dug.
Uioh, n.f. (P.) A big pit.
^ho j, n.m, Trace.
/
i^hojnu, V i. re . To trace, to seek, to search; /. -i. p{- ; e ;
Khojda or -u m.; /. -i. pi. .*, pre _ ^^ Seeking- Khojia
or khojiro, c.p. having sought. Khoju-hundu or -a. »».; ''
'• F- -e. p<w. p^. Sought. , ,
lUiolna vf. re. To open, to release, to set free; /. -i, P*/ e -
KJiolda, pre /)ar . Opening. Kholia or kholiro, c./>. Havn
opened. Kholu-hundu or -A m i. -i **. -e. pfis. !>"'■
Opened.
or -a m. f. -i, pZ. -e. />"*
Wionu, ».*. re. (H. khmd.) To spoil, to make unfit; /• -i, P l A
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. L9S
[N.S.]
Khorida, pre. par. Spoiling. Khoia or khoiro. e.p.
Having spoilt. Khou-hundu, pas. par. Spoilt.
I Khopa. n.m. See Gari.
Kho'r, n.m. pi. Walnuts, -ru-dal, n.m. A walnut tree, -khel-
n'e, v.i. re. To play with walnuts, -jharne, v.i. re. To
pluck walnuts.
Khora or -u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Lame, -honu, v.i. ir. To he-
come lame, -karna, v.t. ir. To make one lame.
Khcrt, n.m. Defect, imperfection, fault -lagna, v.i. re. To be
afflicted with an imperfection (from a deity), -lana, v.i. re.
To blame, -thatna, v.i. re. To set one free from an im-
perfection.
Wicked
Khota, n.m. (H.) An ass. _
Khotr, n.m. A pit, » hole, -parna, v.i. re. To look like a
hole, -pana, v.i. re. To make a hole.
Khotri, n.f. A hole, for playing a game with walnuts, -khelni,
v.t. re. To play at throwing walnuts into a hole.
Khoiiwanu, v.i. re. To be spoilt, to be unfit; f. -1, pi- -*
Khowa, ».m. (H.) (1) The substance obtained by ho.l.ng milk.
(2) v.p. Spoiled, made unfit.
Khowanu, v./. re. To cause or allow to spoil; /. -i, /". -e.
Khowi-janu, v.i. ir. To be spoiled; /. -i, V L ' e -
Khrab, ad. (P. khardb.) Bad, wicked.
Khraba, ^.m. (P.' khardbd.) Ruin, destruction.
Khrabi »./. (P. khardbi.) Difficulty, -horn, v.,. »r. To h
difficult.
Khrad. n.m. (H. M«ml) A lathe, -o-da-hina, v.t. n
sharpen by turning on a lathe.
Khradi, n.m. A turner on a lathe^
K„ r adn»^, r , (H. **) ^^^iXh.
To
It i-
Khrain.**./. A testiva «-- ^ ~ difference being
a ceremony juet like ^a *g*> ^ for a ^ at th ,
that m a jagra the ™«»*^L * wher eas in the hhrqin
house of the person who unites a,
the deity returns the same day to its temple.
Khrarnu, v.t. re. To dig, to «£*•■£,£* sma ll stones to
Khreban n.f. A sling ^ used for Arow^ ^ ? . .
frighten monkeys on the cro|».
To sling a stone. .
Khrichnu, ?.*. r< . To erase, to excoriate.
Ivhrid, n.f. (P. kharid.) Buying a pure ha«
Khridar. ».m. (P. kharid-ddr
Khridi-denu. «i. »r. To have ^purchased /. -i, 7 * ••
Khridnu. r./. re. (P. kharidnd.) To parol as e, bu y
Khriuhth, kin vuiith, n.m. T to «W» -t storey of ^ ^
Khud or khudd, n.m. A roof ot mua, ^ ,
house). , « WlM | fc / Mr,': "He himsel
Khud. a</ (P. A-ii/rf.) Self. £>e
196 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Khudd. n.m. See Khud.
Khulawnu, v.t. re. See Kholawnu.
f
f
f
Khuiida, n.m. A wooden peg to fasten cattle to.
Khuiidi, n.f. A stick for playing ball.
Khundu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Blunt.
Khuiigi , n./- Cough, -awni, vA. re. To cough, -honi, v.i .ir.
To suffer from cough.
Khungnu, v.i. re. To cough.
Kbur, n.m. (H.) Hoof.
/
/
Khuti, n.f. pi. and sing. Legs, -lani, v.i. ir. To hold one's legs.
Khutru, n.m. pi. Feet.
Khutru, n.m. pi. Small feet.
Khwas, n.f. A concubine, -rakhni, v.i. re. To have a concubine.
Khwe'r, n.m. Offering butter to a godling.
Khyal, n.m. (P. khidl.) A thought' -karna, v.t. ir. To think.
Khyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to eat ; f. -i, pi. -e.
Ki, con. Either : as Ki se deld ki se dele: "Either he or they
will go.
■> ■>
Kijnu ; v.i. re. To rot. -u-hundu or -a, ad. m.\ f
Rotten.
/
./
(Also kiltd.)
Kilai ? adv. Why ? (Bashahr.) Tu kilqi dwu ? ''Why did you
come I ' '
Kilnu, v.t. re. To stake, to pin; /. -i, pi. -e.
Kilta, n.m. A long kind of basket for carrying load.
Kimu, n.m. Mulberry, -ra-dal, n.m. A mulberry tree.
Kinda ? Kindu \ adv. m. ; /. -i, pi. .£ ? Where I
K; nu ? adv. How ? (Bashahr.)
Kiiiyan, v. pst. Bid; / -i. pi. . e .
Kin-yin, pro. See Ken-yift, v.pt. f. Did.
Kisha? *fe. (l) How^ (2) ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e ? What kind
ot .
Kiska \ or -u ? acfo. w. ; /. -i, pi. . e . To which side ?
Kjewnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to rot; /. -i, pi. e.
Kjyuwtu, w./w. SeeKhairu.
Miivvnu, vA re. To blacken ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Kmhar, n.m. (S. Kumbhakara.) A potter.
rwnarg, n.m. (S. Kumarga.) A wrongful act. -karna, W. "'•
lo act wrongfully.
Knyai, n ,m. A hue and cry, a noise, -nana, v.i. re. To make a
noise. i . '
Kochi, n./ The name of a dialect spoken in Bashahr. As : /f«
Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of
Koda, n.m. (S. Kodrava.) A species of grain eaten b^ the pooi
people. (Paspalum kora.) '
Kodu, n.m. The navel.
Kokla, n.f. (S. Kokila.) The blackbird.
K6 I, n.m pi. A kind of pulse, or bean. {Dolichos cat},,,,,, )
£o an, n.f. A low-caste woman, or the wife of a Koli
■Mi, n.m. A low-caste man. cf. Dagi of Bashahr.
&o lth, n.m. pi. A kind of hill pulse. {Dolichos bifiorus.)
kolfchani, n.m. (Fr. koith
VM
pa
kolth by boiling, useful for a cold and cough.
£u n u, n.m. The son of a Koli; -ti, /,./. The daughter of a Koli.
lion or kun, n.m. pi. Weevils, -lagne, v.i. re. To be eaten l»v
weevils.
Kona, n.m (H. kona.) A corner.
Kond, kauhd n.m. A big silver cylinder used to cany th<
village deity in when taking him to some other village.
angry .
Kopa
-karna. v.i. ir. To h
/. A bribe. Muweh hi kor khdia ( "Have 1 accepted
a bribe V -deni ; v.i. re. To give a bribe, -khani or -Jam.
v.i. re. and ir. To accept a bribe, -a. n m. One who
accepts a bribe. (Syn. bashidiig.)
£ora -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Plain, unused.
/. (S. Kushth a.) Leprosy, -lagni, v.i. re. To suffer from
leprosy.
/
/
hot, n.m. (I) A fortress. (2) A coat,
Kotha, n.m. A granary. (Bashahr.)
Kohti, n.f. (1) A bungalow. (2) A granary into which
revenue in kind was paid. (Kullu, Suket, Kuniharsain
and Maiidi.) (3) A group of hamlets, called bhoj in Sirmur
and Bharauli.
Kothiaja, n.m. (H. kothiwdld.) (1) A treasurer, called Bhdari
m the Simla hills. (2) A storekeeper. (Maiidi, Suket.
and Bashahr.)
Karp
/
^rai, n.f. (1) Hardship. (2) An iron cooking vessel.
Krah, n.m. (H. kardh.) A large iron vessel for cooking
Krgjl, n.m. A kind of tree, the flowers of which are used as
vegetable. A species of ebony, (Bauhinia variegate.)
Kovidara «n Sanskrit and Kachnar in Hindi.
Kraftda, n.m. ; pi. -e. The cone of Indian corn or maize, as well
as its straw.
Kra>,n.m. (P.qardr.) An agreement, -karna, v.i. ir. T<» agree
a jay.
Maize- Hour.
198 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911.
Krauk, n.m. See kdmddr.
Krenyiii, n.f. A kind of bird like the maind.
Krhonu, v.t. re. To boil (of milk, curry, etc.).
Krjgar, n.m. (H. kdru/ar.) A workman, an artist.
Krigri, n.f. (H. kdrigari.) Workmanship, skill, artistic work.
Kroch, n.m. A sharp stone fit to pierce, -lagna, v.i. re. To be
pierced with a sharp stone.
Krodh, n.m. (S. Krodha, anger.) Anger, indignation, -upjna
v.i. re. To be enraged, to be indignant or angry, -karna
v.i. ir. To be angry.
Krukha or -u. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. e. Rough.
Krunda, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of shrub bearing black berries.
Kruiidu, n.m. See Krunda.
Ksai, n.m. (H. kasai.) A butcher.
Kshatu, n.m. See Kashatu.
Kshaw, n.m. Tightness, -nu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to tie.
Kshokra, n.m. The payment of one rupee on agreeing to under-
take the oath called dib. -pana, v.i. re. To pay the sum
of one rupee on agreement to take an oath.
Ktan, ad. pro. See Katan.
Kthar, kathar or kuthar, n.m. A grain box.
Kthiri, n.f (Fr. H. kdth-ki kin.) A kind of long worm, green
in colour, with many eyes on its back found in green
plants.
Kthisht, ad. Polluted, unclean, -honu, v.i. ir. To be polluted,
ivtira n.m. pl.-e. Scissors; /. -i. A small kind of scissors. (Also
khrtu or -h.)
Ktnoshtu, n.m. A stand for the spindle (tdklu).
JVtrawnu, vt. re. To cause or allow to cut (with scissors).
*u, n.m. (S. Kupa, a well.) A well , a pit. Proverb :
Mdkhe hhani k&,
Tindd pdi tu.
" A well was dug for me,
But you are cast into it. "
(Lsed when a complainant is found guilty.)
^ub, n.m. A hump, crookedness.
kS * «' f i m > I' * ** "*■ Humpbacked.
Kudal, n.m. A large hoe. -i. n.f. A hoe.
ivuftu, n.m. A small pond
Jvujo, n.f. A kind of white wild rose.
Kukr.M.m. (S. Kukkura.) A dog.
/
Kuk lt\i mIT? ^ iea9arU - *••/• A hen pheasant,
/
/• Mai
(Also chhdlli.)
bud) Um!i ' nmand/ - pl S P routs - (S- Kudmala, a new
Kwnbr, A kind of grass bearing some pin-like thorns. (Also
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 199
[N.8.-]
Kumli, n.f. See Kumal.
Kumr, n.m. See Kumbr.
Kun, n.m. pi. See Kon.
Kun ? pro. Who ? Kunie ? By whom ?
Kuftd, n.m. (S. Kuiida.) A pool, a deep hole in a stream.
/
Kun
Kan-iii, kuft-yiri, n.m. pi. Tribes. Tharo-, a term for the Koti
State. 'The 18 tribes.'
Kunka, n.m. A grain or seed.
Kunka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Single, one-sided.
Kunu, n.m. A heap of rice at harvest. -Una, v.i. re. To heap
up the rice harvest.
Kuii-yin, n.m. See Kuii-in. ,
Kuri, n.f. A girl, a daughter. (Bilaspur, Kangra, Kunihar and
Baghal.) , .
Kur-r, n.m. A timber log placed over the joint of the root ot a
village deity's temple, -charhna or -lagna or -lana, v.i. re.
To place a timber log over a temple. This is a grand cere-
ed
grand feast is offered to all who are present,
Kut, n.m. Revenue.
Kth
/
Why
ali, n.f. Up-hill, an ascent,
ashnu, v.t. re. To excite, to move; /
e ? adv. See Kwai ?
Ken
/
Kzai, ad. Quarrels
L
affi
"He will go."
thread
Laeka, ».»». (P. »W-gaA.) Territory. T
Lag, n./. (1) Competition. (2) Enmity, -lagm, tu. r*. ^o pre
C_7 * » \ — / — — -*-
vail (of a disease).
Lagan-fera, n.m. A wedding ceremony.
Lagawnu, v.t. re. (H. lag*nd. ) Toa*^ fr, £~y ^^
Lagi-parnu, „.!.«. To begin to take " ^, ^ ^ ^ ^
Lagni-ban-m, w./. A kind ot oawi,
against another. ,
Lagnu,*,<. ? . (1) To^ (2)Tjb^th« k ^
Lagu, n.m. An enemy. - ho ^ fi Iir vear's cultivation. (7/.
Laira, n.m. The produce of the first jear s cum
Modd, used in Mahlog State.
200 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
La'j, n.f. (S. Lajja.) Shame, -awni, v.i. re. To be ashamed
-lagni or -karni, v.i. ir. To be ashamed.
Laja, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Loose.
Lakhnu, v.t. re. (1) To mark, to observe. (2) To cross, to ford
(a river).
Laklauli, n.f. See Luktli.
Lakra, n.m. A log, timber, -i, n.f. Fuel, -e, pi. Logs.
Lakraiigiia, n.m. (Fr. lakr, wood, ughdwnu, to collect). A tax
levied on the death of a chief at the rate of 8 annas per
house. (Bashahr State.)
Lamba, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. (1) Long, having length. (2) n.m.
A lama. (3) A snake.
Lam bar, n.m. Cooked food for cattle, -dena. v.t. ir. To give
cooked grain as food to cattle.
/
Lambu, n.m. The long leaf of an esculent root or potato.
Lamchata, n.m. A prophet of lower grade, who passes on
oracles received through a deity's inspired representative
to the worshippers , if many of the latter are of low castes :
(Oldham's " Sun and Serpent ").
Lanka, n.f. (S. Lanka.) Ceylon or Ravan's abode.
Lankura-bir, n.m. A deity residing with Bhima-kali of Sarahan,
in the Bashahr State. He is equivalent to Bhairab.
Lanti-ra-kamo, n.m. A disgraceful act.
Lanu, v.t. ir. To take. p.t. Lowa, luwa.
Lanu, v.t. re. To put on, to wear; /. -i, pi. -e.
Lanwari, ad. w. ; -win, /. wen, pi. Helpless, poor.
"M, :? -— "- **v/*v/. */«*, V.*. t O. S.KJ IKJIKX UU ,
Lapoghar, ad. A fool, unwise.
Lara, n.m. A bridegroom.
Larawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to fight ; /
/
-e.
/. A bride. Also used for a Rajput's wife.
Larnu, v.t. re. To fight, to quarrel; /. -i, pi. e. Larda, pre.
par. Fighting. Laria or Lariro, c.p. Having fought. Lara,
pas. ten. Fought. Laru-hundu, pas. par. Fought, quar-
relled.
Latka, n.m. Fashion, mode.
/
We
Lebti, n.m. One who takes. (Syn. Leu.)
/
/
Lekha, n.m. (H.) An account, -karna, v.i ir. To count. -»■
rauna, v.i. ir. To be innumerable or countless.
Le n, n.m. (H.) Credit, -den, a.m. A transaction.
I^P, n.m. (H.) External application of a medicine.
r V' n '/'Ar Cry - "P^ 1 or - deni > *•*• re. and ir. To cry, to weep.
**h n.f. (H.) Lying down, -lani or -nu, v.i. re. To lie down.
Leu, n.m. and /. A taker, one who t.W
Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 201
[N.S.-]
Lhawnu, v.t. re. To shake. Man nd Ihdwai : "Don't shake
me."
/. (H. lihdf
f
f
ih, n.f. A term for an area of land equal to 8 bighas
ft. A feminine future affix, as: Se dewli, "She will
? *
/. A writing. (Also the tax levied at one rupee per
house in Koti State as a charge for writing accounts.)
Likhawat, n.m. (H.) The act of writing.
Likhi-kamaie, adv. By accident. Proverb : —
Likhi-kamdie Idgu dhol,
Jetne uthd ubhd tetne Idgu hor.
mm • V
" By an accident a rolling stone hit me,
As I got up, there came down another to hit me."
»-^
•ite ; /. -i, pi -e.
-parni, v.i. re. To suffer from
/
Likhnu, v.t. re. (H.
Likho, n.f. pi. The ]
louse's eggs.
Linda or -u, ad. m. ;
tail, tailless.
Liiiguri, n.f. An edible fern.
Lipai/w./. The act of plastering.
Lipnu, v.t. re. (H. lipnd.) To plaster, to clean; /. -i. pi. -e.
Lir,V/. (1) A piece of cloth. (2) A rag.
Liu-karo-kaliu, v. Are dazzling.
Lmari, n.f. (E. almira.) An almira or cupboard.
L6bh, n.m. (S. Lobha.) Fondness. -lAgna, v.t. re. To be fond.
Loha, n.m. (H.) Iron.
Lohal, n.m. An agricultural instrument.
Lohti, n.m. (H.) Blood. . ,, i-_Ju
tokhr, n.m. pi. Agricultural instruments, such as the plough-
share, etc. -land, v.i. re. To cohabit, -lane, v.t. re. To
sharpen agricultural instruments. „ /o\ a
Long, nm. pt. (1) Cloves (Myristica canophyllata). (2) A
nose stud.
Lor, n.f. The male pudenda. , . , • , .
will be destroyed like the salt in the water.
Lotha-lothi, »./. The act of pulling each other, -horn, v.t. ir.
To be dragged one by another.
Lotri, n.f. A small water-jug.
Lowa, v.p.t. See Luwa. , . ,
Luthnu, v.t, re. To pull, to drag; ; /. -h P- ' e ' , w
LucUareli, n.f. The plant called Lady s bedstraw.
Luchhnu. v.t. re. To null off; /. -i» P l - " e -
202 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Lugru, n.m. The ceremony observed at the time of a child's
eating grain for the first time. (Bashahr).
rt. and /. Pendulous and sha'
Poro dwu kuktu lujbude Jean,
Man nd Jchai kuktuwd an ton
A Riddle :
" There came a dog with hanging, quivering ears,
Don't bite me, pup, I am your customer."
(Reply : ' The forget-me-not. 5 )
•
Luku
/
/
j r^ — -w — w ~* Y »
/. Fickleness, unsteadiness, inconstancy, -lagni, v.i.
re. To be inconstant. (Syn. laklquli.)
Lun, n.m. (S. Lavana.) Salt.
/
wicked man. -nu, v.i. ir. To be against.
Lunkr, n.m. See Lor.
Lunku or -a, ad.m. ; f
/
Luwa, v.p.t. Took. (Also Iowa.)
Lwad,w./. (H. auldd.) Offspring, -honi, v.i. ir. To be blessed
with offspring. (Syn. dgat.)
Lwaine, n.f. pi. A kind of grass that grows with wheat.
Lwal, n.m. (H. uchhdl.) A jump, -dena, v.i. ir. To jump over.
M
Ma, n.f. Mother. [Also an affix added to a verb in the future
tense for the first person singular. As : An karu-ma.
"I will do." Edmen karu-me. "We will do." Ham
karu-mi. We (women) will do.]
Mabao, mabaw, n.m. Parents.
Machh, n.m. A man, a person. (Also Michh.)
Machan, nm. A small hut erected on a tree to watch crops.
(Kangra and Hill States of Simla )
Machchh, ad. /. A woman or any female animal whose off-
spring never lives long. (From Sanskrit Mritavatsa.)
Machhli, n.f. A fish, -ghani, v.i. re. To fish.
Machni, v.%. re. f. To sound or resound.
Madakn. n.f. The head of a sheep or goat.
Mafi n.f. A free grant of land.
Magh n.m. p l The long pepper.
Maghenyin, n.f. See Mugoh. (Kullu.)
Maghera or -u, ad, m.; f. -i, pl. -e. Dear, costly, of high price-
Magr, n.m. r>l, A term f rtl . +k„ *_«.„:„u* *u~ i. a * wft «k of P° ,h
of intense cold and heavy snowfall.
ine iorcnignt, ine last wc^ —
Mdgk. It is supposed to be the time
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 203
[N
ash
Maharaj, maharajea, n.m. (S.) O great king. A term of
address to a Hill Chief.
Mahr, n.m. A collector of revenue. (Bilaspur.)
Mahrai, n.f. A headman's circle. (Mahlog.)
Maira, n.m. (1) Love. (2) Eagerness.
Maja, w.m. Pleasure, comfort, -awna, v. i. re. To l>e pleased.
Majawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cleanse; /. -i, pi. -e.
Maie-rd, -ru, ad m.f. -ri, pi. -re. Fine, pretty.
Majire, Vm.V. (1) Stripes or a rim. (2) A kind of musical
bells.
/• -i, Pi
/
Majnu, v.f. re. To cleanse, to clean ; /. -i, P»- - e -
Majniii n.m. A willow tree. Syn. beso.
Makhan, n.m. See Chopar.
Makhaul, ».m. Jest, -karna, ».». re. To make a J«t.
Makhi (S. Makshika.) w./. pi. Flies. (H. Makkni.)
Makhir, mkhir, n.m. Honey.
Makhta, n.m. See Ma'n.
Malai, n.f. Origin or foundation „ rtcaoQfln r
Malak, n.m. (H.) Husband, owner master possessor.
Male, n.m. Fighting, -awnu, v.t. re. lo tight
Malek. malekan, n.m. A curse on one's mother, abuse of one
mother.
/
■any*,*./. A festival that ^es place at the full .noon of
September. Cows are worshipped and fed. In the nig
the fair called Blaj takes place at Koti.
Malpura, n.m. A kind of sweet bread; pi. -e.
Malwa', n.m. ; pi. -6. The wild P|f on ( former {orm is used in
Mam, mama, n.m. Maternal uncle. (Ine toime
Manila
Bashahr) ; /
tax.
Manas
Man, pro Me or to me.
Ma'n, n.m. Complaint. (Syn. Makhta.)
Man'al, n.m. The wild pheasant.
Mana-manie-jhurnu, ».t\ re. To pine in lov
mW-rauni. «.«. *. To disappoint
Mana
manana
ceremony. w i \ Th e nlanet Mars . (2) Tuesday,
gal, n.m. (S. Mangala.) (1) ^PgJ et he mugician9 called
mukhi n.m. pi
Turi.
ali, n,/. A dish. , , >
iwm, *, I *•#> To send for; /. •*, F" e '
gi, n.f. An eartl
clarified butter.
204 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
t>
/
/
/
;r"ri K mangna.) To ask lor, to beg:
Manhgheru, ad. See Magheru.
Mani, n.f. The mulberry fruit.
Manj pre. Between, -parnu ; v.i. re. To go between.
Manja, n.m. (H.) A cot.
Manjawnu, v.t. re. See Majawnu.
Manjie, phrase. In the middle or centre.
Manjnu, v.t. re. See Mainu.
Manjri, n.f. A mat,
Maftjtu, n.m A small mat.
Manu in.m. A man. (Kangra.) Proverb. Mdnu md?iu antra,
A<n m m , fat kdnkrd. " Men are of different kinds, some are
stones and some diamonds. ' '
Manru, n.m. The mind.
home
Mapash, n.f. (H. napdi.) Survey, -lani, v.i. ir. ' To survey
Mapawnu, v.L.re. To cause or allow to measure ; f,i, pi. -e.
Map
Mara-1
Marak
/
te^"": "••• * To ** beaten ; /
Marg
/
Marj
Marl
last' duUe he d6ath Ceremon ^ " lina > »•»• re - To perform the
Illness, sickness, disease.
/
Marm n.m. (S. Marina.)' Secret.
Mar^L^/xx A plant bearin g leaves like those of spinach.
Warn n.m. (H. maran.) Death, -hona. v.i. ir. To die . -lana, '
vi re t« e-' , -hona, v.i. ir. To die.
v.i. re -To perform the ast offices
Marm, v.t. re. To cohabit.
Marnu, v.t. re. (H. mdrnd.) To beat to hit
Marnu, v.i. re. To die ; f\ J T'
'strength ' P Feeble ' weak ' having n °
Maru , ad. Dyin a
Mas, jmj (g, Md " ft8a } Flegh
MaShf » » T T? daUg \ fcer ° f ° ne ' 8 mother ' s sister -
Mashara nm\ 2 u l° n ° f one ' s mother's sister.
(Also M^shitlf °° m US6d to plaater the fl °° r ^
Masi, n.f. A stepmother.
Mast/ ad ml C 7 Sh ; '• - 1 ' &• "*■
elephant , AbUndant - (Bashahr.) (2) (H.) Mad (as an
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 205
[N.S.]
Masurika.) A sort of pulse or lentil. (Er-
vum hirsutum, and Cicer lens.)
>i, n.f. A ste]
% n.f. A cou
re. To be against a mauta.
-lagni, v.i.
forehead. " -tekna, v.i. re. To bow down, to
salute.
Mathei, n.f. (H. mithdi.) Sweetmeat.
Mathra, v. ad. m. -f. -i, pi -e. Younger, smaller.
Mathu or -a, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Small, little.
Mati, n.f. (H. matti.) Earth, clay.
Matolri, n f. A swallow. pJ. -i.
Matyani, n.f. The wife of a mauta.
Mau, n.m. A free grant, a jdgir.
Mau, n.m. A bee. (Alike in sing, and pi.)
Mauhru, n.m. A kind of oak, the holly oak.
Mauli, n.f. A kind of coloured thread used at marr
Mauftsa, n.m. The husband of one's mother s siste
fisi, n.f. Mother's sister. Proverb : Sakho nm
ri kareri, "Mother's sister by relationship, but very
keen at a bargain."
Mauna, n.m. Wrist.
Mauta, n.m. see; Kamdar.
Mauto, n.f. (H. maut.) Death. tW . Bta whose des-
Mawi, n.m. A term for the original ********* »se
cendants are still found in the Simla hills, ..?-, ■»
Meghula, n.m. (S. Megha.) A cloud-
MehrAi.n./. A headman's circle M a ™>S-> ,, The zo diaeal
Mekh, n.m. (S. Mesha, a ram.) (D A rara - < '
sign of Aries. A , ffl A rn ; vi.re. To
Mekkh n./, A nail (of iron or wood.) -marm,
object. . .__ > „ : f > To be on
Mel, n.m. (H.) Junction, union • *ona ^. • ^ terms
friendly terms, -karna, v.t. ir. lo ge* a
with.
Mela, ».m. (H.) A fair. Sy£. J&t. Fighting with
Melo, »./. pi. Meetings. Khokhn-ri-meio. g
swords. , , j pn ^ « j. ir. To speak
Mr nhna, n.m. An ironical speech^ ^^ words .
ironically, -sun-na, v.t. re. lo nea
Menhneri, n.f. A taunting speech.
Mep, n.m. Measurement.
Mepawnu, v.t. re. See Mapawnu.
Mepnu,' v.U re. See Mapnu. . • To roof.
M,- T . ».». The roofing of a house J-fc-^
£LS.t.5Sr fc'ea^or a lW t ; , ,,0,.
Metna.e.1. re. To spoil, to make u^l,--. !■ '. P<-
Mewa, n.m. pi. (H.) Fruits.
206 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
/, (S. Mahishi.) A she-buffalo, a. n.m. A mal
e
buffalo. (Syn. jhota).
Mhajan, n.m. (S. Mahajana.) A shop-keeper.
Mhaftgu , ad. See Mahaiigu.
Mharu or -a. pro. m.f.i, pi. -e. My, mine, of me.
Mhathra, -u, ad. m.\ /.-i, pl.-e. Small, little, young.
Mhim, n.f. A war, battle. (P. muhim.)
Uhin , ad . (H . mahin .) Thin.
Mhina, n.m. (H. mahind.) A month, the twelfth part of a year.
Mlntnu, mitnu, v.t. re. To meet; /.-i, pl.-e.
Mhlori, n.f. (S. Amla-lonika.) Wood sorrel {oxalis corniculata).
Mhoru or mahru, w.m. The holly tree.
Mhroi, n.f. A kind of dove.
Mhurt, ti.w. (S. Muhurta.) An auspicious time, a lucky time.
Mhwera, -u, n.m. The image of a deity. Dim. mhwertu, n.m. A
small image.
Mian, miyan, n.m. A word used in addressing a chief's brother
or kifc h and kin. (From P. midn.)
Michawni, v.t. re. To cause or allow to shut the eyes.
Michh, n.m. See Machh.
Michni, v.i. re. To shut the eyes.
Mi awnu v.t. re. To cause or allow to join ; /. -i, pi -e.
MUni, n.f. A ceremonv observer! at n. w^H rl i n a
Miliiu. vt
(2) To visit. (3) To call upon.
/
/
Minka, n .w. A frog or toad, (S. Mand
Min-nu, v.t. re. To pinch, to rub; /. -i
/. -i, pi. -e. A verb most
. - - ~. J.V "icwuic , /. -i, pi. -e. a verD most uuujuwv
used in measuring clarified butter in a pot equal to one
seer and six chitaks in weight.
Mintu, n.m. ; /. .{, pL _£. A Um %. [ch itaks
Minn
Mirch, n./ jrf. .o. R e d pe P1
fe* . The fi ' st > pi*"
to 11
Mio^ *, , r . , — ©"*» uocu »« » uame piayeu wuu
JJ»?» »•»• Mixed corn, the poor man's food.
M is awnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to mix together.
m S ' v r ™ To mix t0 ^ ether ; /• -*. ** *
Mssa, tt . w . F i our of m . xed com / or ^
M tha, ». w . ( h. ^fe-.) A kind of vegetable>
Mitnu, v.t. re. See MhVtnu
/
wish.
Moal, n.f
h (from man, mind and ichchhd, desire.) Desire
>
(Also mwdl)
Modi » «, TnT "' or aDuse 0I > one's mother. (Also mw*->
(MahTog) produce of the cultivation of the first year.
'/
2<) 7
[N
Moi, n.f. A kind of plough to smooth land after sowing.
-deni, v.i. ir. To smooth the land with a plough.
Mokhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to suffer; /. -i, pi. -e.
Uokhnn,' v.i. re. (\) To suffer. (2) To undergo, to bear ;
/. -i, pi. -e.
Mokhni-parni, v.i. re. To suffer, to undergo, to bear; m. -a.
pi. -e.
Mo'l, n.m. (Ho mol.) Price, -e-lanu, v.t. ir. To purchase.
/
/
Mor, n.m. (S. Mayura.) A peacock.
Mor, w.m. The way in which a thing should be folded, -mi, v.i.
To fold up. , „ u
Morcha, n.m. (1) Intrenchment. An advance guard. (Z) A
band.
Mormutha, n.m. A bundle of peacock's tail-feathers, set in a
gold or silver handle, to whisk off the flies, as an emblem
or insigne of princely rank. , ,
Moshawnu. v.t. re. To cause or allow to wipe; /. -i, pi- -e.
Mrak, n.m. See Marak
/
Mrari, n f. A wild hawk. (Also mreri.)
Mrekawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to twist ; /. -i, P<- " e -
Mreknu, v.t. re. To twist; /. -i, pi- •*• . . . „ „ i 0rt1v .rfl
Mrig/n.m. (S. Mriga, a deer.) A wildammal such as a leopard,
bear, barking deer, etc. , * T ^ ,
Mrig-satai, »./ A term for the fortnight, from ->2n 1 of Je^l i to
8th of Har. It is believed that rain in this jo tn,gt t is not
beneficial; but that sunshine in it is of great benefit to
Mrig
crops.
body.
r, n.m. JName ot a nacnm***** « - Iwmmtincr a dead
/. A b^ smell, such as arises from cremating a dean
/
cremating ground.)
nnli <*> ™ /ft MM™, urine.) Urine.
Much, n.m. (S. Mutra, urine.; v*«~- , water* /
MuehAwnu, «.«.«. To cause or allow to make water, /
pJ. -e.
Muchi, n./. The act of making wai
to make water. Syn. Chhoti.
Much-nu, v.i. re. To make water.
-lagni . v.i. re. To want
Muchh.6 , n.m. pi. See Guiijo.
Muda, n.m. A term for the right to»^ ^
Mudokhar, n.m. (U The head. (2) The skuii.
khar.) . kirn ' t , .• r( , To bombard.
Manila, n.m. Bombardment, -chharna, v.t. re.
Mui, ad. f. Dead. . . T obtain an audi
Muira, n.m. An audience, -karna. v.t. vr. io ooia
ence.
208 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Mukan, n.m. The appointed day on which all the relations
come to the house where a death has taken place, to pay a
sum of money called kauri-roti.
Mukawnu, v.t. re. To finish ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Mukhali,w./. The act of washing the mouth, hands and feet.
-karni, v.i. ir. To wash the mouth, hands and feet.
Mukhiya, mukhia, n.m. The headman of a village. (Bashahr.)
Muknu,*;.*. re. To be no more, to finish, to be ended; /. -i,
pi. -e.
Muktu, ad
Mul. n.m.
a nachhattar or constellation.
tun, suiiiuicuu.
(1) Origin. (2) Also the name of
pre
Mulere, ad. Original.
Muli, n.f. (H.) A radish
Muluk. n.m.
man.
Mum
{Phaseolus
n. (H.mulk.) A country, -kiya, n.m. A country-
. (H. mom.) Wax -jama, n.m. Wax-cloth.
Muftd, n.m. (S Munda, head.) The head, -nhanu, v.i. re. To
bathe after menses.
Munda, ad.m. f.-i, pl.-e. Upset, reversed, contrary, -karna,
v.i.ir. To upset, to turn back.
Mundar, n.m. pi. The act of prohibiting any impious act at a
fair called Bla'j (Bali-raj), -bandhne, v.i. re. (1) To
order not to do a sinful act at the Bla'j fair. • (2) To offer
protection, -kholne, v.i. re. To set free.
Munde-nagare-dewnu, v.i. re. To be totally defeated.
Mundi muftdri, n.f. A ring (of a finger).
Mundokhar, n.m. See Mudokhar.
Muftdri , n.f. Ring (of a finger).
Mundro-ban-ne, v.i. re. See Mundar.
Mung, muftgi, n.m. and /. A sort of kidne
mungo) A kind of green pulse generally
Muftgi. n.f. See Muftg. *
Munni, n.f. A girl or daughter. (Bilaspur an<
Munnu 5 n.m. A boy. (Bilaspur and Kangra.)
Murara, n.m. Half-burnt fuel.
Muri, n.f. Roasted grain for chewing, -chaft-ni, v.i. re. To
prepare roasted grain, to roast grain.
Murkh, n.m. and /. (S. Murkha, illiterate.) An illiterate man, a
fool.
Murku, n.m. A kind of small earring, -i. n.f. A small
nosering. &
Mwtnf §" ^ lL) A flute - a PiP e ( of mllsic )'
ApttSe ' ^ image - ) (1 > ^ n ima ^ e ' an id ° L
SShf •*£ £ 5^^ A mouse or rat; f.-i.
Mush UdS "h S , 5 U9hala «) A pestle, a club, a mace. j
«iusni-dhar-barkha, n.f. Heavy rain. Rainine cats and dogs.
l->
Kangr
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pah art Dialects. 209
[N.S.]
Mushli, n.f. A small pestle or club. f
Mushtanda, ad. m. Young, of sound health ; ad. /. -1. Young
(woman).
Mushtu, n.m. The male young of a mouse; /. -ti.
Mutha or -u, n.m. A handful.
Mwal, n.f. See Moal.
Mwehra or -u, n.m. The imase of a village deity. (Also Mhwe-
ra.)
N
»
Na, adv. (1) No. -haft. adv. Yes or no. (2) Neither. (3) Nor.
As: Tinie hdn na kyeri ni ditti. " He did not say yes or
no." Na se thi tiMi, nd se thd. " Neither she nor he was
there ' '
Nabar, nbar. (S. Nivara.) n.m. Corn that grows wthout
cultivation.
Nachhattri, ad. Fortunate, born at a lucky time.
Nada -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. e. Difficult, -lagna. v.i. re. To be
unhappy.
Nadi, n.f. (S.) A river. „
Nadr, n.f. (P. nazr, sight.) Sight, -parmi ; v.t. re. io see,
to appear ; v.i. re. To be seen.
Nadu-lagnu, *.». re. To pine in love, to be unhappy.
Nadu-mananu. v.i. re. To be displeased.
Nag, n.m. (H.) A jewel fit to be fixed in a ring.
X%.n.l {s/k;: a oobriy 0> A serpent." (2) TI,.- na„,e
K.J. l^&«.f. A kind of thi,, bamboo nsed i„ making
basket
atli, n.f.
f
(1) A kind of thin bamboo. (2, A basket-maker.
iNagan, »./. 1 A female snake. (2) The name of a deity
Nagande, n.m. pi. The sewings which make a quilt, -dene, ».».
Nag£a .ITa kettledrum. * - Kettledrums. (P. «*■
qdrah.) . ,
Nagarchi, n.m. One who beats a kettledrum.
Nagarkhana, n.m. A place where a band plays.
Naha *
nah/rnd
Nahora,'w.m. ' (H. w/Aom.) A humble request.
Nahwanu, nhwanu; v.t. re. To cause or allow to bathe.
Nai, nawi, n.m. A barber.
Nai, nau, n.f. A river. u„kk1o
NaichaT^.m: (P.) A part of the bubble bubble.
Naita, w.m. A rivulet,
Naite, adv. By way of the river. rivulet
Naiti, w ./. ( 1 , A rivulet. (2) adv. By way of the rivulet .
210 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bew/al. [May, 1911.
Naj, nauj, n.m. (H. andj.) Food or grain.
Naj an, ad. Ignorant, unwise. (Also njan).
Najr, n.f. (nazr) A present, -deni. v.i. ir. To offer a present.
Na'k, n.m. (S. Nasika.) The nose.
Nakal, n.f. (P. naqal.) (1) Copy. (2) A pastime.
Nakamma, ad. Good for nothing.
Nakhar, n.m. Soap.
Nakhra, n.m. (P.) Artifice, waggery.
Nakta, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. One having no nose.
/ _
bleed from the nostrils.
Nal, n.m. (1) A pipe. (2) A small river.
Nal, n.m. The joint of the waist.
Nala, n.m. A waterfall.
Nalaek, ad. (P. ndldiq.) Ignorant, unwise.
To
/■
/
/. A kind of disease. (Fr. nal, sinews, and bdi, wind.)
/. (P. ndlish.) Complaint, -ye, phrase, by way of
complaint.
Nalu, n.m. A spring, -we-lana, v.t. re. To put a child to sleep
under a small thread of "water. It is a custom among the
hill people to put children in summer under a water-shoot.
Nalu-musa, n.m. A mungoose.
Namala, n.m. A request to a village deity, -karna; v.t. ir. To
ask a deity about one's troubles, etc. -dena; v.i. ir. To
decide verbally, by a village deity. (Also nmdld.)
Aamawla or nmawla, ad. Motherless.
Nan, nana, n.m. Maternal grandfather. (The former form is
used in Bashahr.)
' /
(S. Nananda.)
»w to dance ; /.
^aiicnnu, v.i. re. To dance; /. -i, pi. -e.
^andoi, n.m The husband of a husband's sister.
Nangu, -a. ad m. ; /. -i, pi. - e . Naked.
Wanh, a^.Jsegatively. -deni, v.t. ir. To deny, to refuse.
Aani, n.f. Maternal grandmother.
Nanka n.m. The mother's home.
Nansal, n.m. See Nanka.
Nanw n.m. (H. ndm.) A name.
Nanwkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to name.
Nanwknu v.t. re. To name, to enlist.
Nap, n.f. Measurement.
Napawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to measure. (2) To
cause or allow to bend.
«*pnu v.t. re. To measure; /.-i %
Niratr-T (1)Male ' < 2 >*»^
^ara, n.m. Trouser string.
/
->11
VoL 7,Va No * 5,] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects.
[N.S.]
Narain, n.m. (S. Narayana.) The god Vishnu.
Narat, nrat, n.m. Mistletoe, holly.
Naratte, n.m. pi. (S. Navaratri, nine nights.) A term used for
themne days of Chet and Asoj, in which the grand worship
of Devi (goddess) is performed.
/. A ball used in chqupa
as
narel
f. (S.) The wrist or pulse. Nan da ran. "Be con
scious.
he is dead.
, n.f. A kir
has
Narja, rc.m. A kind of scales peculiar to the hill people.
Nark, n.m. (S. Naraka, hell.) (1) Hell. (2) Ordure.
Narmeii, n.f. Cotton.
Name, n.m. By God.
Narol, nrol, n.m. Veil, the pardd system.
Naroliya, nroliya, ad. One who wears a veil, one who lives in
na.rrlri
pardd
/. -i, pl.-k. Hard.
Narth, n.m. (S. Anartha, nonsensical.) Violence, oppression
-hona ; v.i. ir. To be unusual.
Nas, naswar, n.f. and m. Snuff, -lani, v.i. ir. To take snuff.
Na's, tt.w. A beam of timber.
Nasaf, nsaf , n.m. (P. insdf, justice.) Justice.
Nash, naush, n.m. pi. (S. Nakha.) The nails.
Nash, n.m. (S. Nasha.) Destruction, ruin.
Nashawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to escape ; f 4 ** - A
Nashnu, v.i. re. To go away.
Nash-natnn. v t tp Tn min t
(Bashahr.)
Nasht, n.m. (S. Nashta.) Destruction.
Nasur, nsiir, n.m. (H. nfisttr.) A fistula, ulcer or sore.
Nata, n.m. Relation.
Natachari, n.f. (H. ndtdcMri.) Relationship.
Nath, n.f. (H. natk.) Nose ring. Syn. Balu.
Nathawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to escape; /. -i, pi -e.
Nathnu, v.i. re. To run away, to escape. Generally used when
a ruler's subject goes to another territory.
Nau, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. New.
Nau, ad. (1) Nine. (2) a River.
Nauhta, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of nine hands, in measure.
Nauj, n.m. See Naj.
/. The ninth day of Chet and Asoj on which general
U**j IV. J, JL lit? ILIIILII \.i.<\y Ul V/iivv — *•— *- j
worship of Devi (goddess) is performed.
a feast day.
Naun, n.m. A place for water
Nauni , n.f. See Chopar.
Naur, n.f. (H. nahar.) A can
dered
212 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Naush, n.m. pi. See Nash.
Nautor, n.m. Newly cultivated land.
/
/. -i, i>£. -6. New. (Also waww
Nawi, w.m. See Nai.
Nayan, n.f. A barber's wife. (Also nain.)
Nbar, w.ra. (S. Nivara.) Rice or other grain growing wild or
uncultivated.
Nbera, n.m. Destruction, -bona, v.i. ir. To be ruined.
Nchhana, -u. ad.m. -/. -i, pi. -e.' Unsifted.
Nchhanien, adv. Without sifting.
Nefa, n.m. The upper part of the trousers in which the string
is fastened.
/
Negi, n.m.
Kull
An officer in charge of a jail in the Simla Hills. In Kana-
war, a gentleman or well-to-do man.
Neha, n.m. The spring harvest.
Nehcha, n.m. See Nihcha.
Nehtu, n.m. (S. Neha.) Love.
Neja, n.m. A spear.
Neora, n.m. Cooked flesh.
Nere, ad. Near. (Also niure.)
Nernu, nliernu, n.m. A small implement used to cut the nails,
^eshne-lana, v.t. re. To ask, to inquire.
Neshnu, v.t. r-e. To ask.
Newul, n.m. A hot place. (Also Neol.)
Nhanu, v.i. re. See Nahanu.
Nhernu, n.m. See Nernu."
Nhoknu, v.t. re. To hit, to strike; /. -i, pi. e.
Nhranu, v.i. re. To humble.
Nhrawnu, v..t. re. To cause or allow to humble.
/
valescent.
v.i. re. To be con
airkh
/
V- y r 'J M re ' To wait for ; I -U vi- -e.
v-iu- N ? L As : Md * ™ chanyin. ' I don't want.'
IN i-anth], phrase. Isn't.
Ni-balnu, v. Cannot.
S' Cl ! 1' m l (S - NIcha '> A ^w-caste man.
Ni-chanyin, phrase. I don't want.
S ° T 'I' ad J m - > f - { > * * Clea »> Hne -
Xichhu or -a, ad. m . ; /. -i, pi . e . * eat , unpolluted. Hachha
Niffrfi^' ••' C !2 an ' purified P»»y*wally or morally.
£ gn-janu, v.t. tr . To perish- / -i U ./»
gTOi, ,,". re. To die P to peri sb /'i t| . e
^f'^;Acarpenter's P tool. ' ; " ' P
^halnu, ttf. w . See Nhyalnu.
213
Vol. VII , No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects.
' [N.S.]
Nihcha, n.m. (S. Nishohaya.) Patience, belief, -rakhna; v.i.
re. To have patience, -rauna, v.i. ir. To be assured.
Nihcha, n.m. Leisure. (Also nehchd.) -hona, ».». »r. To be at
leisure.
/. (S. Nidra.) Sleep.
as
Nil! n.m. The inner part of the blue or other pine.
Niin, n.m. An oath, an ordeal, -karna or -thwana, ».*. »f . and
re. To take an oath, -dena, v.t. ir To offer an oath
Nim or nimb, n.». (S. Nimba.) A kind of tree. (Meha
azadiracta).
Nimbu,rc.m. (S. Nimba.) The citron fruit or tree.
Nimlu ^ -a, ad. ». J /. -i, pi. -e. (S. Nirmala,) Clear. Fw «*.
Oftfe 9»A2u 6oai ft nimlu nimlu rah ja. ' During the
monsoon, "foul or turbid water flows away but the clear
or transparent remains," i.e., bad times will pass away and
happy days return.
Nindnu, v.t. re. To weed.
Ninrd, n.m. The tree-frog.
Nir, n.m. (S. Nira, water.) Tears. N
Nirn»,».m. Breakfast. (Keonthal ad. m f-'^f't^t
havin* taken food. Mnw pe*e fcfora »» ^a,,a. Don
having taken food. j;
fasting
Nisrnu, v.i. re. To come into ear, of pain.
Nithe, «fc. Down, -pandi, ad. Cohabiting, -khe. ±or
Nitrnu^.*. re. To dry by letting water run or drip off.
Niure, ad. Near, nigh- . r n ^ mm
Nm&nk.fld. «.:/.- flrf.-e. Anxious, full of cart
/
Nmane-shetnu, v.t. re. lo casi .««" — ^ ' / . . T have
Nofa, n.m. {F. na/a.) Interest, gain, -hona, v.t.
an interest in.
Nok, n.f. A tip. -e. With
Nokhu or -a, arf. w. ; /
/
( £ m Jf,'; *££ and i*«r. the air.)
The air
that blows from a ravine. • . T be
Nraj, ad. (P. mfefe.) Displeased, angry, -honu,
displeased or angry. . .karni. To proceed
Nraji, n.f. Displeasure, anger, -bom or karni.
against.
bdndd
Nra^m. See Narat Sy*. «■« — nfc (Fr . S . Niroga.)
Nroga, -u, ad. m. ; /. -1, J*- ; e - ^ X V , ,
Nrvornu, v.t. re. To overtake; f.-h P- , ^
Nryorwnu, ».t. re. To be overtaken; /. -i,2£ e.
Nw'ai, ,:/. The thread used in makmg a^ ; ^
Nwala, n.m. A morsel, -lana, v .*. _. k m easui«-
Xwan, W .m. Measurement, -lana, M. »• io ™
ment. _ .
Nyaw, n.m. (S. Nyaya.) J usfcice \ ^
Nvaw-nasaf , n.m. Redress for a crime.
214 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May
Nyo, n.m. See Nyaw.
Nyoiida, n.m. (S. Nimantrana). Invitation, -dena. v.i. ir.
To in vita.
A.s : O re Id. " you.
5 >
Obra, n.w. A cattle-shed ; the hill people generally keep their
cattle in the lower storey, hence this word is always applied
to the lower storey where the cattle are kept, -karhna,
v.i. re. To carry out manure from the cattle-shed.
Obrtu, w.m. A smaller cattle-shed.
Od, n.f. Moisture, dampness.
Oda, -u, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Damp, wet, moist.
Oda, n m. (1) A basket. (2) A boundary stone in a field.
Oda, n.m. The tooth between the front teeth and the grinders.
Oda-banda, n.m. Partition, -hona, v.i. ir To be separated
off with one's own share in one's father's property.
Odkan, n.m. The frame of wood on which a carpenter works.
Oduwa, n.m. The lower corner of a field.
Oduwe, adv. At the corner.
O'g, n.m. The wedge of a plough.
Ogla, n.m. A kind of grain grown in the hills ; called kotii in
the plains.
Oh, ohu ; int. Ah, alas !
O'j, n.m. Excuse, pretence, -lana, v.i re. To pretend.
Ojr, n.m. The stomach.
Ojru, n.m. pi. Curls.
Okhal, ukhal,w.ra. A mortar.
O'l, n.m. Land-slip, -parna, v.i. re. To slip.
Ola, n.m. pi. -e. Hail.
Olan, n.m. Soup or cooked pulse or other vegetables with
which to take bread or rice.
Ole, n.m. pi. (H.) Hail, -parne, v.i. re. To have a shower
of hail. Syn. sharu.
Ole, adv. On the other side.
Oliya^ n.m. A piece of twine used to hold up a pot, etc. with-
-lana, v.i. re. To tie twine to a pot, etc., -banawna, *•••
re. To make twine for an earthen pot, etc.
Opra, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. Unacquainted, unknown, a foreigner-
Opre-ralaj, n.m. The treatment or cure of magical attacks.
Or, n.m. A carpenter. (Bashahr.) In the Simla Hills he is
t called Badhi.
Ora, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. .^ Here, at this place, hither.
O're, adv. For pleasure.
-re-la, phrase. Oyou!
Orhawnu. v.t. r P T^ r. n „ on .... -ti__ A / iu.\
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of
215
[N.S.]
ii, n.f.
f
i
/. -i, pi. -e. To this side.
ie of a carpenter. Syn. bddhati.
f. -i, pi. -e. Neai*, nigh, this side
/. Dew. -parni, v.i. re. To fall, of dew.
P
Paeli, n.m. (S. Patra.) A leaf, -nu, v.t. re. To shave with an
adz.
i.m. ; n.f. Backbiting, injuring one's interests.
Pachar', n.f. (H. pachchar.) A wedge. f ,
Pachawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to digest;/. -1, pi. -e.
Pachernii, v.t. re. To smash against; /. -i, pi. -e.
Pachh'/w.m. A cut in a limb or body, -den a, v.: ir. lo in-
flict a cut on a limb.
wj /. .i, pZ. -e. Backwards.
Pachhe-fa, adv. Afterwards.
Pachhet, -i, n.m. and /. Late in ripening, ol
Pachhi, adv. By the back way.
Pachhka, adv. Behind, backwards; u.m..f. , .
Pachhla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi ■*• former, previous, of
i, pi. -i
late.
Having
— 7 M. v
Pachi, ad. Twentv-five.
Pachi-ro-raunu, v.i. ir. To try with utmost .are.
Pachka, ^'. A hold, a grasp, -pana, tu. re. To have a hold
of. -dena, v.t. ir. To lay hands on.
Pachnu, v.t. re. To be digested ; /. -i, !».-*•
Pachnu, v.e. re. To be engaged attentively.
Pachnu, v.t. re. To work with an adze «„,-;„- it i 8
Pad, n.m. One only. In calculation when onh one remains it is
called pad and is esteemed very luck\ .
Pada, n.m. The buttocks. ,i:«.iinrffM religious
Padka, n.m. A learned Brahman who discharges religious
duties. -ni,n./. The ^fe rf a ftdto.
Paelage, n.m A term ^ ^'^ Kanet. ' And
three castes, w., S'^ ^poUe or patr^.
among Kanets the saluting teim is pa^
Lit. : « I bow down to your feet. iournev.
Paeta, ».*. ,8. Prasthana.) *g-^5OTU
Paetla, -u, ad. m.\ f. -I, p*. - e , ^"» u '
Pag, n./. A turban. (H. pagri.) tnr i vms
Pa^ie, pagiye, n.m. pi Those who wear turbans.
Pagiya, n.m Verandah. ^ nt .^ hoimr
216 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
To make present or perceptible, -e-bolnu, v.t. re. To
declare, to admit of no other evidence than actual
presence. (Fr. S. Pratyaksha, presence.) -e-japnu, v.t.
re. To speak openly.
Pagri, n.f. A turban, -band, n.m. A chief's official.
Pahi, n.f. Spleen
Pajnda, n.m. pi. -e. A road or way.
Pajiide-de-lanu , v.t. re. To lead on the right path ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Pajfthat, ad. 65. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Sixthy-fifth.
Pajn-ne, n.m. pi. Steps.
Paiiitali, ad. 45. -wan, m. -win, -/. -wen, pi. Fortv- fifth.
Padftti, ad. 35. wan, m. -wiii, /. -wen, pi. Thirty-fifth.
Pair, n.m. pi. Feet.
Pajnu, -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sharp.
Pajri-pe, n.m. See Paelage.
Pajtan, n.m. A term for a tax at one rupee per year. (Kullu).
Paja, n.m. A kind of hill cherry.
Pajah, ad. 50. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. Fiftieth.
Pajajnu, v.i re. To burn, to kindle; /. -i, pi. -e.
Pajama, n.m. (H. pnjdmd.) Trousers. (Also pdijamd.)
Pajattar, ad. 75. -wan, m. -wiii, /. -weft, pi. Seventy-fifth.
Pajpu, v.i. re. To grow ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Pakaish, n.f. Firmness, durability, -karni, v.i. ir. To
strengthen.
Pakawnu, v.t. re. (H. pakdnd.) To cook, to boil; /. -i, pi -e.
Pakh, n.m. (S. Paksha, the dark or bright fortnight.) A fort-
night.
Pakha, n.m. (H. pankhd.) A fan. -bana, v.i. re. To fan.
Pakheru, n.m. pi. Birds in general.
/
/. -i, p£- -e. A stranger, a foreigner
Fakkh, n.m. (S Pankha.) A feather, a wi'ng. (Also pdnkkh.)
Paknu, v.i. re.
Pakrawnu, v.t. re
f. -i, pi. -e.
est or hold ; /
Pakrnu, v.t. re. (H. pakanid.) To hold or arrest; /. -, ,
Fakyen, n.m. pi. (H. pakwdn.) Rich cakes, etc.
Pa a, n.m. (H. patfa.) Corner of a scarf.
; aa ' n - OT - Fr ost. -parna, v.t. re. To be frosty.
fala n.m. pi. - e . A measure of clarified butter equal to about
2 or 2£ chiltdlcs.
Pala, n.w. See Anchal.
sacred fig.
Waved leaf of the fi«
infectoria.) The
i a ai, n ./. Wage3 for keepi c&m&
a apu, y.re. To cause or allow to cherish ; /. -i, pi *> . .
raina, n.w. A grain measure equal to one ser and 3 chitaks
ndian mea sure.
P«r W "f £ turn ' < H ' 6 «™-)
FaU, w./. A small v* s «>i ** :' r • ^ „:i
?*k
[N
,] Dictionary of
217
(H
/
Palsar, palsara, n.m. An official in charge of a granary or
fortress. (Suket, Kullu and Kumarsajn.)
Paltru, n.m. One whose turn it is to work or guard.
Palu, n.m. pi. A kind of hill apple.
Palu, n.m. pi. The grey hairs of old age. -lagne, v.i. re. To be-
come old.
Pa'n, n.f. Sharpening, -deni, v.i. ir. To sharpen.
Panch, n.m. pi. Arbitrators.
Panchi, n.f. Arbitration, -karni, v.i. ir. To arbitrate.
Panchhi. n.m. pi. Birds in general. (Also pakheru.)
Panchmi, n.f. (S. Panchami.) The fifth day of the bright or
dark half of a month.
Panda, n.m. A Brahman who receives a donation at an
GcllDSC
Panda, -u, ad. m.; f.-i, pl.-e. Across. T z >xj
Panda, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Upon, up. Proverb :--Ju nhaMe
muchqu, munhon pdnde Japan julh, team ka paknj How
can he, who makes water in his bath, or tells a he face to
face, be caught." Meaning, how can he be punished f
Pande, prep. Above, upon.
Paiidka or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi •&. Across there.
Pandla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. 4. Of above, upper.
Pandla, -u, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Of across, trans-river or
ridge.
revenue at one time was only Rs.
as
000
Pandro, arf. 15. -wan, m. -win,/, wen.p*. Fi ^nth.
Pandru, n.m. A festival observed on the 15th of the month of
Poh, (Jubbal, Kotgarh and Kotknai/.
Mud of the foul water kept in a field for wwing
/
rice during the rainy season.
Panga, ».m. (H. panga.) A branch, a bough.
Panhair. n.m. The water-place of a village. f th
Panhy^in, n.f. A rainbow, -parni, v.t. re. To appear, ol the
rainbow.
See
Pani, nj. A shoe or shoes.
Pamhar n^m. See Panhyair wefi j The fifth.
Panj.ad. H.pin<*.)o. -wan./. •^"'"^^^ called Dhan-
Panjag, n.m. pi. (S.Papc^ka.) ^J^^ tmihh 6dTBig^
ish'ha, Shatbhikha, Purvabhadrapaaa, u
P-WJ!^ T„e right of the State to buy up gran, at ha,
i, DJ S,« e ::l ioffiUpK-. milk, curd, wood,
««&■& Ms^a^- —- - um been
/
delivered of a child.
218 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911.
Pankh, n.m. pi. See Pakkh.
Pankhri, n.f. An army, especially infantry.
Pankhru,rc.m. See Paiichhi.
Panmesur, n.m. (S. Paramesvara.) God. (Also parmesur.)
Panth, n.m. (S. Pathin, a road.) A heap of stones kept at a
cross-road and considered the deitv of the way. Everyone
passing by has to put a stone on it.
Pantu, n.m. pi. Children's shoes.
Panu, v.t. re. To throw in.
Pariw, n m. Foot. [urna).
Pariwna, n.m.- /. -i, p l. .£. A guest. A\sopdnu>ui. (S. Pragh-
Panyajh, n.f. See Panhyairi.
Pap, nm. (S. Papa, sin.) (1) Sin. (2) A deceased ancestor,
who is supposed to cause injury if not worshipped.
/Pujna v.t. re. To worship the deceased with cakes, etc.
Papi, ad. (S. Papin.) Sinful.
Par, adv. Across.
Parajna, n m. (S. Parinayana.) A form of marriage observed
among Kanets. (See Ruti-manai.)
I'araintu, n.m. A nuptial ceremony observed on a smaller scale
than a parqind.
Paraj, n.m. (S. Palala). Rice-straw. (Also prd'l.)
Farali-Jane, v.t. ir. pi. To beseech, to implore. Tinen deo
paralne Jae. ' They began to beseech the village deities ;
/• -i, -a, sing.
Paralnu, *.*. re To beseech, to implore ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Parar, prar, adv. The year before last.
Parat, prat, n.m. A large dish. (H.)
farewi n.f . (S. Pratipada.) The first day of the bright or
dark half of a month.
Pari, adv. Beyond.
Would
^rfj*^ ( k'. '**!*> love > (I)' Friendship, love. (2) The
; 8t f? ™ bein S in g°oa terms.
/
Parja! ^.'Tubj^tf' * * T ° PUt * **** t0 * b ° W '
Parm&r W *r ^^ Pr ^na. a proof.) Acceptable,
t armesur, n.m. See Panmesur.
break the string
Paio, nm. Grain lent on interest.
/
LhTnn ° n f ente ™% a new house or temple.
A ceremony ob-
t asha, ».w. A die
(2)Tomts **" ' "•*'•"• (1) To be unsuccessful-
219
Vol. VII. No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahuri Diah
[N.S.]
Pashi, n.f. (1) Hanging. (2) In any calculation if two .remain
as the balance it is considered unlucky, and this balance is
called Pdshi.
Pashkri, n.f. The sides, of the human body.
Pashnu, v.t. re. (H. parosnd.) To serve a meal, to place tood
before guests.
Pashu, n.m. pl. (S. Pashu, an animal.) Cattle.
Pasli, n.f. (H. pasli.) Ribs. .
Pasm, »./. Tibetan goat's wool : of two kinds, white, and khw<-
rang or natural colour.
Pasmina, n.m. A shawl, white or of natural colour.
Pa't, n.m. (S. Pata.) Silk.
Patina or ptana, ad. ro. ; /. -i, ^ -e. Barefoot.
Patanda, ptaiida, n.m. ** -e. A kind of bread made of * heat
' flour and eaten with clarified butter and sugar. Especially
prepared on some feast day.
Patawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to root up;
Patenu, v.t. re. To conciliate. v - ,
Patewnu, «>.*. re. To be conciliated; /. -i, p*. -«•
Patha.'ra.m. A grain measure varying from l j to
Pathiaru.n./. A receiver, equivalent to toAttrtttM
Pati, pachi, »./. (H. jwtf»0 A leaf.
/
Pati, n.f. A small board, to write uu. ,
Patianu, *.», re. To be conciliated; f.-h P*. ^©- • ,
!>«<-•' " • M rr n pmme or allow to conciliate, /. -i»
Patiawnu, v.*. re. lo cause ui »"
pl- -e. , 7 -
Patijnu, v.t. re. To be assured; f.-h P*-' 6 -
Patiknu, ptiknu, ».*. re. To jump, to crack.
Patir/».ro. f*. A kind of food made of the leaves ot an
lent root. t ± t -j a
Patle-firnu, v.i. re. To be thin or weak; /. -1, P- ■*
Patnu, v.*. re. To root up; /• 'h V 1 - ' e -
Pattha, ad. m. Young (man).
Patthi, ad. /. Young (woman). T weave a
Patu, n.m. A white blanket, -bun-na, v.*. >*•
blanket. _ J. ' a ipffpr
Patu, ».m. A messenger, one who carries a letter.
Patuwa, w.m. A messenger.
Patyanu, v.i. re. See Patianu. „ nflmpnr « in (Also called
Patvari, n.f. A small basket to put ornaments in. (A
suhdg petty dri.)
Patyawnu, v.t. re. See Pj***?*' , . g di8tribuU . d .
Pau, w.m. (S. Prapa.) A place * litre ►
i' i • W Mtftblish a water supply.
-Ian4, t>.». re. To esta dust . ca period,
Pauhar, pohar. ».*». pl. (S. Prahara.) xm ,
adv. -e. In the time.
/ A ruler s gateway.
'« " ! *& *iiO Wind storm.
re.
ioV^o^r'OrtobUffectedby.wind.
220 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
r, »./. Likeness, ad., Like. Mere tau tesri pour a'. " My
case is like his."
Paw, n.m. (H.) One fourth.
Pchanwe, ad. 95. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi Ninety-fifth.
Pchasi, ad. 85. -wan, m. -win,/, -wen, pZ. Eighty-fifth.
Pchawnu, v.*. re. See Pachawnu.
Pchheta, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e\ Late-sown.
Pchhuridka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The last.
Pchruwanu, v.i. re. To be torn with nails.
Pchruwnu, v.t. re. To tear with claws (of a beast.) Brdgqi
tesru munh pchruwi pdu thu. "The leopard had torn his
own face with his nails."
Pchuiija, ad, 55. -wan, m. -win, /. wen, pi. Fifty-fifth.
Pechawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to ruin.
Pechhi, n.f., A large kind of basket to keep grain in.
basket
/
Peoka, pyoka, n.m. A wife's paternal liome.
Pe'r, n.m. A tree in general.
Pe't, n.m. (H.) Stomach, belly.
Petku, n.m. Any esculent root, such as the potato.
Phim, n.m. See Fim.
■/■
/
Pich, w.m. Juice of rice, water of boiled rice.
Pichh, n.m. See Pich.
"T^^ a aft ^
/
/
/
/
/
- : ~ & «„ V u, v.t. r t. xo cause or allow to swing :
Pingnu, v.i. re. To swing.
Pinhnu v.t .re. To grind, to make into flour ; /. -i, pi -e.
Pmi, n.f. An egg; pi .{.
Pinjra, n.m. A cage for a bird.
Pmjra, -u, ad. m. ; f. .{, pi. -e\ Yellow, pale.
rajt, w./. A fragrant drug used as a medicine.
£in a, n.m. A stone for grinding anything. (Batta in Hindi.)
p ipl',«./. Chilli. 8 - » v ..
Piphi, w.w. A kind of grass, resembling the chilli, whence its
name. 6
Pironda, n.m A silk cord used to bind a woman's hair. (Also
prdndd
f
Pirthi ™ / /q r> '/.'.' *"• " t5 ' -o^ter to the taste.
K*«. 1/ ( w.«SL VL> . , The earth ' «» WOTld . creation -
[N.S.I
J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 221
Pishawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to grind ; /. -i, pi -e.
Pisi-ghalnu, v.t. re. To grind down ; /. -i, pi -e.
Pishne-denu, v.t. ir. To allow to grind ; /. -1, pi ■*.
Pishu, ».m. (H.) Fleas. (Alike in the singular and plural.)
Pissan, n.m. That which is to be ground.
Pite, ad. Near, nigh.
Pith, pithi, n.f. (S. Prishtha.) The back.
Pitha, -u, n.m. Flour.
Piihi-de, adv. On the back.
Pitl, n.m. (S. Pittala.) Brass. „„,!-»/« i
Piunlu, .a, ad. m. ; /. -i, p*. -& Broad, wide. (Also pyuvh,)
Pja, ad. See Pajah. , g even tv-
Pjhattar, ad. 75. -waft, ». -win.. /. -wen, pi. seven y
EJUftt *~ The nightingale, of two colours-black and
yellow.
/
-e.
Pkaish, n.f. See Pakaish. /S Plaksha.l
Plah, *.m. The sacred fig-tree (Ficus rehgiosa). (S. Flaksha.)
Also palah.
Plassh, n.m.' A kind of pheasant.
Plewnu, t>.i. re. To sharpen ; f. -h P L " e -
Pohar. n.m. See Pauhar.
«1 Anf fn *>n.r
/
Po'r, adv. Last year.
> eat ; /. -i, P*- ■*;
/ A «A -e. Hollow.
-to r, aav. juast yetu.
Pora, at/?;. Away. . , ^ . j s 1} j .£.
Pore-bhajnu, J re To mm. to stop M £
Pore-muwen-tuse , phrase. Be ott \ ou , g
Pori, adv. By that way.
Poriya, adv. At that place, there
Of last year; adv. To that
The
t> i ? j f i rd -e The other one.
Porla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, P*; - e ; i, . . that s ide.
Por-ra, u, ad. m. ; /. -i, ^- ?• ™JXJS (2)
Porshu, adv. (1) The day before yesterday. W
to-morrow. , ff . r to-morrow.
Poshu, adv. Yesterday, or the day aftei
Pothar, n.m. The male organ. • t
Pothi, » f. (I) A book. (2) A manuscript.
Pothnu, v.i. re. To spoil ; /. -Mjfcj • L
Pradhi,ad. (S. Aparadhm.) truel ;; A en &, v.i. ir. To give
Praich, n.m. Grain offered to a duty. . ^ ^ of eftch
grain to a village deity. >y
harvest is first offered to a deity.
Pr&jna, n.m. See Parana.
Pr^ntu, n.m. See Pargintu.
222 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911.
Pra'l, n.m. See Paral.
Pra'n, n.m. pl. (S. Prana, the life.) Life, existence, -chorne;
v.i. re. To work hard, -udne ; v.i. re. To die, to breathe
one's last, -dewne, v.i. re. To die. -ui-raune, v.i. ir.
To become weak, to lose strength, to grow old.
Prana, -u. ad, m. ; /. -i, pl. -e. Old, second-hand. (H.
pur and . )
Pranda, n.m. A coloured thread to bind the braided hair of a
maid. Also pirondd,
Praona, n.m. See Prawna.
Praoni, prawni, n.f. Hurry, haste, -lani, v.i. re. To make
haste.
Praofttha, n.m. Bread cooked with butter or g}ii.
Pra'r, adv. The year before last.
Prat, n.f. See Parat.
Prathi, adv. From the beginning.
Prathti, n.f. A line of men engaged in weeding a field.
Prau, n.m. See Pay.
Prauj, pauj, n.m. The gateway of a ruler or chief.
" " li, n.f. See Pr
Prawna, n.m. ; /. -i. pi. - e . (S. Praghtirna.) A guest.
Prawni, n.f. Haste, hurry, -lani, v.t.re. To hasten, -lagm,
v.i. re. To be hurried.
Praya, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi, -e. (H. pardyd.) Others.
Pret, n.m. (S. Preta.) A ghost, a goblin.
Prithi, n.f. See Pirthi.
-ni, n.f. A sieve. Proverb: Priunni du pdni ni raundu.
' ' Water cannot be held in a sieve. ' ' "
Proht, n.m. (S. Puroliita.) A priest.
Pronu, v.i. re. To thread, to string •
• ' V
/
/
— — — vw — m
f. (H. Poshdk.) Clothes.
Pshauri, n.m. A loose shirt like that worn by the Peshawar
people.
Ptali, ad, See Patali.
Ptana, ad. m. ; /. -i," p l .£. Bare-footed.
Ptanda, n.m. See Patanda.
Ptaravvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to abuse ; /. -i, pl. -e.
PtAn-lanu, v.t. i r . To get abused; /. -i, pl. -e.
/
/
/•-i,
/
t. re. To inquire; /
/. Investigation, ai
/
/
/
Vol. VII, ls T o. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 223
[iv.$.]
Pujawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to arrive, to escort.
(2) To cause or allow to worship ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Pujhuriya, n.m. See Pjhuriya.
Pujnu, v.t. and *. re. (1) To arrive. (2) To worship ; /. -i, pi. -,'-.
Pu\,n.m. (H. pul) Abridge.
Pula, n.m. A bundle of grass. (Also putiu or -id. )
Pule, n.m. pi. A kind of jute shoes made in Kullu and Suket.
ru\i, n.f. A small bundle of grass, or fuel. (Also pvlii.)
Pulta, see pula.
Pulti, «./. SeePuli.
Pultu, n.m. See Puli.
Pun, n.m. (S. Punya.) Goodness, charity, a donation, demi,
v. t. ir. To give alms, -karna, v. t. ir. To perform a chari-
table duty.
, n.f
f. (S. Puchchha.) A tail.
/
/, A small tail.
/
/. (S. Purnaraasi.) The full moon. (Also pitno.)
Pur, pura, «</. Complete; /. -i, pi. -e.
/
^-^c**^ nan. ^o. rurvanga.; me preiu
wedding or the sacred thread ceremony
£urbo-khe, adv. To the eastward.
a
Pure, imh, p i % Puddings.
Pure, ad. w. ^. Complete.
Puri, n.f. (H.) A kind of bread cooked in clarified butter.
Purnu, v.t. re. To make up; /. -i, pi -e.
Putha, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Reversed, turned back.
Puth-kaikla, n.m. A plant ( Achy rant hes aspera).
Pwaja, n.m. The outturn of a harvest.
Pwao, pwaw, n.m. (S. Upaya.) Treatment, remedy, -karna,
v.t. ir. To remedy. [recover.
Pware-dewnu, v.i. re. To be senseless for a day and then
Pyahajr, n.m. Green grass for cattle.
Pyaij, n.m, (H. pydj.) Onion.
±Tar, n.m. (H.) Love,
^yass, n.f. (H. pids.) Thirst.
£yawi, n.f. A nurse.
Pyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to suck ;
Pyoka, n.m. See Peoka.
Py»n!a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Yellow, pale.
1 ynntru, n.m. A small bird, of yellow colour.
/
R
R a, -u ^o^: affix;/. -i, p*. -re. Of. As: Terd, Vour. 7 T es-
™. His. Teso-ri, Her. Tina-re, Of them.
224 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Rachchh, n.m. A handloom.
/
Protection . -karni ,
v.t. ir. To protect, -rauni, v.i. ir. To be protected.
Raesi, rarsi, to.f. The state.
Ragara, rgara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sunny. Yard ye a ban
rgdrl jdgd. " Friend, this is a very sunny place."
Rahi-goi-a-hado-maso-ri mutho, phrase : You have become
very weak.
Rai, n.m. The fir tree. (Also ran.)
Rai, n.f. Mustard, -ri-dali, n.f. The mustard plant, -ra-
dana, n.m. Mustard seed.
Ra-i-janu, v.t. ir. To remain. Se ra-Uguwd tethiyd. He re-
mained there.
Rain, n.f. A term for a wife who has been brought in
marriage
/
/
Rajyownu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to content or satisfy;
/. -i, pl.-e.
Rakas, n.m. (S. Rakshasa.) A demon, a goblin, -an, n.f.
A female demon.
/
or
cotton thread to be
tied on the wrist at the full moon in Sawan.
/
-e.
f
Rajawnu, rlawnu, v.t. re. (H. raldnd.) To mix together;/
pi. -e.
Ra]e-rizkai, adv. By chance.
Rali, ad. Red, crimson.
/
Mixed
n.f. A
\.L Sal
/
/
/
officials
[widow.
Rand, n.f. pi, -o. A widow, -honi, v.i. ir. To become a
Rarigan, rwaiigan, n.m, pi. A kind of pulse.
Rann, ad. m. Barren, uncultivated. Tesrd khech rann raw*
wd. <{ His field remained uncultivated." (Also ran.)
Raola, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -c. Belonging to a chief.
Raot, n.m. A term for a Rajput.
Rapatt, adv. Entirely. (Also rpalt.) ,
Ra'r, n.m. Roasting anything in clarified butter. •?« or -ae-
nu, v.t. re. To roast in butter.
Rar, n.f. Struggle, strife, -honi, v.i. ir. To struggle. -Karni,
v.i. ir. To strive, to struggle.
Vol. VII , No. 5.] Dictionary of
[N.S.-]
225
/
-e.
/
Rarnu, v.i. re. To be displeased, to be angry.
rari. ** He is displeased with me."
Rarsi, '»./. A state. (Also raesi).
Ras, n.m. (S. Rasa.) Juice.
/«
/
twnu, v.i. re. To be praised, to boast ; /. -1, !»•.•*• -
), rso, n./. (H. wwoi.) Cook-room, victuah?, food, .bana-
wni;V».re. To cook, -honi, v.i. ir. To be cooking,
-lani, v.i. ir. To take food.
/
/. (S.' Ratri.) Night.
/. -i, pi -e. Red, crimson, (S. Kakta.)
xvata, -u, aa. m. ; /. -i, pi- " c - *«^«, — * . , , ■, ■>> ; n
Rath, n.m. (S. Ratha, a chariot.) A peculiar kind of doh in
which a village deity is made to dance.
Rathi, n.m. A term for a lower class Rajput (Kangra and Simla
II ills ) .
Rathu, n.m. The name of a sept of Kanets. ,„„_., ; n a
Rathyoli, n.m. A tune used when the village deity dances in
rath.
M^'a/ tr f-u7- - ID Reddi 3l , (2» A species oi
Rau"™. And. Proverb : ChUwri ran mdu Mittg ni ravMe,
"Women and bees never live in a good place.
Rau, n.m. See Raj. /TJ , ,i ir \
Raub, n.m. An agricultural implement. (Baslianr.;
Raun, n.m. A courtyard before a palace.
Raunu, v.i. ir. To live, to remain ; /. -l, ■/»• " e - To be ,
Rbalnu, v.*. re. (1) To look after; /. -i, V» ' e - * '
guile. / ' 7 A
Rbalwnu, v.i. re. To be looked after ; /. -i, !*-«• , 6
Rblawnu, *.*. r«. To cause or allow to look after , ;. -i, 1 •
Re, poss : affix, pZ. See Ra.
Reb, w./. A kind of cut, of trousers.
Rebi-pjama, n.m. A kind of trousers.
Rehar, n.m. Sweeper.
Reka*, -u, pro. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The other.
Rekh, w ./, (S. Rekha.) Aline, -dent To draw a
Rektai, adv. At another place.
/
Relior'relti, ??./
/ -i, ?*•-*•
Rei-pe'l-machni, t>.». re. To be crowded.
Re't, w.m. A saw in general.
Reta, n.m. Sand.
226 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Retawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to saw ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Reti, n.f. A small saw.
Retla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. .e. Sandy.
Retnu, v.t. re. To saw ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Reuhs, ryufis, nm. A kind of tree the wood of which is used
to make sticks, etc.
Rganu, v.t. re. (H. rangdnd.) To dye, to colour ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Rgara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Ragara.
Rgawnu, v.t. re. To be coloured ; /. i 9 pi. -e.
— -- ,
Rhami, ad. (H. hardmi.) Unlawful,
/
/
/
/
ed ; /. -i, V 1 - "&
/. -i, pZ. -e.
Ioa n.rnhftrv. held
.3 CJ * '
i, n.f. A fair at which the people pracl
in the monsoon. (Madhan,, Theog, Balsan and Jubbal.)
Ri, poss : affix. See Ra.
Riehh or rikh, n.m. (S. Riksha.) A bear. (The latter form is
used in Bashahr.)
Rigru, n.m. An attendant, a servant, a peon.
Rijli, n.f. A pleasant thing, -karni, v.t. if. To be pleased
with.
Rijhawnu, v.t. re. To please; /. -i, pi. -e.
Rijhnu, v.i. re. (1) To be satislied, to be pleased ; /. -i, V^ " e -
/
(2) v.t. re. To be cooked.
Rijhyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cook :
Rijko, n.m. (P. rizq.) Livelihood.
Rikh, n.m. See Riclih.
Rikhi, n.m. (S. Etishi.) A sage, a saint.
Rin, n m. (S. Rina.) A debt, a loan, -denu, v.t. if. To give
a loan, -grahnu, v.i. re. To realize a debt.
Rirawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to slip ; /. -i, pi- -e.
• • ? -— — w
Rirku, ad. Rolling.
/
/
7
/. (S. Ritu.) Season.
/
Rit, n.f. (S. Riti, the way.) A custom, maimers, -lam , ••*
ir. To accept the expenses of one's marriage, and aban-
don one's wife to another, -honi, v.i. ir. To pay oft ttie
marriage expenses of one's wife, -bartni, v.i. re. To ac
according to custom.
Rjhyownu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cook or boil.
/
/
A festival held on the full moon in Sawan at which ta
twice-born castes don a new sacred thread after consecra
Vol VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 227
[N.S.]
ting it by Vedic hymns, and a thread (called raksha, rdlch
or rdkhri) is tied by a Brahman round every one's wrist to
protect him for a year. Gifts are made to Brahmans
and rich food is cooked and eaten with friends and
Rog, n.m. (S. Roga.) Disease, -awnu , v.i. re. To appear, of
a disease, -honu, v.i. ir. To be diseased, to be ill.
Rogla, -u, ad. m. : f. -i, pi. -e. Sick, ill, having a disease.
Roj, n.m. (P. roz.) Day. -roj. adv. Everyday.
Roji, n.f. Livelihood.
Rok, n.f. (1) Prevention. (2) Cash.
Rokawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prevent; /. -i, Pj- •«•
Roki-denu, v.t. ir. To bar, to prevent, to stand in the ^ay;
f
Roknu, v.t. re. To bar, to prevent; /. -i, pl.f.
pi
Ronu, runu,vi.Ve. To weep, to bewail; f.-i, pl.-e-
Ropa, n.m. Planting (of rice), -i, *./. The act of planting.
Ropawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plant (ot rice).
Ropnu," v.t, re. To plant (rice).
R6r,'n.m. (!) A small stone. (2) A stirring about.
w to stir; /
/
Rosli, ».m. (S. Rosha.) Anger, indignation, -a*na f v.t. re.
To be angry, -e-honu, v.i. ir. To be displeased
Roshawnu, t>I re. To cause or allow to displease /. - , - •
Roshuwnu, v.i. re. To be angry, to be ^^'J'*^*
Rot, n.m. A cake for a deity, -prajch. n.m. A present
' cooked and uncooked food to a village ciem .
Rowu, ad. One who weeps.
Rpatt, adv. Entirely. (Also rapati.)
Rsawnu, v.i. re. See Rasawnu.
R36, n.f. See Raso.
Rsotar, n.m. A chief's cook.
Ru, poss : affix m. See Ra. . T D i ea d. -honi,
Rub&kari, n.f.. Pleading, -karm, v.i.v- JO F
v.?'. i>. To be pleaded. , , 7 -
Rudlmu , v.t. re. (S. Buddha.) To detain ; /. -1, ?><• e -
Rui, *./. See Run. . ,, one » 8 intention.
Ruk, n.m. Side, -deklma, v.i. re. To betra> o
-paltna, v.i. re. To be against.
Rukawnu, v.t. re. To cause or
/
Rukh ».*. A tree. (S. Bhuruha.) unproduc tive. (Al*o
Kukha. -u, ad. m.\ f. -1, P- e - J* 0U S U ' *
lukhn.)
i
Rukhra, n.w?. A small tree.
[pi
xvuKnr a , ww . a small re f . detained; /
Ruknu, v.t. re. (H. rukna.) *° slo P'
228 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
/
/
Rulnu, v.i. re. (1) To roam to and fro. (2) To be left
without a guardian.
Rum, n.m. (I) The act of planting. (2) Hair
Rumawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plant;
Rumnu, v.t. re. To plant ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Rupoiya, n.m. (H. rupayd.) A rupee.
/
/
/. -i, pi. -e. Weep
/
Runu, v.i. re. See Ronu.
Rupmanjani, n.f. A kind of tree which bears
in the monsoon.
Rushawnu, v.t. re. See Roshawnu.
Rushi-janu, v.i. ir. To be displeased or angry.
displeased ; /.
/
/
from the bridegroom's to the bride's house, dress her, put a
cap on her head and bring her home to the bridegroom.
(Kaftgra.) Bit in the Simla Hills. (Syn. Pr&ina.)
ani, ad. f. (1) Pleasant. (2) n.f. Summer.
S
Sabala or -u, ad. m. , f. -i, pi. -e. In favour, -girnu or -firnu,
v.i. re. To be favourable ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Sabha, n.f. (S.) An assembly, a court.
Sabhaw, n.m. (S. Swabhava, disposition.) Temper, disposi-
tion .
Sach, n.m. (S. Satya.) Truth, -a or -u, ad. m.; f.-i,pl- e '
True, truthful.
Sada, adv. (S.) Always, ever.
Sadka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Original, constant.
Saer, saer saji, n.f. The first day of the month of Asoj.
Sahattar, ad. 70. -waft, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Seventieth.
Sai, ad. Right, -lani, v.t. re. To trace one's whereabouts.
Saintnu, v.t. re. To make fit; /. -i, pl.-e. .
Sajan, n.m. (S. Sajjana.) A term for a husband. (Also sdjn.)
Saji, n.f. The actual passage of the sun from one sign of the
zodiac into another.
Sajnu. v.t. re. To skin a sacrificed goat or sheep. ,
Sajra.-u, ad. m.; f. i, pi. -6. Fresh. As: Sdjrd dud: Fresu
milk. Sdjru chopar. Fresh butter. Sdjri ckis. Fresh water.
Sakera, n.m. Readiness, -hona, v.i. ir. To be ready.
Sakh, n.m. Relation. (Also shdkh.)
Salag-misri, n.f. A kind of herb used as a medicine.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 229
[N.S.]
Sama, n.m. (S. Samaya.) Time, a career, period, age. Ebe
samd bur a lagi-guwd, " It's now an iron age."
Samana, n.m. Supply, forces.
bhal, n.f. A j
To take care.
/
Ian', v.i. ir.
/
Sambhainu, v.i. re. To be careful; /. -i, pi. -e.
Sambhlawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to put i
Sambhnu, v.i. re. To receive or accept ; /. -i, pi
Sambhwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to receiv
Sameta, n.m. An agricultural implement.
/
/
pi. -e. tii
Sametnu, v.t. re. To gather, to collect; /. -i, pi- *©•
Samonu, v.i. re. To mix cold water in too hot water to make it
fit to touch for bathing.
Sampto, n.f. (S. Sampatti.) Prosperity.
Samuftd, n.m. (S. Samudra.) The sea, ocean
Sa'n, nf. Symbol, sign. Proverb: Chatre ditUsanMurkh
chaki j/n. • ■ A wise man made a sign , and a foolish man
took a stone." ... .
San, n.m. Obligation, -man-na, v.i. re. To be obliged.
/
/
/
A damp piace To sound the pipe.
A musical pipe, -bajni, v.i. re. i« 3U t- x
oauuri, ■«./. Evening, sunset. . , , „ <( nn,.
Sane,' pre. With. W 7^ t* MiM **«! «** ? " h >
did you come in with the shoes ! . . .
Saneha, n.m. A message, a word, -dena, v.t. if. lo send a
message. . , , • -i - /« To
Sanewnu, v.i. re. (1) To resemble; /.-i, *s£lJ&J* a chief
build a house like a deity's temple or the pa ace of a UneL
This is a kind of sacrilege and *M tta ^* -^
be occupied by its owner, and ne wuu
imitation is severely punished.
Sang, m.w. Companionship.
Sangi, sangu, n.m. A companion, a comrade.
Sangu, n.m. See Sangi. (Bashahr.) v c „ M
Sanhasar, ad. (S. Sahasra.) 1000. (^*f£ To beC ome
S. SAvank41a.) Evening, -horn, 0.t. w.
i, »./. (S.
evening.
t '-' A
™j««» *•». »«- -^ — iln4 » t re To put on armour.
Saftjowa, n.m. Armour, -lana, v.i. >e. F Qr
Sank, »./. A sign. -deni, v.i. if. To give a sigi v y .>
hand).
Saftsar, ad. See Sahansar. _. „ rt -iJ
a.x./J , ,« « _* - »_ _ w .^HjtAr.) The woild.
/
Saiitha, n.m. A deed of grant.
Sir, n.f. Manner.
230 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Sarbarambh, n.m. (S.) A rite observed a week before
a
marriage
/. -i, pl.-e. Enough, abundant.
Sardha, n.f. (S. Shraddha, faith.) (1) Wish, desire. (2)
Faith, belief.
Sarg, n.m. (S. Swarga.) The sky, firmament, the ether.
Sarp, n.m. (S. Sarpa.) A snake.
Sartaj, n.m. A kind of flower; -ri. n.f. A kind of single
flower.
Sarte, adv. Everywhere.
Sa's, n.f. Mother-in-law. (Also Sha's.)
Sashan, n.f. A free grant.
Satah&t, ad. 67. -wan., m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Sixty-seventh.
Satanwe, stanwe, ad. 97.
Sathi, ad. (1) Together, with. (2) n.m. A companion a
comrade.
Sathra, n.m. Bedding, -pana, v.i. re. To spread a bed.
Satmi, n.f. (S. Saptami.) The seventh day of the bright or
dark half of a month. (Also sdten.)
Satro, ad. 17. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. Seventeenth.
Satt, ad, (S. Sapta.) 7. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Seventh.
Satu, n.m. Roasted flour.
Scau, ad. (S. Shata.) 100.
Sauj, n.m. (S. Ashwina.) The sixth Hindu month correspond-
ing to September.
Sa-uii wan, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Level.
Saura, n.m. Father-in-law. (Also Shaura.)
Sawan karna, v.t. ir. (1) To make level. (2) To remit; f.-h
pi. -e.
1 Scherati, n.m. The act of purification, purity.
/
ili, n.f. x
shdhuli.)
"e. To purify, to make pure ; /. »i,frf. * e - .
i kind of wild plant used for making mats. (A 1 *
~-, r -- id /. He or she or they. Se kindd dewd ? " Where
is he gone ? " Se kd karo ? ' « What is she doing ?." * c
kun thie ? ' ' Who were thev ? ' '
Sefo, n.f. Foam.
Sei, ad. The same.
Seja, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. That one. . , v
Sejla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of that or of this. (Also seja.
Se'k, n.m. Heat (of fire.) -lagna, v.i. re. To feel heat <oi
tire).
eat ; /. -i, pi. '&
f. -i, pi. -e.
jefore a fire ; /
1 § Sch ' is not equal to sh, but sch=^.
[N
] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 231
/
/
\S I t • » V^« -^ V^ ■www— - * r
/. A kind of bean used as a vegetable.
/. (S.). An army, a flock, a herd.
Seo, n.m. Apple. ,
Seok, n.m. One who manages the corvee or begar. (ttoiilu.)
(Also steJfe, fr. S. Sevaka, a servant )
measure
ser.
Setkhana, n.m. A chief's latrine.
/. (S.) Service.
Sewak,n.m. See Seok. ,
Sgai, n /. (H. mwK.) Betrothal, -horn. At. »r. To betroth.
Q»i,«+j{nm,, *, * ™ Tn nsuinnnr allow to put together; /. -i, pi-
f
-e.
assed; /
Sgnetuwnu, v.i. re. xo oe »unww« . /• *»r- -• c™««
Sgoh, n.«. pi. A term for the 16 days, the last week of Sawan
and the first of Bhado. During this period ram is sai to
be very lucky and sunshine very undesirable. Sgoh bashde
change" ho. » It is good to have rain during the Sgoh.
Sgotri, n.f. Brinjals. (Bashahr.; | (Also sgotru, m )
Shaa', n.m. Strength. ^W fhda m ruwa. I have no
strength now." (Syn. shah.)
/
/
/
oiiaui-ueiiu, v.i. vr. iu »hw%t w * , ■ -
Shadi-ro-'annu, ».*. re. To be invited; f. -l, p.*.
Shadnu, „j. re. To call, to invite, to send for /. -i,p£ e.
Shaera. n.m. A kind of plant, bearing purple flowerets
bloom in October and November. .
ShAh, n.m.(l) Breath. (2) Strength. W""™- . To
Shah shahtu, n.m. Strength (of man) -£*»:*£'«•
become strong, -ni-rauna, v.i. if. To become old.
Shahi, shai, n.m. A porcupine.
Shahtu, n.m. Breathing or the breath.
Shahtu-lana, v.i. ir. To kill, to take life.
Shai, ad. Right.
Shaie, adv. Certainly, no doubt. ' .
Shall , »./. A wooden bolt (chilkham nx Hm^
Shailu, n.m, P l. A kind of plant which produces black tno ,
but no fruit.
Shair, n.f. A precipice, a rocky place.
Shaii, n.f. Strength, force.
Shajie, adv. Loudly, aloud. , nfprine
Shaka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i. pL -e. Own, related ufe rme
Shakh, n.m. (1) Relation, alliance. (2) A branch, o, p
crops.
Shakra, n.w. Bark (of a tree).
232 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Simla, n.m. Brother-in-law.
Shaja, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Cold, chilly.
Shaiawnu, v.t. re. To make cool ; /. -i, pi. -6.
Shalewnu, v.t. re. See Shaiawnu.
Shali, n.f. Sister-in-law.
Shajk, n.f. A heavy 3hower (of rain). Proverb :
Bddli pdki bhalfco,
Pdni ri lagi shalko.
" When the clouds are red at morn,
Then there will be a heavy shower of rain."
Shalni, n.f. pi. Pain, aches, -parni, v.i. re. To feel pain.
Shalnu, v.i. re. To become cold.
Shalo, n.m. pi. Locusts.
Shaluwnu, v.i. re. To be cool or cold.
Shamanu, samanu, v.i. re. To die.
Shana, n.m. A kind of grass that grows in fields in the rams.
(Also shdni.)
Shanan, n.m. (S. Snana.) Bathing, a bath.
Shanchar, n.m. (S. Shanishchara.) Saturn or Saturday.
Shand ad. Barren of a (cow or buffalo).
Shandnu, v.i. re. To fatigue.
Shaftdnu, v.i. re. To attach, a ploughshare.
Shaagal, n.f. The chain of a door. (S. Shrifikhald.)
Shaftgi, n.f. The throat.
Shanni, n.f. A small room in a house to keep sheep in.
Shant, n.f. (S. Shanti, peace.) A religious observance in
honour of a deity.
Shapr, n.m. A rock.
Sharain, n.f. (H. sharm.) Shame, -awni, v.i. re. To be
ashamed.
Shardd, n.m. A kind of tax.
Sharh, Har, n.m. (S. Asharha.) The third Hindu month, corres-
ponding to June.
Sharhi, n.f. The autumnal harvest.
Sharin, shrinn, n.f. The smell of anything rotting.
Shaiu, n.m. pL Hail, -parne, v.i. re. To fall, of hail.
Sha's, n.f. See Sa's.
Shasha, n.m. A hare. (Syn. far-ru.) n
Shashawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to rub oil or butter
the body.
Shashnu, v.t. re. To rub oil or butter on the body.
Shaahuwnu, v.i. re. To be rubbed.
Shata, n.m. ; /. -i, pi -e. baik (of a tree). l-*4«U
Sha'e, n.m. pi The straw of the crop called kodd, or k<B ni . »
used as todder for cattle. . .. . h
Sha h, ad. 60. -waa, ad. m. /.; -win, pi -wen. The sixtiotn.
Slid i, n.f. Shingle, a piece of woo;l. Sh41, I Shingles-
Shatkawnu, v.t. re. To causa or allow o escape ; /. -h P l -" e '
Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 233
[N.S.]
Shatknu, v i. re. To escape, to run away ; /. -i, pi. -6.
Shatt, adv. Soon, instantly, immediately. -chare, adv. At
once.
Shau, n.m. A porcupine. (Also shai.)
Shan, n. (H. squgand.) A swearing, -deni, v.t. ir. To put
on oath. Tere shau, &n ni dewhdd. "I swear on you, I
am not going.
/
Shaukan, n.f. A rival wife.
Shaul, n.m. A term for land that may be under direct cultiva-
tion by a chief. Syn. bdshd.
f
sheep
Shaura, n.m. See Saura.
Shdhu i, n.f. See Sdhuli. ,
Shehr4, n.m. (H.) A garland to be worn at a wjddmg-
Shekhi, n./. (H.) Boasting, -mdrni, v.i. re. To boast of.
Shekr, shekra, n.m. Bark or shell.
Shekra, n.m. See Shekr. _ . . j r _ 4.1^
Shel,W Fibre used to make ropes. It is P roduced / r f °™ *^
bark* of a tree called byohl which is also used
/
bring
Sheli, sheltL The root of an esculent plant called kachdlu.
Sher, sheri, n.t. A long field, generally of rice. t * innr)ia
Shero, n.f. (S. Sharshapa.) A kind of mustard, (Snap*
dichotoma.)
Shersho, n m. pi. See Shero.
Shetawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to throw at .
Shetnu, v.t. re. To cast away ; /• -h V 1 - "*• .
She'uwnu, v.i. re. To be cast away ; /• -L V 1 - ' e -
diately. .
Shikh-deni, rX *>. To give good advice
up.
Shikra. n.m. A small bird of prey.
Shil , n.f. A stone to grind on.
Shil, n.f. A large stone. A «Wo where the
Shila, -u, ad. m ; /. -i, pi. -A Not sunny. A place where
sun shines but for a short time.
Shim, n.m. Mucus. M , ._. n ff mn pus • /. -I.
Shimawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to give off mucus, f. ,
?>/. -e.
Shimnu, v.i. re. To excrete mucus. ff
ShiAg, n.m. (S. Shringa.) A horn -o. f- Horn9 -
Shift -liAwnn «< r* To nause or allow to
/
/
Shir, n.m. (S.) Head, -nama, n.m . Heading.
su;..i „ * /\v w. l_-j ~t « aa.r»r fined goat or sneep.
/
(
234 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
queen. Save pahdro ri shiri. "The queen of all the
^ hills. 5 '
Shish, n.m. (H.) See Shir.
Shkon, n.m. The act of drying in the sun.
Shkonu, v.t. re. To dry (grain in the sun).
Shkotha, skotha, n.m. A gift of grain given to menials for
their services at each harvest.
Shlakhra, n.m. A kind of green wood-pecker.
Shlaun, n.m. A kind of intestinal worm for which sweet medi-
cine is the best remedy.
Shlel, n.f. Peace of mind, -parni, v.i. re. To be pleased or
content.
Shlotri, n.m. (S. Shalihotrin.) One versed in the treatment of
horses.
Shna't, n.m. A beam or timber in a room for keeping sheep.
Shnawnu, v.t. re. To cause to hear, or listen ; /. -i, pi -e.
Shobal, n.m. A sharp point (of anything).
Shob'a, shobhta or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Handsome, pretty.
Shobhta, shobta, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Pretty, fine, of good
quality.
Sho'g n.m. Mourning, sadness, -kholna, v.i. re. A ceremony
in which a goat is sacrificed to remove mourning, -man-
na, v.i. re. To observe the mourning ceremony.
Shoja, n.m. (S. Shotha.) Swelling, -awna or -hona, v.i. re.
and ir. To swell.
Shonni, n.m. The wild carrot.
^ — — — -"■WW.**. <w W
f. A hole. Syn. o7.
v.i. re. To suck ; /. - i
/
t, n.f
time.
/
smoked
Shota, n.m. A sharp piece of wood, -lagna, v.i. re. To be
pierced with a sharp bit of wood.
Shotawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to smoke ; /. -i, pi. -&
Shotnu, v.t. re. To smoke. (Bashahr.)
Shotuwnu, v.i. re. To be smoked.
Shra or shrah, n.f. Headache, -lagni, v.i. re. To feel
headache.
Shra'd, n.m. (S. Shraddha.) A religious ceremony in which
food is offered in the names of ancestors.
Shriknu, v.i. re. To open the mouth. Pord shrik. " ^ et
out.
or -u, ad. m. ; f
n.f. (S. Shudd
cation.
/
fenujnu, shujhnu, v.t. re. (1) To see, to witness. (2) l0
swell.
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 235
[N.8.]
Shukr, n.m. (S. Shukra.) Friday.
Shul, n.f. An ache or pain in the stomach or ribs.
Shuhdha, n.m. Assafoetida. -hoi-jana, v.i. ir. To get rid of
mourning.
Shuiigr, n.m. (S. Shukara.) A hog, a boar.
Shunhawnu, v.t, re. To cause or allow to sweep ; /. -i, pi -e.
Shuiihn, n.f. A broom, -deni, v.i. ir. To sweep.
Shunhnu, v.t. re. To sweep; /. -i, pi. -e.
Shiinhwnu, v.i. re. To be swept ; f.-i, pi. -e.
Shunhta, n.m. A broom.
Shun-nu, v.t. re. To hear, to listen ; /. -i, pi- -<?.
Shunta, n.m. A pig ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Shunth, n.f. (S. Shuhthi.) Dried ginger.
Shiinwnu, v.i. re. To be swept ; /. -i, pi- -©•
Shunuwnu, v.t. re. To be heard ; /. -i, pi- -e.
Shurma,'ad. (H.) Valiant, brave.
Shwala, n.m. A great cry. -dena, v.i. ir. To cry out loud.
Shwar, n.m. (H. sawdr.) A rider, a horseman.
Shwari, n.f. ( H. sawdr i.) Conveyance.
Shwari, »./. A small plot of land in front of a house, used tor
cultivating vegetables, etc.
Shwarnu, v.t. re. To ride ; /. -i, pi- -&
ShwarAwnu, v.i. re. To be ridden ; /. -i, P>- - e -
Shyai), n.m. (S. Shrigala.) A jackal.
1 S-hyaru, n.m. A kind of tree.
1 S-hyaili, n.f. A contemporary (of equal age),
'^-hyaiii-ra, ad, m. ; -ri, f. -re, pi- Of equal age.
Sianu-de-bakhte, adv. In old age.
. A kind of bread ; -o. pi. , . . . flnM u
..'„_u /a a^Ki^nAvftka,) The deitv Oranesn.
oimirnu, v.t. re. To Dear in nnnu »/•-*» r- , • tT1 : nf i
Simrnu, '„.«. re. (S. Smarana.) To remember, to keep m mind.
Sinch,^./. Sprinkling. . . f ^ . / 4 ^1 -e
Sifichawnu, £*. re. To cause or allow to irrigate M, ** e.
Sihchnu,' *.*. re. To irrigate, to sprinkle ; /. -1, P- -»
Sihchuwnu, *.*. re. To be irrigated or sprinkled ,/.-!, P*« e.
Sinj, n.f. The joint of a metal vessel. ; rr ;,r a te
Sinjawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to repair or^ irng*£
Sihjnu, v.t. re. (1) To repair. (2) To irrigate/* spnnioe
Sihjuwnu, v.i. re. To be repaired or irrigated , f. -h P-
Sihun, n.f. See Siiiwn. - , { / ■,
Sinwanu, „.*. re. To cause or allow to sew ; /• -*, /><• *
Siiiwn, sinwni, n./. A needle.
Sihwni, »./. See Siiiwn.
Sinwnu, vj. re. To sew ; f. -i, V 1 - "*• . ,
Sinwunu, v.*. re. To be sewn ; /• -h V 1 - * e -
I S-h : both these tatters ere separately prenottneed, hence the <.»»!>
236 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
, n.f. A boundary, -lani , v.i. re. To divide by setting up
boundary stones.
n.f. The upper part of a field.
Siuiid, n.f. A line made by combing the hair on the head.
Siuni, n.f. See Siiiwn or Siiiwni.
/
Skor, n.f. The impurity in a woman's delivering a child.
Amongst the kith and kin up to seven generations this
impurity lasts for ten days, -honi, v.i. ir. To become
impure for ten days on the birth of a child. (Also
/
sutak.)
Skernu, v.t. re. To repair, to mend ;
Skotha, n.m. See Shkotha.
Soch, n.m. (S. Shocha ) Thinking or a thought, -parna, v.i.
re. To be thoughtful.
/
/
/
Soena, n.m. (H. sond, S. Suvarna.) Gold, -e -ra, -u, ad. m. ;
/. -i, pi. -e. Golden.
Soha, n.m. A kind of plant, used as a vegetable.
Soji, n.f. Remembrance, -rauni, v.t. re. To remember, to
recollect.
Sola, n.m. (1) A ceremony performed 16davs after a death.
(2) A small grain measure = 5 chitaks.
So]6, ad. 16. -waii, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The sixteenth.
/
Mond ay
/ \ 7 * /»
Sotha, n.m. A term used for the compensation paid for a wite
on her going to another man on payment of the marrage
expenses, of which one rupee is first paid as earnest money.
Sna'r, n.m. (S. Swarnakara and H. sundr.) A goldsmith.
Spanjli, n.f. The slough or skin of a snake.
/
/
Srafnu, v.t. re. To scrutinise or examine, to inspect, to try
/
/
/
Sraile, n.m. pi. A kind of wild edible root.
Srol, n.m. A term for a chief's servants, who are authorised to
enter the female apartments. [ments.
Sroliya, n.m. One who is authorised to enter the female apart-
Staj, n.m. See Astaj.
Sua, u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e\ Red, crimson.
Sugr, ad. Wise, handsome, good.
Suhet, n.f. The sight of one who is disliked. Proverb » :
Dukhne cho't, kanqv due sv h ( t . "A painful limb is often
hurt again and he who is disliked is often seen.
[N
] Dictionary of
237
S6j, n.m. A tailor. (Bashahr.) [calf.
Sui-hundi, ad. f. One who has been delivered of a child or
Suita, n.m. A customary present of clarified butter and wheat
flour to a woman who has given birth to a child.
Sujliawnu, v.i. re. (1) To foretell. (2) To show; /. -i, pi. -e.
bujhnu, v.t. re. To see, to witness, to notice ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Sujhuwnu, v.i. re. To be seen ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Sujnu, v.i. re. ( I ) To swell ; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To be successful in
an ordeal.
Sukhnaw./. A desire,
Sukhnu, v. t. re. To like, to appreciate; /. -i, pi. -v.
Sukhpal, n.m. A palanquin, of a chief.
Sukonu, v.t. re. See Shkonu.
Sul, n.m. pi. (1) Wisdom." (2) An ache in the belly or ribs.
-6-ra, -ru. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of good quality.
Sule, adv. Slowly. Sule kwai ni iapdd% "Why don't you
speak slowly? "
/
oupna, n.m. (S. Swapna, H. supnd.) A dream, -dekhna, v.i.
re. To dream.
Sur, n.m. (S. Sura.) The deity.
Surg, n.j. (1) (H. surang.) A tunnel; ^2) n.m. Paradise. (From
S. Swarga.)
Sutak, n.m. See Skor.
/
/
/
Situwnu, v.i. re. To be asleep.
Suwnu, v.i. re. See Sunu.
Swad, ad. (S. Swadu.) Tasteful, sweei. -honu, v.t. w. lobe
tasteful, -chan-nu, v.i. re. To cook tastefully.
Swab, n.f. Ashes. '
gwar, n.m. See Son war.
Swarnu, v.t. re. To shave.
Swaruwnu, v.i. re. To be shaved.
T
adv
Tabakhu, n.m. ' (H. lamdkhn.) Tobacco, -pina, v.i. re. To
smoke.
Tabe, adv. Then.
Tadi, adv. At that time. . ,
Tadka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The then, of that time.
Tadnu, v X re. To stretch, to spread; f. -i, pi. -e. Proverb:
Jelnu khdtan ho, tetni Idlni, " one ought to stretch one s
W out in proportion to one's quilt (one ought to spend
according to one's means).
238 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [May, 1911.
Taga, n.m. (1) Thread. (Fr. H. Dhaga.) (2) The sacred
thread.
Tagat, n.f. (P. tdqat.) Strength, might, power, -ni-rauni,
v.i. ir. To become weak.
Taggar, n.m. (S. Tagaru.) A plant the root of which is used
as a medicine (Tabemaemontana coronaria).
Tahair, tehgir or tyah&ir, n.m. (H. tyohdr.) A feast day.
Tai, adv. Then. (Bashahr.)
Tai, n.f. A large iron vessel for cooking mdlpurds. -lani, v.i. re.
To cook a rich cake or mdlpurd.
Tgila, -u, ad.m ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sunny. (Syn. ragdrd.)
T.d.m'gj, n.f. A kind of fig tree with a large fruit.
Tainso, adv. On that day. (From S. TadJivasa.)
Tgitha, t^thu, n.m. A kind of flat spoon used to turn bread, etc.
Taka, takka, n.m. pi. -e. (I) An obsolete term for a rupee.
(2) One anna. (3) Six pies.
Takaaa, w.w. (H. thikdnd.) A limit, -karna, v.i. ir. To make
room, -ni-rauna, v.i. ir. To be beyond a limit.
Takawu', n.f. A term for the money presented to a village
deity.
Tak'u, n.m. A small wooden spindle used for spinning wool.
Takltu, n.m. A small wooden spindle used for spinning
pasm.
Taknu, v.i. re. (1) To wait for ; /. -i, pi -e. (2) To see.
Taku, n.m. A kind of wild tree.
Tai, n.m. (H.) A pond, a lake or tank. -o. pi.
Ta a, n.m. (H.) An evasion, putting aside, -karna, v.i. ir. To
put aside.
Talab, n.f. (1) Food for a chief. (2) Salary.
Talavvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to roast in clarified butter.
Ta awnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to put aside or evade.
Tail], n.f. (H talli.) A bit of cloth. -lani T v.i. re. To repair.
Talnu, v.t. re. To roast in clarified butter; /. -i, pi •&
Tanu, v.t. re. To clean grain, etc.; /. -i, pi. -e.
Talnu, v.i. re. To be put aside, to evade; /. -i, pL -e.
Talri, tar-ri, n.f. A kind of esoulent root, called ratdlu in the
plains.
Tamacha, n.m. A slap, -bahna, v.i. re. Toslaporto strike with
the open hand. 9 t .
Tamak, n.f. A large kettledrum, such as is seen at the Sipi Fair.
Tama f , n.m. A grain measure. (Also tdmat.)
Tamsu, n.m. A vessel. (Bashahr.)
Tan, pro. Thee. An tdh ghd'demd : I'll give thee the grass.
Tana, n.m. A loom.
Tana, n.m. An ironical speech. , ,i
Tanaw, n.m. The act of entangling, -de-fashnu, v.i. re. lo l* 1
into a difficulty.
Tanawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to stretch; /. -i, pi- ' e \
Tanawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to entangle ; /. i, P** *•
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 239
[N
Taft-khe, pro. To you or to thee.
Tan-nu, v.t. re. To spread, to stretch ; ,_ , ,
Tan-nu, v.i. re. To get entangled ; /. -i, pi -e.
t„ « a° w. « « a »a nd mn . / .1 ml .p. Welcome.
/
able.
Tan-un,adv. So long, or until. See Jaii-uii.
Tanvin.ad. More. Tan tannin hi chanumX Do yon want
more ?
Taiiyinyen, con. Again.
Tao, taw, (1) n.m. Barning. (2) A sheet.
Tao'a, tawla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi- -e- Of hot temper.
Tap', ».m."(S. Tapa.) (1) Heat. (2) Fever, -awna or cliarna,
v.i. re. and ir. To suffer from fever.
Tap, n.m. (S. Tapas, penance.) Majestic influence, pi. -o.
*« F cv, ,../. (S. Tapta.) Heat.
Tapawnu, ».«. re. To cause or allow to escape ; /. -i, /*• -<
tapi-janu, v.i. ir. To be angry; /• -i, V 1 - ■*
Tapnu/v.if. re. To overcome, to surmount, to conquer :
p£. -e.
Tapnu, ».♦. re. To bask; /
Taponu, v.t. re. To make v,
f
/
/
/
tapuwnu, v.i. re. To be surmounted; /. -l, P'- " e -
Tapuwnu, t>.*\ re. To be burnt; /. -i, P* : * e - . , t
Tar, taur! n.m. A place where a river is crossed in a boat.
Taraji, n.f. A poll-tax on chamdrs. (Kuthar.j
Tarawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cross (a river).
Tarnu, v.i. re. To be crossed; /. -i, P 1 '*- ( .>, To do one's
Tarnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to cros*. {-)
Tarpagar, n. A constable. (Once used in KulM.)
Tar-ri, n.f. See Ta ] ri. . / « w _ e .
Tashkawnu, v. *. re. To cause or allow to move /. , |
Tashknu/ v . .. re. To be off, to go away, to move, / /
/
/
Hot, heated.
Tati-lagni, v. i. re. To be in trouble.
TauMi,'w./. Summer, the hot weath™.
Taur, n.m. See Tar. ^Wnr making leaf dishes
Taur, n.f. A plant, whose leaves aw «****» makin *-
Its bark is used to make ropes.
Taw, n.m. See Tao.
Taw a, ad. See Taola.
Tayifi, n.f. Bough of a tree. , s;lke f.
Tayiii, (1) con. Again. (2) prep. For, tor
Tega, n.m. A kind of sword.
Tehajr, n.m. See Tahajr. , w , The twenty-third.
*m,ad. 23. -wan,m. -win,/, -wen, p/.
240 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Te'k, n.f. Firmness, -rauni, v.i. ir. To be firm.
Teka, n.m. A prop, a support, a stay, -dena, v.i. ir. To sup-
port.
Tekawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prop or support;
/. -i, pi. -e.
Teknu, v.i. re. To support, to prop; /. -i, pi -e.
Tel, n.m. (H.) Oil. -aru, n.m. An oil pot.
Tc'l, n.f. Sweat, -parni, v.i. re. To perspire.
Tel4ru, n.m. See Tel.
Telo-ru-lotku, n.m. An oil pot.
Te}r, n.m. A young one (of a bird), pi Tejru.
Tejru, n.m. pi. See Telr.
Tern, n.m. (E.) Time.
Term, adv. See Tishu. (Bashahr.)
Teftshi , adv. On that day.
Tera, adv. See Tishu. (Baghal, Nala^arh, Bilaspur and
Kunihar.)
Tera, -u, pro. m. ; /• -i, pi. -e. Thy, thine.
Terash, n.f. (S. Trayodashi.) The thirteenth day of the bright
or dark half of a month.
Tero, ad. 13. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The thirteenth.
Te'ru, ad. See Tishu. (Balsan and Madhan.)
Tes, pro. Him, to him.
Tese, pro. f. agent ive. By her.
Tes6, pro. f. Her, to her.
Tesora, -u, pro m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Her, of her.
Tesru, -a, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. His, of him.
Tetali, ad. 41. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi The forty-third.
Tete, adv. There, -dewa, phrase. Let him go.
Tethi, adv. There.
Tethiya, adv. At the very spot.
Teti, ad. 33. -wan, m. -win, /. -weft, pi The thirty-third.
Teti, adv. See Tethi. (Bhajji.)
Tetnu, -a, adv. m.\ f. -i, pi -e. So much.
Tgada, n.m. (P. taqdzd.) (i) Dunning. (2) A term used for
the clothes given to a tailor to sew. -karna, v.i. ir. l0
dun.
Thicla, n.m. pi -e. (1) A kind of grasshopper. (2) A boundary
pillar. K . .
Thagra, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Wise, clever, -honu, v.u *-
To be wise. .
Thahat, ad, 68. -wan, m. -win, /. -weft, pi Sixty-eighth.
Thahattar, ad. 78. -waft, m. -win,/, -wen, pi The seventy-
eighth.
Thahri-janu, v.i. ir. To cease raining. . n
Thahrnu, v.i. re. (1) To cea^e, to stop raining. (2) To ^ ll }'
Thai, ad. 28. .wan,m. -win,/. -weft,pZ. Thetwenty-eigh™-
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of
[N.S.]
T-hair, n.m. See Tahair.
241
1
/. A customary cash payment made on certain
feast days to a daughter, or sister.
1 T-hairtha, n.m. A customary gift, given to menials sue
the ndi, chamdr, dhobi, etc., on feast days.
Thaka-huiida, -u, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Ill, indisposed, sick.
as
/
/
/
Thakar, n.m. The title of a petty Hill chief.
Thaknu, v.i. re. To become ill, to fall sick;
Thaknu, v.i. re. To fatigue ; f. -i, pi. -e.
Thakrai, n.f. A term for the petty Hill States, governed by
Thakars.
Thakr-dwara, n.m. A deity temple, especially Vishnu.
Thakri, n.f. A grain measure equal to one ser pakkd.
Thakur, n.m. (H.) The deities in general, -dhwai, n.f. An oath
on a god. Thakur -dhwai, an jdi dyd tetaL " I say on oath
that I have been there.
Tha'l, n.m. A large dish, especially of a chief or his wife.
Thai, n.f. An oath of prohibition, -deni, v.i. ir. To prohibit
by an oath. M , T , ,., . ,
Thtti, n.m. (K.thalld.) Bottom. Proverb: Chisoda path <r pay d
taa thdle khe dewau. " If a stone is cast into the water it
goes down to the bottom.
Thalawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prohibit by an oath
Thalnu, v.t. re
Thaluwnu, v.i. re. To be
/
/
Thatnbha, n.m. (H. khambhd.) A bean of timber.
Thambhao, thambbaw, n.m. Ceasing, the act of being quiet
Thambhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to hold; /. -1, V 1 - " e -
Thambhnn »« re To hold, to catch ; /• -i, P>- " e -
/
-"uuwuuvrim, v. v. i c. j-\j ^^ — 7
Thamo, n.m. pi. Beams of timber.
Thana, n.m. (H. thdnd.) Police post.
ThaM, n.f. Cold, -honi, ».*. ir. To become cold.
Thaiida, ad m. ; /. -i, p'. -e. Cold. , Sndr0 ri ihana k
are equal to an ironsmith's single blow . .
Thani, n.f. (S. Sthana.) The front place of a house.
Thanira, thnira, n.m. A disease under the navel
Thanwe, ad 98. -wan, m. -wm, /• ' ven ' pt '
Thiftwla^w. A basin for water round the root of a tree.
Thaper, n.m. A slap, -dena, v.t. ir. To slap.
T-hara", u, pro. m. ;/. i, pi. -e. Your or yours.
1 T-h: both letters are distinctly pronounced
-
242 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
/
/
Tharo, ad. 18. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The eighteenth.
/
/
/
/
Thecha-thechi, n.f. Beatingdown. -honi, v.i. ir. To be beaten.
Thechawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to beat or strike.
/
/
The'k, n.f. Prohibition, restriction, -parni, v.i. re. To be
prohibited.
/
/
/
Thek-parni, v.i. re. See The'k.
Thekuwnu, v.i. re. To be prohibited or r
Thefr, ad. Foolish.
Thewa, n.m. See Nag.
Thind, n.m. A youth.
Thinda, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Greasy, oily, -honu, v.i ir.
To be greasy or oily.
Thindnu, v.i. re. To play a trick; /. -i, pi. -e.
Thinga, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. One who pretends.
f hiiignu, v.i. re. To be pretended ; /. -i, pi. -e.
This, n.f. A boast, -marni, v.i. re. To be boasted of. -mi,*
To boast.
Thiu, v. Was. Also thia, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Thnira, n.m. See Thanira.
Tho'ch, n.f. A mistake, an error, a blunder, -jani, v.i. ir. To
commit a mi -take, -parni, v.i. re. To make a mistake.
Thofr, ad. See Thefr.
Thokawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to threaten or throw in;
/
v t. re. To cohabit. (Ba^hahr.)
/.-:', pl-e. (2)
. --,.-/. (H.) A stumble, -khani, v.i. re. To stumble.
Thoku, n.m. Sexual connection. (Bashahr.) -lana, v.i. re. Ao
have sexual connection.
Thokuwnu, v.i. re. To b
e
/
Tliosa, n.m. The male organ.
f.i,pl,-e. (I) A little. (2) Less
/. -i, pi. -e. More or less.
/
/
/
/
/
/
No. 5.] Dictionary of
3
Was, vl. Thie.
243
Thuhar, n.m. (S. Shurana.) A plant, (Bignonia Indica.)
Thuknu, v.i. re. To spit. (H.)
Thumme, n.f. A kind of tree.
Thu f ha, n.m. The water in a cow's footstep.
thwara, n.m. A corvee of 8 days free work in a State. (Simla
Hill States.)
Thwaru, n.m. A man who has to work on corvee for 8 days.
Tii, n.f. (S. Tritiya.) The third day of the bright or dark half
__ „ month
Tika, n.m. The heir apparent of a chief,
tika-lana, v.t. re. To mark any one's forehead with sandal and
pay him some cash. This custom is observed at a wedding
or investiture with the sacred thread. ,
Tikawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to stay ; /. -i, pl- -e.
Tiknu; v.i. re. (1) To stay. (2) n.m. A mark on the fore-
head of a beast.
Til, n.m. pi. Sesamum seeds.
Tilaru, tlaru, n.m. An earthen pot to keep oil in.
Tilowe, n.m. pi. A kind of sweetmeat made of saamiiiiK
Timb.4 timrai, n.f. A thorny shrub, called tejbal in H.ndi.
Tin-da, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pl -e. In it or in that.
Tinda,Vm. The fruit of the opium plant (Also Undku.)
tine, pro. m. and / They or by them (Agentive.)
Tinien, pro. He or by him. (Agentive.) Ttnten bolu. He
Sa Si'L n ^ / Th«m. -khe. For them or to them ; -ra
p l Of them or their, -fa. *rom
m. -ri. /
°r-ru,i». -«• /• — • r- - , In them,
them, -da or -du, w. -di, f. -oe, pt.
Tinu, ad. See Tishu. (Bashahr.)
Tip,k/. A small horoscope. (Also tipra, n.m.)
Tipra, n.m. See Tip. .
Tir,n./. (1) A peak of a hill. (2 ) A urn. ^
Tir, »./. (1) A crack, -awni, v.i.re. lo cracn < ; /
Indian fruit called phut.
Tiri, adv. By way of Che hill.
Tiri, n f. A narrow window.
Tirnu, v.i. re. To swim. , , m h i v q} ir j ne
Tirth, n.m. (S. Tirtha. , A sacred place, a hoh shrine.
Tisha, tisa, ad. m. ; f. -i, pl -e ; Such, so.
Tishka, -u, adv. m.'f. -I pl -e. To that srie.
Tishkan, »./. The act of slipping or t„mbn ag. £
r ! ishkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to slip or
Tishknu," v.i. re. To tumble, to slip; /• 'h V- ' e -
Tishu, tisu, ad. So, such. «^;u«mi* a devotee.
t:*- i /o AfM : o n-npst ^ A mendicant, a ^ vul ^*
JLit, n.m. pl. -o. (S. Atithi, a guest./ x* n
Tittr, n.m. (H. tffar.) A partridge.
/
244 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Tittr-bittr, -honu, v.i. ir. To be dispersed.
Tiuri, n.f. A stern look, -badalni, v.i. re. To be angry or dis-
pleased.
Tlaru, n.m. See Talaru.
Tlawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to weigh;
Tmacha, n.m. See Tamacha.
Tmaru or -a. pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Your or yours.
Tmasha, n.m. A pastime.
Tmhara, -u, pro.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Your or yours. Syn. thard.
Todi, n.f. (1) A small corner of a field. (2) Name of a tune.
To'k, n.f. A pain (in the belly or waist), -lagni, v.i. re. To
suffer from pain. (Also -dwni.)
Toka, n.m. A taunt, -dena, v.i. ir. To speak ironically.
Tokni, n.f. A brass pot for water or cooking purposes.
Toknu, v.t. re. (I) To look at with an evil eye, to accost, to
hinder, to stop. (2) A small brass vessel.
Tokra, n.m. A basket.
Tokru, n.m. A grain receiver in a store-house. (Kullu.)
Tokuwnu, v.i. re. To be hindered or stopped.
T61, pre. Down, under, -iya, adv. Downwards.
T61, n.m. (H.) The act of weighing. .
Tola, n. m. (H) Twelve mdsds make one told. v. p.U weighed.
From Tolnu, to weigh.)
/
T61-m61-karna, v.t. ir. To settle the price after weighing.
Tolnu, v.t. re. To weigh in the scales ; /. -i, pi- -6.
Toliiwnu, v.i. re. (I) To be weighed; /. -i, pi- -e- (2) 1° De "
come uppermost.
Tomat, n.f. (P. tuhmat.) False accusat
Tomat-lani, v.t. re. To accuse falsely.
Tomra, n.m. See Tumra.
calumny
k by hand or touch ; /
/. -i, pi. -6. Deaf, -hon^
Top, n.m. A hat-
Topi, n.f. (1) A cap. (2) A gun-cap.
Tori, n.f. A long kind of pumpkin.
Totla, ad.m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Lisping. ,
Traha tar, ad. 73. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. The seventy-
third. h
Traj, n.m. (P. ihtardz.) Objection, -bond, v.i. ir. To be ob-
jected, -karna, v.i. re. To object.
Traju, n.m. Scales.
Tra'k, n.m. A swimmer. (H. tairdk.)
Trakri, takri, n.f. A weighing machine.
Tra!, trar, n.f. (H. talwdr.) A sword. . ,
TranwS, ad. 93. -wan, m. -win,/, weii, pi The ninety-
third.
Trar, n.f. See Tral, pi. Trari. # ^ be
Trass, n.m. IS. Trasa.) Fear, terror. -hon6, v.i. %r. J-
No. 5.] Dictionary of
245
[N.S.]
■ afraid, -lagne, v.i. re. To pine in trouble. -karn6, v.%. ir.
in
/
ad
f. The sixty
third.
/
Trunja', 'ad. 53. -win, m. -win, /. -weh, pi. The fifty
third.
Tti, pro. Thou.
Tui, pro. Thou, thyself.
pro ~"
ftt/Ao
Tukna, v.t. re. (1) To bite. (2) To cut. (Kangra.)
Tukra, n.m. (H.) A bit, a piece.
Tulaldan, n.m. (S.) A gift of gold, valuables, grain, etc., of the
donor's weight.
Tumeh, pro- Ye, you. Syn. tushe or i«*e.
Tumra, n.m. (S. Tumbi.) The pumpkin used
y,t
tushe
as a vege-
table.
/
m ■ f -i, pi. -e. One who lias uu u«~
Musicians^ Syn. bdjgi, ma^ldnukhi.
ked
Turka, n.m. The act ot ; easonn^ ,.^ ,
Turknu, v.t. re. To season or give rehsn
' /. -i, pi. -e. _
' V
/. pi. Wives
Turt-furt, adv. Instantly.
Tuse-tushe, pro. See Turn*".
Tut, *./. The act of falling short, -parni
short. , , t g rc
Tut&-hunda, -u, p. par. m.; A -*> **• - •
hundd.)
Tutnu, «.!. re. See Chutnu
• • • * ■ ■ ■
v.i. re. To fall
(Als
uu, tr.v« »«*• --— — } - '
« Is he ready to die ? Sleeping on the back.
/
Twif n^lTWiiday. (H. ***) (2) Incarnation.
-lan4,
v.i. tr. To be incarnated.
Tyahair, n.m. See Tahgir. , of gtones . J4nA f «.♦.
.771. W. -c. r\ oiu * ~
To make an oven of stones
(H
ir. To be ready
i, n. /
karni
an.) ***•"• —
To make ready.
246 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
U
U., v. Ain and are, first person singular and plural of the irre-
gular verb Honu, to be. Ai, (art) is its second person
singular.
/
U'ch, ad. Of high caste.
/
Uchhab, n.m. (S. Utsava.) A festival, a jubilee.
Uchhke, adv. Of pleasure, in jest.
Uchhia,-u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Higher, loftier.
Udawnu, v.t. re. (H. uddnd.) To cause or allow to
Udnu, v.i. re. (H. urnd.) To fly; ad. Flying.
Ughrnu, v.i. re. To be opened; /. -i, pi. -e.
U'j, n.m. (H. ud.) A beaver.
/
/
/
Ujknu, v.i. re. To be startled ; /. -i, pi. -e.
Ujr, n.m. Objection, -karna, v.i. ir. To object.
unsown
Ujrnu, v.i. re. To be ruined; /. -i,
Ukhaj, n.m. See Okhaj.
Ukharnu, v.t. re. (H. ukhdrna.) To ruut .
Ukhri-janu, v.i. ir. To get rooted up; /
/
/
Ulu, n.m. (EL wZ/tf) An owl.
Umi, n.f. Wheat, roasted a
wheat.
/. -i, pi. -e.
To roast
Umr, n.f. (umar.) Age. -bitni, v.i. re. To pass, a period.
Uraro-khe, adv. For life.
/. Wool, -katni, v.i. re. To spin wool.
Unda, -u, ad. m. ; /
Undla, -u, ad. m. ; /
ITni. ad. Of wnnl
/. -i, pi. -e. Downwards.
Upai, upaw, n.f. and ra. Treatment, a remedv. -karna, v.*
»>. To treat.
Upan-ni, t?j. re. To create.
Upaw, w.m. See Upai.
Upr, ad. Up. -bol-karna, v.i. ir. To make one prosperous.
Urn, ad. w . (S. Anrini.j Free from obligation, -honu, v.i. *r-
To be free from obligation.
Urn-kaina, v.i. ir. To set free from one's obligation.
m
A camel.
Ut, ad. Ignorant, foolish.
/. -i, pi -e.
TTf '' i ,'. ^ uwli - ^aisan, Jubbal, Funar, ana Kanwin./
Ute, -bile, a^v. Downwards. (Balsan, Jubbal, Punar Raiiwin-/
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of
'47
[N
f
/. -i, pi. -e. Upset, reverse.
Utlu, -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Not very deep.
Proverb : — Halqi utlu, Moie gddu.
• " Not very deep with a plough,
But very deep with a smoothing plough.
(To express inconsistency.)
Uwabai, n.f. Nonsense, -honi, v.i. if. To become nonsense.
W
Wanda, or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi, -e. Hither, this side.
Waftdka, -u. ad. m.;f.-i, pi, -e. To this side.
Wandla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of this side.
Wang, n.f. A plant (Achyranthes aspera). Its ashes are used
Wani
in washing linen.
a plant over a
patient to cure him.
Wans, wansi, n.f. (S. Amavasya.) The day of conjunction or
new moon.
Wansi, n.f. (S. Amavasya.) See the preceding
War, adv. This side. -par. adv. To this and that side.
War, n.m. A fence, -dena, v.i, re. To fence, to enclose
Warda, n.m. or war-ra, n.m. A custom of waving ?>™™™y
over the head of a chief and giving it to his servants.
This custom is generally observed when two chiefs meet
together. , , ,
Warnu, v.t. re. To enclose, to fence ; /. -1, V 1 - ' e -
Warshi, n.f. Hereditary estate. . . .
Waruwnu, v.i. re. To be fenced or enclosed ; /. -1, P- *
Wasa, n.m. A sleeping room, -e-khe-dewnu , ».t. «• To go
W4!T/. (1) The ceremony o^ved - ^ b ^^^
her husband's house. (S. Vadhupravestia.) w
cration of a house. (S. Grihapratistha.)
Waz, w./
-honi, v.lir. To sound.
/. The
Wazir, n.m. (P.) A minister, a prime- minister
wife of a minister. ■ ail u nrr n n ate to the
Waziri, n.m. A wazir or collector of re ;venue subjr d mate ■ to
skriwazir or ctetom »r or chief minister. (Kuiiu
/. Bashahr). Ministn
Y
vj i *r / • «* «> To remember, -karni, 9.t. «r.
lad, w./. Memory, -awni, ».*.«• 1U lc,u
To remember, to recollect. Syn. A'r.
Yar, w.w. A friend, -bona, v.t. vr. lo be men j j
248 Journ. Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [May, 1911— Vol. VII, No. 5.]
Z
Zaiftd, ad. m. and /. Dumb, foolish, ignorant.
Zakat, n.f. (P. zaqdt.) An octroi tax. (Kuthar and Bash&hr.)
Zarbo, n.m. pi. (P. zarb.). Trouble, pain.
Zwad, n.m. Existence, living. (Fr. Zindagi).
APPENDIX.
(1) FOLK-LORE.
The fourteenth day of the dark half o the month of Bhado
and the next day of conjunction are . ca led 'Dagyal ki rat.
It is a general belief in the hills that on these ^^J^* »
witches 8 who know magic, wander by night and devour any
beautiful thing that comes before their sight. Tc aver : this
danger, the Dinwan or a Brahman gives the peop e either
some rice or some mustard seed, pronouncing the folio* in
chant or mantar :
Rakkh Ram, rakkh deb, ^^f u '^"3S rakkh
paun, rakkh pani, rakkh day a, rakkh chhab ,haj .rakkh rakkh
ba^ashtete, rakkh dewa, Klfinnwan ten rkhw V^Jgg
dewa Shraliya, dewa Korgana, dewa I>handiya debie a n ; un
na suke sat Lmund, tan-u* **^^$ff»j5tt.
mundro, hare dware, rachha karaj, P^™*^ karai mau
kheche khlaine rachha karai pashu basetn, rad ha kai aj, .
dhine rachha karai, bale bhole n ^rachM tafg, tgg ^
rachha karai, sarb racbh* karai, ^^J^Slatwe
banai, waiisi chaudashi lohe ra bar ban| « DhaJldiva,
ptalaj galai, rakkh dewa Sipa Klamuwan, Shraliya, u y
Korgana, debie, Barb rachha karai.
Translation .
lArlJ nrotect Vishnu, protect
Protect O Ram, P^* °<^J£„ protect 6 tenderne * S '
Shib, protect O wind, protect waters ., P t] lants> pro tect,
protect from fear, protect, protect <J ail : 7 ^ g , ^
protect O deity Klajnu you are the piote ^ ^ ^
Shrali deity, O Korgan deity, O g does '^ thepro tection
the water of the seven oceans is not arie, Brahma may
uttered by me will not fail the pr otect ^ farmyard> the
protect house, door, land, earth, tne ti ^.^ gtore> the simple-
cattle and their herds, the bees wit prote ction may
minded children, the rooms and the place , ^^r ^ {or ^
prepare an iron cage for the J> ltc Xiovofdark Bhado, aniron
con junction day aiid for the fourteenth oay be sent
fence may be prepared and the bitches and gli o ^ ^^
down in it to the seventh lower regions to ce ^ ^^
protect Shrali deity, W^^O Sn
250 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
The Tale of a Jackal and a Tiger.
re Chdn-mdn-nie,
' Kd bold ji mahdrdj ?
Sato sio roj khdu thie,
EJci sie kd kari dj ?
* you Chan-man- ni ! '
1 What do you say, my Lord ? '
'We used to breakfast on seven tigers,
What are we to do to-day with only one ? '
The tale runs thus : — In a forest there lived a pair of jac-
kals. One day a tiger happened to arrive near their den. See-
ing the danger approach, the jackal exclaimed to his wife:
1 ' you Chan-man-ni ! ' ' The wife replied , ' ' What do you ss
my Lord?" The jackal said: "We
day on seven tigers, what shall we do to-day with only one ?
Thereupon the tiger being greatly afraid of the jackals, ran
for his life.
(2) Proverbs.
(1) Appe kuri ghar nd bashdi,
Hordnu sikh dashdi.
" The girl does not live at her husband's,
But she gives hints to other women."
(To show negligence on one's own part.)
(2) Jra, biyd lard,
6 ~*~ J
1"
Ard, jdu nd kinde.
4 'Friend, you fought very well !
" friend, I couldn't escape ! '
9 9
evening to the temple at Koti village. One evening when
returning to his home, a bear caught him. As he was a strong
man, he struck the beast a blow with his pole on its nose,
and it ran away. A man who happened to witness the fign_
said " Friend, you fought very well." He replied, "Friend, i
couldn
(Used when one is compelled to do any thing by force.)
(3) Dhanu rai jd tqu par) tany'in bi Idgo.
< <
If the bow is all right, the string can be strung
again. "
(Used when one's offspring or wife is dead.)
(4) Tan nd chePn dndhd,
Jdri shir nd lagfd kdMhd.
"A blind man will not know,
Till his head hits against the wall.
iKan "
* 9
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. oj Pahan Dialects. 251
[N.S.]
(5) Share sulci, nd Sdwne hari.
"Neither dry in June nor green in July."
(Used when a thing is in the same manner as before.)
(6) Ju nashe khulo tinde ddM nd lane.
"To that which may be opened by a nail, no tooth
should be applied."
(A thing which can be easily done, should not be done with
much pains.)
(7) O'j prdune rd,
Bhoj pere rd.
" A guest's excuse,
And a feast of sweetmeat (pera).
) ■>
(When a
good dinner.)
&
(8) Hdchhu khdnu, bum bolnu,
Kad
' ' Tasteful food and a bad speech
Are never out of the memory."
( 9) Hdchhd kdprd hat i dd bdhar n i nikldd .
" Fine cloth never goes out of the shop (for « ale ),
(A well-to-do man is liked and visited by everybody.)
(10) Kd
Je kishe khdi krundu,
Je kishe khdi khor.
' ' What do the Pahari fools know
As to how the fruit of the krunda plant is to be eaten
What do the fools of the plains know
As to how walnuts should be eaten ,,« n x
(A jest between a man from the plains and a hillman).
(11) Khdilu tqu khdilu par
7
"In eating they will eat, but .how wi» they swaHow .
a sore throat.)
! 12) Je meru-jyo-shundd,
Tqu pdlu-jyo nd pun da.
"If you were to listen to me, m . nMr »
You would not have done it in that manner.
1 13) Dhdro re ghqu' t a,
Je pishole nd tqu dh ishole tqu .
"These stone-mills are on a r id g e ' f
Though unfit to grind, they can be seen from
>>
252
/ Bengal. [May, 1911.
(14) Bilkhi ru ghyu a bqi,
i
Man bhdi sukiei.
" 'Tis Bilkhi 's butter,
I like the bread without it."
(15) Je dg nd jdnqi thi,
Tqu tquwd hi nd jdnqi thi?
" If you did not know how to kindle the fire,
Then did you also not know how to bring the pan ?
* •>
(16) Aj niputi kdl niputi,
Kesar fuld sadd nipiUi.
"To-day and to-morrow she is without a son,
She is without a son even when the saffron blooms.
(Used as of a childless woman, to show impossibility.)
(17) Tate khe karchhi,
Shale khe hath.
" A spoon for the hot,
And the hand for the cold."
(18) Je deo-jyd hundd,
Tqu mano ri bujhdd.
4 c If I were like a deity ,
I would know everyone's mind."
(19) Jasrd bdo si ho,
Se bdj dalkie kwqi khd?
" He, whose father is a lion, whv
? ?
Will he eat without flesh ?
■> >
(One who has good supporters will always be successful).
(20) Ju meri mqiwo nild,
Se man bi dhdchold.
M He, who takes away my mother,
Will have to support me too."
(Used of a widow's child when its mother takes ^° } ^
husband, and meaning that he who ploughs the land will
to pay the taxes.)
(21) Galqu tanyin Gdngd,
Tethia porki jimpr.
"When bathing, up to one's throat it is the Ganges,
But above the throat it is death itself."
(One cannot do what is beyond his power.)
(22) Je panmesur dekhd ni,
Tom kadurti fa tqu pachhydnu a.
< t
Even if no one has seen God,
He can still be recognized by His nature
» j
Vol. VII , No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 253
[N. £.]
(23) Sambie dwdr } basharmo ru munh,
Jcuchh ni hundu.
11 A lower door and the face of a shameless man
are good for nothing."
(24) Kargdnu 1 bdndi Rdje rd,
Kdti-ro mar 6 mdwi.
"The Raja's village of Karganu was divided,
And the Mawis died after fighting for U,"
(Used when any one interferes in another's case.)
(25) Bind jap?ie fa hdsnu,
E bi fjiterdi kdm a.
1 ' To laugh without speaking
Is a disgraceful act.
(26) Es hdsne fa ronui bhalu.
< <
Better weeping than such a laughter.
> J
(27) Dud khdu kwain ni jdndd,
Brail ghdu janqu sabqi.
" No one knows that the milk was eaten.
But every one knows that the cat has been
killed."
(28) Je man Idgi a tdti tan kyqiri ni karuwa,
Titi/nd. vn.ri/ri. isihpt.
Lund mdri ishei.
i t
(29)
uunif mu/rb tesftrci.
If I am in trouble, nothing can be done ^
But wicked people are so punished (as ij.
rrkit^^mi mi onih hh.fdo ri basat,
ituc/in ni nunai
•« The company of a woman and a flock of sheep
Are good for nothing."
(30) Bind luno ruOan, bind chhewp ru ghanr bi,
Kuchh ni hundu. ,
« Cooked pulse or vegetables without salt, and a house
without a woman, are good for nothing.
(31) Shdnd mundqu gafQU
Duhne bdhne rirau.
" The barren cow butts, dead."
While the milch-cow and oxen f aU jtown dead
(Used when a valuable thing is lost wmie
ful thing remains.)
254 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
(32) Je mwehru japan,
Ton dinwdn lewai puchhi
" If the idol were to speak,
Then why should the dinwdn be asked ? 5 '
(33) Turi ri dqi hor bkedo ri bhai,
Kadi ni jdiidi.
" The begging of musicians, and the bleating of a sheep,
Never cease."
(34) Shdnd mhains napar bhdti bi ,
Kuchh ni hundd.
" A barren buffalo and an uneducated brahman
Are both good for nothing."
(35) Mere tqu turi rd bandi guwd,
Je dendd ni kyain tqu or a tqu chhdr.
"My case is like the bear's that met a musician, who
was caught by him, and said to him :
c If you will not give me anything then please leave
me.' "
cost
(Used when one wants to get rid of a danger at any
only. )
(36) Mere tqu Pdwlu ri karhdi hoi,
Ju lairo bi miiki tqu khdiro bi.
44 My case has become like the vessel of Pawlu,
Which was lost after being used only once."
(Used when one has lost a thing after using it once
/ ? 9
(37) Jaa parqu kdl kabariyd,
Taa Pajqu Ainu ran Sariyd.
" When there is a famine year,
Then there are good crops in Ainu and Sariya.
(Villages of Koti State.)
(38) Shy dli pdi mundro,
Mdndre band siddh.
m
" He became a mendicant at Shyali village,
And then became a miracle-monger at Mandr."
(Villages in Bhajji State.)
(Used to ridicule a mendicant.)
(39) Titqu ru shu-ni tqu,
Tumrei tumrebiji.
" If we were to listen the mendicant,
Then we ought merely to sow the gourd-fruit.
(The gourd-fruit is used for a water-pot by Oriental men
di cants.)
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 255
{N. 8.]
(40) Linde baldau,
Their o byddhi.
8 ' To an ox without a tail
There are 18 diseases."
(Used when one is constantly in trouble.)
(41) Dhdno re gdon,
Prdlp fa jdnu a.
' l The villages in which rice grows
Are known by its straw."
(42) Doe re mundo di pajlqu,
Tan age dpni bdhqiwni.
" If fire burns on the head of both,
Then one ought first to extinguish one's own
(To denote one's bad luck.)
(43) Dalki je shari,
Tan shdgo fa ni pari.
" If flesh is rot, >f
Then it is better than a vegetable.
(44) Faiu thd'h
Pdihe brobar.
>>
( i
A broken dish is equal to a pdthd."
(A great thing if worn out is superior to a small thing,
or great men even in misery have lofty thoughts).
(45) Chan ihinde derd,
Elcsai chhewrie baser a,
■' The place where four men live is a lodginghouse,
The place where a woman lives is a »w>me.
(It shows that a house without a woman is nothing).
(46) Dhdro pdtide sdtu kun puno? '_
" Who will make roasted flour float on a ridge
( 47 ) Jaa paro kfe'r, taa nd pdrti U'r;
Jaadge'rjaandldnibe'r.
- When there is any difficulty, gZgSZZSEf.*
When there's an opportunity, there snu
(48) Jaa din a bdnge,
Taa tuMd mdro ddnge.
" When davs are unlucky, . .
( 49) Mangal dewd m ine
c c
Sat patdl guwe sine
When Mars goes into Pisces
wnen Mars iioes iu*>» -—— ' „ ai . >»
2» "!^. 1 ?rtL"sr t X m C t g ^ w «— >
(Much rain is to be expected on
256 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911.
(50) Jaa thi nawe neche,
Bdmno khdu thi sherd re kheche ;
Jaa how i budhe prdne :
Bdman khd' man shero re ddne.
11 When I was a young maid,
I enjoyed Brahmans in a mustard field;
Now that I am an old woman :
Brahmans console me with mustard seed."
(It means that when she was young, Brahmans used to
prefer requests to her ; but when she became old, she was obliged
to beg of Brahmans.)
(51) Hyun ghalo-ld bddlie soend ghalp suhdg<\
Thind ghalp bduthyd, kdnjri rdndi age.
u The snow will melt with clouds, and #old with borax,
°
And so will a handsome young man with a harlot,
(52) Don bi Idgd pdni bi Idgd,
Sio brdgo rd by ah bi Idgd.
" The sun is shining and the rain a- falling,
The tiger and the leopard's wedding is being celebrat*
ed." (Of an extraordinary thing.)
(53) Takeri, bi Q
Chaja ri bi.
11 Costing six pies,
And yet of good quality ! "
(A thing bought for six pies cannot be of good quality.)
(54) Sdkho ri maufisi,
Squde ri karqiri.
" The mother's sister in relation,
But very strict in a bargain."
(55) Dukhne chot,
Kanaude suhet.
11 A hurtful limb is often hurt,
And he is often seen, who is disliked."
(<>6) Shingo fa chhdrne pore,
Punjro de dene pachdke.
"It is unwise to let go the horns
And catch hold of the tail (of a bull)."
(57) Karjo ri jimi, ihdHt pd?ii rd nhd», jeih keth'i fdbo.
*« Land on tax, and a bath of cold water, can be ob-
tained everywhere."
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Die
[N.8.]
(58) Band sand hor mhqinsd arnu,
Jaa bigro taa kishu karnu.
" When a widow, an ox, and a wild buffalo
Are in a rage, what's to be done then ?"
(It means that these three are wncontrollable.)
(59) Jethai gholi,
Tethqi pyunli.
257
i i
Where\
There's the golden colour."
(It means that a diligent man will gain everywhere.)
(60) 1 Beog hi chhwdnd ,
Taa Tdndd hi ndchd.
" When the sun set from Reog peak,
Then Tanda began his dance.
(Of an unsuitable time in any business.)
(61) Budh banian Shukr k&na,
pan
Wednes
But Saturn says he must bathe.
(There is no hope of rain on Wednesday oi
Saturday must bring rain.)
(62) Luku luku pashnu,
Taa prdwne age denu. „
' ' She prepares a dish privately ,
Then puts it before a guest.
(63) KMni pini Shilrue, f
Bhukhe mari Kdndie ;
Chaw tamdshd Dhanone :
Gothi layi Dhdnie.
« Shilru is good for eating and drinking,
There is hunger in Kandi ; times .
Dhanon contains pleasure and pastimes
^JK„«e very fertile, and
Kand
villages are in Koti State.)
(64) Dhaki muth Idkho ft,
Khuli muth kakhd ri.
6 i
A closed fist may hold a million
And an open one, a straw.
. Tttat was a .a^a^B^Tnd Reog i» the name of a peak-
258 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
9 >
(65) Jaa ukhlo du mund chhdrnu,
Taa choto khe kd darnu ?
" When one puts one's head in a mortar.
What's the fear of hurt ? ' '
(66) Bddli pdki bhalko,
Pdni ri lagi shalko ;
Bddli pdki bydlai.
Pdrii nd nhydlai.
" When clouds become red at morn,
Then there will be a heavy shower of rain ;
When clouds become red in the evening,
Then you need not wait for rain."
i
(67) Ju nhdnde muchau,
Munhoh pdnde japqu jhuth,
Tesru kd pdkri ?
" How can he who makes water in his bath,
And tells a lie face to face, be detected .
(68) Nd pet shashne deu y
Nd pore nashne den.
"I'll neither let you massage my belly,
Nor allow you to go away."
(The saying of a pregnant woman to her nurse. Used
when one rejects each alternative).
(69) J i she guru,
Tishe chele.
" As is the spiritual guide,
So are his disciples."
(70) Jetnu khdtan ho,
Tetni tddni.
• •• • •
" One ought to stretch (one's legs),
According to one's means."
(71) Jishd desh,
TisM bhesh .
"As may be the country,
So should be the fashion (of one's dress)."
(In a warm country cotton clothing, and in a cold country
woollen, is suitable.)
(72) Ldtrii ghd'ni mdchhli,
MuvMn bhajnu Ram.
" He kills fish with his feet,
And performs Divine Service with his mouth."
(Used when one differs in words and deeds.)
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 259
[N.8.]
(73) Agle re Iff t kd a %
Ju pdchhle ri fini.
" The former's feet are not so ugly
As the latter 's ankles.
? ?
(Used when both of two things are defective.)
(74) Sabi fa bhali chup.
't
Silence is better than all (things)."
(The silent man keeps aloof from all squabbles.)
(75) Kodd
He
But has also hurt his buttocks.
~~ ' '
(Used when one commits two mistakes at a time.)
(76) Halqi uthi,
Moie gddu.
lL Not very deep with a plough,
But very deep with a smoothing-plough.
(Used to express inconsistent things.)
(77) Sari rati gdu bajdu,
Bhydni khe duiids jdu.
' ' The whole night was spent in singing to music ,
There was a dead foetus at daybreak :
(After working hard, the result was fruitless.)
(78) Munhon dekhi ro ilka land.
-The gift called tikd should be according to one .dignity.
(79) Chhote munhen,
Bare jabdb.
" The mouth small,
But the reply great." -hiKtw )
(One ought to speak according to one sabihtj.)
(80) 31 an khe khani kil,
Tiiidd pdi t/i.
" A well was dug for me.
But vou are cast in it- <miltv.)
(Used when a complainant is found to be gttllQ )
(81) Shdtho ri dingli,
Eki rd bhdrd.
"Sixty persons' sticky
Make a man's load. , -i. pr are f great use.)
(Trifling things, when gathered together, are g
260 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May
(82) Jdn-un dppi ni mari,
Tdn-un surge ni tari.
'■' So long as one is not dead,
One can't go to heaven.
(One's business should be done by oneself.)
(83) Pap kaput apnei khd.
11 Sin and a wicked son will injure one's own interests.
(84) Jos ri Sawane fdto,
Tes fa? harui dhisho.
(i He, whose eyes go in July,
Sees green everywhere,"
(85) Share muin shdshu,
Sawane dye dshu.
11 Her mother-in-law died in June,
**
But she weeps for her in July.
* j
(Of an improper time for a business.)
(86) Khd 9 pia' astdj,
Gunjo bhari japoro ri.
f< A clever man eats and drinks,
But a fool's moustache is detected.
j j
(Used when the culprit escapes, while an innocent man is
punished.)
(87) Sndro ri thanak thanak,
Lhwdro ri ekkqi. \
u The goldsmith's many taps
Are equal to an ironsmith's single stroke.
(Many small things are equal to one large one.)
(88) Sou miishe khdia, br till Gdtigd-khe chdli.
11 Having devoured a hundred mice,
The cat goes to the sacred place (Ganges)."
(Used when a sinful man does a virtuous act.)
(89) Meri shashuwo pith,
Tere shashuwo hath.
fl My back may be oiled,
As well as your hands." . ^
(Used when both parties are interested in a transaction.;
(90) Likhi kamdie Idgu dhol,
JetnA uthd ubhd tetne Idqu hor.
" By an accident a rolling stone struck me.
As I got up there came down another to hit me.
Used when one srets manv troubles at a time.)
>>
Vol. VII , No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 261
[N.S.]
(91) Ekshdnkk,
Dujd Ichiro rd bhard.
4 'In the first place, a conch-shell;
Secondly, full of rice boiled in milk.
> ?
(Used when one is interested in both ways.)
(92) Lid khdni td hdthi ri,
Janie pet tau bharuwo.
-pliant
? >
Wherewith the belly may be !
(93) Juthu hhdnu tau,
Mithe re lobhai.
" Refuse food is eaten
For the sake of its sweetness.
(94) Bethd ndwi,
KuTcro shaulo.
" An idle barber
Shaves a dog."
(Something is better than nothing.)
(95) Swddo fa' tiiweh khou,
Bddo fa'muweri khou.
" You've spoiled the taste,
I'll spoil the blame."
(Used when a thing is spoiled in two way
(96) Thode rd kM 'I
Pipli rd masdld,
Kuchh ni hundd.
1 ' The practice of archery ,
And the spice of red pepper,
Are no good at all." , *
(Used when a nuisance of any thing occur,.)
(97) Chdmbe mule,
Bhekhlai jdmi.
' ' Under a fragrant tree
6 , ?
There grew a thorny plant
(Used when a well-to-do man has an ignorant son.)
(98) Lundo japde,
Kulcro muchde,
Be'r ni pardi.
" A debauchee in speaking,
And a dog in making water.
Make no delay."
262 Journal of
[May
(99) Kdnde re munk,
Jgei paine ho.
' ' The point of a thorn
Is itself sharp/'
(100) Rani hhe ndnqi hun bold ?
" Who can say that the queen has no robes ?
(101) Jeti kukrd ni hundd,
Teti kd idtni bhyqiwo.
5 >
" Where there is no cock,
Does not the day break there ?
y >
(Used when a thing can be done without one's help.)
(102) Fd't bdri rd bi sardhnd.
" A shrewd stroke of an enemy's is worthy of praise.
(103) Chult fa' nilcld,
Bhdti da para.
" Came out of a stove,
Fell into a large oven."
(Out of the frying-pan, etc.)
(104) Pardi pithi de nagdre.
" Kettledrums on another's back."
(Used when one is suffering and another happy.)
(105) Nd ghatai dewd ,
Nd rdkshai chhald.
u I neither went to the grinding stone (in a river),
? *
Nor was I terrified there by a ghost "
(Used when one is safe from a danger.)
(106) Khasho Idgi tdti, chdl bhdtd rati ;
Khasho howd ram, bhdto rd ni Icytn kdm.
" When a Khash was in need, he said :
man, by night.'
When the Khash got well, he said ' There is n<
a Brahman.' M
(The Khash sept of Kanets is of selfish character.)
(107) Bol Jceti thid ?
Bolo Dilli.
Bolo kd karm thid ?
Bolo bhdr jhokii thid.
" ' Say, where have you been ? '
He replied that he was at Delhi.
g What were you doing there ? *
He replied that he was making a fire for j
grain."
(Of negligence in a man.)
'Go on, Brah-
[N.S.]
(108) Jetnu gharo f
)f Pahari Dialects. 263
/■
" As far as is the water-place from the house,
So far is the house from the water-place."
(It shows the equality of two things.)
(109) Mqute re then' re inre.,
" The food at an officer's house is tasteful."
(It shows superiority.)
(110) Jasrd bdo si,
Se kwqi daro ?
"He, whose father is a lion,
Why should he fear ? ' '
(A lion's young one has no fear.)
(111) Sdppo- re khde-kh e , dinguli-rd dour.
"He who was bitten by a snake, fears even
(112) Bolqu keti thid ? Bolqu surge ,
Kd karat thid ? Tdlli Idu-thd.
< i t
When
What
I was in paradise.'
I was mending my
clothes.' "
(To denote ignorance.)
(113) m
i «
Meri jdn de drd chhan.
Take this basket and take these apricots. p|
But be pleased, my friend, to spare my lite.
£ £ £
(One who is in great distress.)
(1 14) Mered jMt en, kanil!*, Mb f « •*» M "" "^ '
0T,,y be.oved property, how did yoe -bum II Uever
used to give even ^ b JMft^rty."
that is the reason for burning y r
(Tit for tat.)
(115) Tere baldo-re tqu Idmbe shrng a'
RdM bi iuien i kinyin u.
• 9
' Oh ! your ox hoi long ^s.
'Yes/but I was widowed by them.
(A good thing which causes injury.)
(1 1 6) Ddrie, hdthi-re ddM a' <?,
Dekhne-re hard, chdpne-re horo.
• j 1
J 1>
£ £
™ ' j t ThPse are the elephant s teeth,
Oh my dear ! These are ^^ ^ ^
with
One lot to De iuu^^ - , ,
(One whose words differ from his deeds.)
264 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911.
(117) Reke-ri fdto t(m thaguwe chanyin,
Jaa fdto dpni tan Jed kari ?
" One ought to take warning, from seeing another's
eyes hurt,
What's to be done when one's own are injured ? "
(Of precautions against danger.)
(118) Priuno-rd bhdri kanau nd thanau,
Ghato-rd bhdri dewau Iambi lerau.
' ' One who has his sieve full will not groan,
But he who has to go to the mill will weep over his
heavy load."
(When one is happy and another not.)
(119)
dashn
"One has to show one's own property and one's own
face. ' '
( 1 20) Dekh rdndo-rd chdld ,
Shir ndngd munh kdld.
"See the widow's trick,
Bare head and black face."
(121) Hdnd-de karqu chhwdyd,
Bethi-ro ni chhwdyd chanyin.
6 ' It does not matter if the sun sets on its way ,
But it ought not to set while sitting still."
(One ought not to be idle.)
(122) Shil-bdnki goriyd, paun-bdnki ghoriyd,
Marjdd
that
swift ,
He is a man whose conduct is good, and a good cow
is that which gives much milk."
(Handsome is that handsome does.)
(123) Meri ghin nd karqi tan mere skand karai.
ci If you do not love me, I give you an oath."
(Love requires no oath.)
(124) Ldia-ri ghin rqu Idiari ddri ni hundu
c c One-sided love and a ragged beard are good for nothing.'
(Unrequited love is a disgrace.)
(125) Kd kdku kd kdkuru pit,
Sari hdiidi-dyd Mdndi r Ql l Suket.
"What a little thing a tinder box is !
Yet it has been all through Mandi and Suket."
(Of one who does a lot of work.)
[N
>/ Pahari Dialects. 265
(126)
taa
"If a stone is thrown into the water it sinks to the
bottom.
3 9
(A weighty word attracts attention.)
( 1 27 ) Bashkdl kited I bashqu pldh- dt ch
" It does not matter whether there is a heavy monsoon
utea frondosa) always has
*thpr in comfort or adver-
no more than three leaves.
(One who is just the same wh
sity.
(128) Ek dkkh tindi hi divdnj.
c ;
He has only one eye, and in that too there is pain.
>>
(Trouble upon trouble.)
Note.— Moat of these were furnished by Babu Shib Datt Maht4
and
Pahari Riddles.
(1) Char chip charmakan-ldgi ,
Do khari do ndncJui n -lag * .
" Four birds began to sing
Two stand and two dance.
5
Reply: a cow's udder
(2) Uw b€l bhu in thd n wld ,
« <
Ma gori put sdniv/d.
A creeper above and a basin below, ^
The mother white and the son black.
Reply : Mugoh (an edible root.)
(3) Poro dwi rdM ,
Tdii-khe lydi koltho-ri fand.
" There came a widow,
And she brought you a bundle ot pulse.
5 J
Reply : a snail.
4) Lou jhiri Ioshkar chdlau ,
Neol qhumqu, yarbat hdlon-
;. «„11<»H an armv seems to be marching,
"If the creeper is pulled an <* rni J * , ,,
The lowland rises up and the hill shakes.
Reply : a hand-loom.
(5) Dungi ddbr daniyar karqu,
Mdnku'mdmd bduwe tarau.
' ' A deep pond resounds, ( >
And uncle Manku swims.
Reply : a frog.
266 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
(6) War chhldkd par chhldkd,
Mdhjh ndl'e jamtu pdkd.
" One wave hither and another thither,
In the centre of a ravine a citron is ripe."
Reply: the churning of curd.
l
(7) Poro dwi rui,
Mund goi pchrui.
; c There came the cotton ,
And hurt the head with its nails.
3>
Reply: a comb
(8) Nhy
(U
u Ina dark ravine a lion roared,
Five men went to catch him but two brought him out."
Reply: mucus.
(9) Poro dwu kuktu lujbude kdn,
Man
14 There came a pup with quivering ears,
Don't bite me, pup, 1 am your customer.
5 ?
(10)
fal
Reply: Forget-me-not.
bujhaiyd-bird,
" O you, that understand a puzzle, I tell you a riddle,
On one plant there are three fruits, viz., as assafoe-
tida, carroway and cummin."
Reply: a large kitchen spoon.
(11) Harr karq^ jharr karqu chuhj karqu chash,
Char sapdi taa chdlqu jaa kamr karqu kash.
" They quiver and shake with a bird-like noise,
The four peons will go on when they have girt up
their loins."
Reply: a palanquin or a spinning wheel (charkha).
(12) Bhiti-dd takd, sabi-rd sakd.
' ' It sits on the wall ,
And is friend of all."
Reply : a lamp.
1 It should be noted that the hillmen churn the curd in an earthen
pot, shaking it by one hand hither and thither until the butter is gathered
like a ball.
Vol
[N.S.]
(13) Ford dwd chelu chdmbd,
Api hochhkd ddrku Idmbd.
"One is come there,
»/ PaJmri Dialects. 267
He himself is small but has a long beard."
Reply : a Q ear of barley.
villa^f'^otTsti'^ 080 W6re fumiHhed hy Maht * K ' i8hi R » ra ° f Shilyu
(14) Kdterie kdtu nd, nd dhobie dhou,
Bel merit pydrie, sari prithi khe cholu hou.
"Neither has a spinner spun it, nor has a washer
washed it,
Say, my dear, what is it that makes a cloak for the
whole world V*
Reply : the snow.
The Song of the Bla'j Fair sung in Bla'j.
Pahld ndhw Ndrdyano rd, junieh dharii pudm,
Jaldthali hoi pirthibi, debt Mansd rdkhi jagdli.
Mdnu nd hole kwen rikhi, ekai Ndrdyan rdjd hold,
fSiddh guru ri jholi fa, dhdi ddnd sherd rd jhard.
5. Dhdi ddnd sherd rd, mhdre shwdrie bijqu,
Biji bdji rd sherd, jdmade Id-ge,
J ami rd sherd, god-ne Idye,
Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge,
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuweh Idye.
10. Gdhi mdndi rd, kyd hoivd pwdjd ?
Dhdi ddnd bijqu rd, chhuru howd pwdjd.
Chhuru bhari sherd rd, mhdre bijqu shwdre,
Biji rd sherd, jdmade Idge,
J ami rd sherd, godarie Idye,
15. Godird sherd, pdkade Idge,
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen Idye.
Gdhi mdndi rd sherd, kyd howd pwdjd ?
Chhuru bhari bijqu rd, pdthd howd pwdjd.
Pdthd bhari sherd rd, mhdre bijqu shwdr*',
20. Biji rd sherd, jdmade Idge,
J a mi rd sherd, gddane Idye,
Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge,
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen Idye.
Gdhi mdndi rd sherd, kyd hoicd pwdjd ?
25. Pdthd bhari sherd rd, jun howd pwdjd.
Jun bhari sherdrd, mhdrp bijqu shware,
268 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
Biji ro sherd, jdmade idge,
J ami ro sherd, gddarie laye,
Godi ro sherd, pdkade Idge,
30. Pdki luni ro sherd, kunuwen laye.
Gdhi mdndi ro sherd, kyd howd pwdjd ?
Jun bhari bijou rd, khdr howd pwdjd.
Khar bhari sherd ri, mhdre bijau Balae sheri.
Biji rd sherd, jdmade lage,
35. J ami rd sherd, gddane laye,
Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge,
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen laye.
Gdhi mandi rd sherd, kyd howd pwdjd?
Khdr bhari bijau rd hoi kharshd purd.
40. Khdrshe shershe bhdiyd, mhdre mundar band,
Siddh guruwe mundar band,
By did ke pahre ay a ludrd, by did ke pahre, dyd Ludrd,
45
Jimi samdnd, bane mudrd,
Chand rd surjd , bane mudrd ,
m mm * * m . _
ma
Bdsu re ndgd, bane mudrd,
Sate samudre, bane mudrd,
Chqurd ran dhurd, bane mudrd,
Rishi rqu muni, bane mudrd,
50. Koti ri pquli , bane mudrd ,
Band Raghbir Chandd , bane mudrd ,
Tike dothdnyinyen, bane mudrd,
Bere rqu bane, bane mudrd,
Deo Klqinu, bane mudrd,
55. Deo Sharali, bane mudrd,
Ded rqu Sipd , bane mudrd ,
Deo rqu Dhdndi ,bdne mudrd ,
Ded Korgand, bane mudrd,
Deo rqu debi, bane mudrd,
60. Chdklu ri chhquri, bane mudrd,
Es Barldjd , bane mudrd .
Aland di upje debi Mansd ,
Tu hi debie ruwe jagdti,
Sat kalash, Ndrdyane'ditte, rdkhane khe,
65. ' Ind debie, rdkhai bhddre,"
Bard barshd khe, sute Ndrdyan jald-biche,
• Tu debie, ruwe jagdli,
Nqu mhine kalashd r'dkhe bhddre,
Mhine dasweH forne lane,'
70. Ek kalah ford deUe , Brahma pqidd howd ;
* Tan to bolu Brahmeydn, merd dend bydhfu kari.
' Charjd nd bolqi, mdtd debie,
Tu sat jugd ri, dharmd ri mdtd.''
Krddh upjd debi da, kard Brahme rd bhasmd tdld.
75. Dujd kalash ford debie, Vishnu rniidd kinnd.
' *
[N.S.]
<f Pahari Dialects. 269
kar
ft * m v ■
Char) nd bolai' mdtddebie,sdto jugo ri dharmo ri mdtd,
dd % karau Vishnu rd bhasmd
/■
80. ' Tan hi to bolu Mahddebd
jTmd de tu jyunde hari.'
mdtd
Amrit chhitu bdyddebie, Brahma Vishnu Jchare kinye.
Brahmen rau Vishnuwen debi age arjo kinyi ;
85. ' Bydhru karumen hati ro, mhdre lane ddmi pwdnni. 9
Thar 6 hdtho rd kinyd ddmi, tino fa dharti nd chdli,
»W*/ WW . vww»w r w -•■^--^jw -» mm - j --
Dii?e saie Zwwe ddww pwdnni.
fa dhart
Chdndi soend rd kinyd ddmi, ndhi karo huftwaro kdro,
90. A,
Kdmdeb
Hunkdro re jdmd putro, age howd Nirankdro.
Nirankdro re howd putro, age howd Hari Chand rdjd.
Hari Chand rdje re bakhte, sukhqi baso parjd sari.
95. Hari Chand rdje re pohre, brag hold bdkri rd jagdld.
Chand rdje re pohre, billi holi dhinche ri jagdli.
Chand rdje re pohre, musd hold nqujo rd bhddri.
Hari
Hari
Hari
Hari Chando re jdmd puiar, age howd Bali Chand Raja.
100. Bali Chand Rdje re bakhte, bari holi dhdgdi lagi :
* _ mi *m m m If m f 7 7 * 5
1 Parhe dnqu pandato, mahlo rd muhurat dekho.'
Bdro odi rdje pauli, bdro rdkhe pohru jagdle.
Pdthre'chine rdje mahlo, lohe re cheolo bandwe,
Kdnse tdmhe re kinyen f all e, chdndi re chha
char
hdwe. A , 7 , , M
105. Soene re kalsho kur-ro charhdwe, khore dnqu Nardo
shddi rd. , ,
ChaM dhure nyondd dena, rikhi mum sabi butawne,
T>^iA^A a, ma h™„ shnrA dhdmn 1 ' hori khe dena JSa
Buldwne deote horo chdro dhdmd,
Ndrdd
,*w NJrdtinu Mid suno. 9 Bdmno rd bhekh kihyd
Ndrdya
ba ithd
Ndrdya ne,
Ai-guwd Bali Chando re duwdre p
^Tbhn^dndrmm vindd. < Kdrjo sidhdri merd
110. Nd an khduad na pan
bdmnd.
ma
'\ad: Ddno re luwe dharmo
bdmve.
Kd rj
o
pan i ra am
ia ddno md
1 N&rdo, the Divine sage Ndrada. ,4 R^^fWre
* Jagannath-puri, Setbandh RAmeshwar. Dwteka, andBadrmathare
called the Chardhdms.
270 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
' Mdngi 1 16 Bdmnd re dan, mdngi 16 Bdmnd re
dd n ,
115. Jo tit mdngai se parmdn, jo tu mdngai se parmdn.'
Poriyd : ' fed Rdjed tere tqutd jyd ? '
1 Tqutd bolqi nd Bdmnd! e puny a rd chando.'
Poriyd : ' kd Rdjed tere jyowtd jyd ? '
' Jyowtd bolqi nd Bdmnd, e Bdsu rd ndgo.
120. Mdngi 16 bdmnd re dan, mdngi basto ndhinkdr'
Mahlo dd : ' kd Rdjed tere, soeni rd jyd chothru ? '
' Chothru bolqi nd Bdmnd, e a* mahlo rd chhato.'
' Kdrjo sidhdrd Rdjed terd, ddno khe badluwi guwd.
Dhdi bikh man dharti deni. Bhuld Bdman, mdngi nd
jdnd,
125. Chdndi soend Bdman dan, ghord bdgd Bdman dan,
Khar she dendd tan badauwi, Balgo ri ser.'
Ek bikh dewj ddhe sansdre, duji bikh dewo sdre sansdre,
Adhi bikho khe thenyd nd thai, Bali Rdje kanri ddi.
Gddd sdtwe ptdle. Bali Raja arjo karo : * ndnwd nd
merd gale ;
130. Do de Rdjed man wdhsi, do de parewi,''
' Etna dan Rdjed mere, dittd ni jdndd,
Ek deumd tan wdnsi, ek deumd parewi.''
( A'weli Diydli re kabai r ' Kdti ri wdnsi ami.'
1 Kanie kanie re lobhe ? ' ' Chhewri chhoiu re lobhe. '
135. ' Awili Diydli re kabqi ? ' ' Khoro mur'i re lobhe.
Chnjari chhewri re lobhe, chajare gdbru re lobhe.'
This ends the Blaj Fair Song.
After this song, they sing a brief account of the Ramayan,
the adventures of Raja Ram Chand, in the Pahari language.
Then dramatic performances are displayed. ' First of all a
gang of Bgiragis (Vaishnavas) enter with their preceptor. His
disciples serve him respectfully, but with comic sentences, which
make the audience laugh. Then other pieces, such as a
banker's or other person's drama, are performed during the
whole night, and the people all disperse at daybreak. After
taking some refreshment they again gather by the evening,
when archery b practised, and the man who shoots under the
knees of a running man, is praised. Turn and turn about
they play with bows and arrows. This practice is called Khe'l.
Ihere is a proverb —
Dhanu ra khe'l, pipli ra masdld, kuchh ni hundd.
The practice of archery, and spice of the chilli, are no
good.
Translation of the Bid* j Song.
The first is the name of the Almighty God, who has
created the earth,
1 Rag Shyamkalyan, tal chhuk r a, sung with music and dame.
[N.S.]
>/ Pahari Dialects. 271
The whole earth was drowned in the water, Mansa
Devi * was kept as a guard.
There were no men, no sages, only the Supreme God
was king,
From Siddh-gww's * wallet, there fell down two and a
half grains of mustard.
5. The two and a half grains of mustard we should sow
in a small field,
Having been sown the grain began to grow,
When grown up, the mustard plants were weeded.
Being well weeded, they began to ripen ,
Being ripen and out, they were heaped at one place.
10. Wliat was the produce after cleaning them in the
farmyard? [chhuru.*
The seed was two and a half grains, the produce one
Ons chhuru of grain we should sow in a small field,
Having been sown, it began to grow.
Being grown up, the mustard plants were weeded,
15. Being well weeded, they began to ripen,
Being ripen and cut, they were heaped at one place.
What was the produce after winnowing them from
the straw ? .
Of one chhuru of seed, the produce was one patha.
One pdthd of mustard seed, we should sow m a field.
20. Having been sown, it began to grow up,
Being grown up, the field was weeded,
Being well weeded, it began to ripen,
Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place.
What was the produce after winnowing it from the
straw ? . , , . , fi
25. The seed was one pdthd, and the produce one pi*.
Now one pin of the seed, we should sow in a held,
Being well sown, it began to grow,
Being well grown up, the field was weeded,
Being weeded, it began to ripe up,
30. Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place.
What was the produce after winnowing it from the
straw? . a' 6
Of the one pin of seed, the produce was one Ha/ .
One khdr of seed we should sow in the large field
7
of Balg,
Being sown, it began to grow up
1 Mansa Devi is the name of a goddess, who sprang from God's
mind.
i Siddh guru was a devotee. : Chhuru is= 1 \ tola.
* Pdthd is a grain measure equal to three seers
6 Jun, a grain measure equal to forty-eight seers.
> Khar, equal to 20 juns. n\,v,*A Stat
7 a „;iio„i ^ +i,~ v,«„„J«n- of Balsan and Glmnd btat
272 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911.
35. Being grown up, the field was weeded,
70.
Being well weeded, the plants began to ripen,
Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place.
Wl
straw ?
the
pro-
The seed being one khdr, the produce was one
Ichdrsh . l
40. O brothers, with one khdrsh of mustard we must ask
protection.
The Siddh-guru offered protection,
And by evening time, there appeared Shib (Ludar),
Who said : ' ' The earth and the sky are hereby pro-
tected,
The sun and moon are hereby protected,
45. The region of constellations is hereby protected,
The nag Basuki is hereby protected,
The seven seas are hereby protected,
The courtyard and the
tected.
The saints and sages are hereby protected,
50. The gate of the Koti State is liereby protected,
The Rana Raghubir Chand is hereby protected,
The Heir Apparent and his brother are hereby pro-
tected,
The palace and the boundary are hereby pro-
tected,
The village deity Klainu is hereby protected,
55. The deity Shrali (Junga) is hereby protected,
The deity Sip is hereby protected,
The deity Dhandi is hereby protected ,
The deity Korgan is hereby protected,
Gods and goddesses are hereby protected,
60. The courtyard of Chdklu i is hereby protected,
And lastly this Bla'j Fair is hereby protected."
Mansa Devi sprang from God's mind,
And God told her to guard the earth,
God gave her seven earthen pots to keep, saying :
t>5. "0 goddess, keep them in the store-house."
God slept for twelve years in the ocean, and said :
" goddess, thou should 'st guard them carefully,
Keep them for nine months in the store-house,
On the tenth month they must be broken."
Brahma :
appeared
1 Akharsh is equal to 20 khars.
to , c *««» is a place about two miles
takes place on the full moon of Kartik
Fair
[N
>f Pahari Dialects. 273
" I tell thee, Brahma, be pleased to solemnize my
wedding."
" mother goddess, say not such a strange thing,
Thou art my virtuous mother of the seven ages,"
said Brahma,
The goddess being very angry, burnt him to ashes.
75. The second pot was broken by the goddess, and
there appeared Vishnu :
" I tell thee, Bishnu, pray perform my wedding/'
said the goddess.
" goddess, say not such a strange thing, thou art my
seven ages 5 virtuous mother, answered Vishnu,
The goddess being very indignant, burnt Vishnu to
ashes.
The third pot was broken by her, and there appeared
Mahadeb (Shib) :
80. " I tell thee, Mahadeb, be pleased to arrange for my
wedding," said the goddess.
"Promise me, goddess, thou that hast killed my
two elder brothers,"
Be pleased to restore them to life.
The goddess threw a drop of nectar, straightway
arose Brahma and Vishnu.
Brahma and Vishnu besought the goddess :
85. " We will perform thy wedding after we have created
men."
A man twenty-seven feet in height was created, but
he did not suit the earth,
A man of two feet was created, but he did not suit the
ear th .
The next time they again created a man.
A man was created of gold and silver, but he did not
suit the earth.
90. A man of bell-metal and copper was created, but he
did not suit the earth.
A man of Cupid was created, who answered and was
called Hunkar,
Huiikar got a son, who was termed Nirankar.
Xirankar got a son, who was called Hari Chand.
In the reign of Hari Chand all his subjects were
very happy,
95. In his time, the leopard used to graze goats,
In his time the cat was the keeper of the milk-store,
In his time the mouse became the keeper of the gram-
And, in his reign, the civet was perhaps the door-
Hari Chand got a son, whose name was Raja Bah
Chand.
274 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911
100. In the reign of Bali Chand, the earth was dazzling.
Bali Chand said :
" Ask learned pandits to find a lucky time to build a
palace,"
Twelve gates were erected, and twelve persons ap-
pointed gatekeepers.
The palace was built of stone, and beams of iron
fitted.
Its planks were of copper and bell- metal, and its
roof was made of silver,
105. Its uppermost roof was made of gold. Then he
bade call Narad,
Invitations were sent to the four quarters, saints and
sages were summoned.
All the deities of the four dhdms were invited. Then
he said : " Narad, invite all,
But take care that Vishnu may not hear." Vishnu,
assuming the form of a dwarf,
Arrives at the door of Bali Chand, and seats himself at
the gate.
110. He neither takes food nor drinks water. Bali Chand
saith, " O Brahman, please accomplish my sacri-
fice ;
I will give you whatsoever you may ask for/' The
dwarf bound him by an oath.
He fed the sacred flame with iron fuel, and lighted a
lamp with water,
[gift.
Thus accomplishing the sacrifice, he asked for the
And Bali Chand said : u Brahman, ask for the gift,
ask for the gift,
115. Whatsoever you ask for is acceptable to me."
The dwarf inquired: " Raja, what is that thing
like a pan ?
The Raja replies : " Brahman, call it not a pan, 'tis
the full moon."
The dwarf inquires: "O Raja, what is that like a
rope there ? ' '
The Raja replies: "O Brahman, call it not a rope,
it is the Basukinag.
120. O Brahman, ask for a gift, there is no refusing any-
thing you may ask for."
The dwarf inquires again: u O Raja, what's that on
the roof like a golden basket ? "
The Raja replies: "0 Brahman, call it not a basket,
'tis the golden roof.
y >
The dwarf said: <k I have accomplished your sacri-
fice, but you are changed.
Bestow on me two and a half paces of land." Said
Bali Chand: ci You are misled, and do not know
how to ask,
• f
Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to the Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 275
[N.S.]
125. Gold, silver, horse and robes are gifts for a Brahman.
I would have given you the fertile land in Balg , where-
in grows a khdrsh of grain."
In one step he covered half the earth and in another
the whole world,
But there being no room for the half step, Raja Bali
Chand bent down his neck for it,
He was cast down into the seventh lower region. Rs
Bali besought Vishnu, saying : " Do not abolish
my name.
130. Give me two days of conjunction and two days of the
new moon," asked Raja Bali Chand.
" Raja Bali Chand, I cannot give you so much, but
I'll allow you one day of conjunction and one day of
the new moon," added Vishnu.
Bali Chand exclaimed: "0 Diwali, when will you
come ? " She said, "in October."
"With what greedy desire?" "Of maidens and
children." „ ... .. , .
135. " O Diwali, when will you come ? with the desire
of walnuts and roasted grain, 1
And with the desire of beautiful women and hand-
some youths."
So much is the Bla'j Song.
I Roasted grain and walnuts are divided among friends and rela-
tions at the fair.
23. A Vocab
Kunchbandiya 2 Kanj
By W. Kiekpatrick.
Pasi Boli l or Argot of the
s
Kunchbandiya Kanj
«.^ UMBUUy „ ivaiijais are ac cue present day a non-
criminal section of the vagrant tribes of a Gipsy character
Known all over India by the generic name of Kanjar.
Bibliography.*
Lord Curzon's Persia, Vol. I, p. 225 etsq.
lobetson's Census Report (Punjab) 1881, pp. 154 and 311 and
oOl .
Sir Herbert Risley's Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I.
p. 419, Kanjars.
herring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. I, p. 389, for Kanjars.
ansias
£°- do. do. , .„ _ Jjr
*J°- do. do. for Kanjars, Vol. II, p. 155.
^°- do. do. for Yarakhala Sansias, Vol.
^ HI, p. 137.
JJo - do. do. for Siakali Lambadi, Vol. Ill,
Wanderin
p. 138.
Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India and Eastern and S. Asia,
HI, p. 74, for Kanjars.
Do- do. * do. for Sansias, Vol. I, p. 131.
2 This secret code or language Kanjars themselves call Pari Boli,
Mr. Gayer in his Lecture on the San^i and Beria says, if In speaking
before others they employed Hindustani but among themselves they
spoke a Marwari dialect, or a tribal dialect which they themselves
called Parsi (sic)"; see note on the Chandramedis of Indore, a con-
fraternity of criminals, in Appendix to Mr. Kennedy's M Criminal
Classes in Bombay," — they have "a secret code vocabulary called
parsi." J n the way the word was always pronounced to me the u r y *
*as absent, i.e. pdsi. - W. K,
4 i.e. makers of brushes; from Kunch the brash used by weavers
for cleaning the warp threads, and bd dhnd to tie.
3 Mr. Crooke gives the derivation as »Sanskrit Kdndndchdrd
ir * the sense of a wanderer in the jungle; cf. with Harriott's ingenious
derivation of Romnichal *#**J -Bamna M a park, plain or champagne,"
a ud chaliX*. "rover, wanderer, traveller." Mr. Nesfield f s theory and
^tymolooy i 8 to me quite ag convincing and more picturesque. See .Mr.
Nesfield's article in Calcutta Review, Vol. LXXVII Sir Herbert Risley
P* 4< Tribes and Castes of Bengal M disposes of the Kanjar with the foilow-
^g description : " Khangor, Kanjar, a gypsy caste of the North-West
provinces who hunt jackals, catch and ent snakes, and make strings of
h©mp and cotton. In Behar they are chiefly rope twisters."
4 For the first six references I am indebted to Sir Herbert Risley.
278 • Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
J.W.P., Vol
for Sansias.
Do. do. do.
Ka
jars
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVL p. 61, under Kanjars, and p. 65
under Kai kadis
Mitra's Account of the Gypsies of Bengal, 1 in Memoirs of the
Anthropological Society of London, Vol. VIII, pp. 120-
133, London, 1870.
Leitner, Dr. G. W., Detailed Analysis of Abdul Ghafur's Dic-
tionary of terms used by Criminal Tribes in the Punjab.
Lucas's Yetholm Gypsies, p. 88, 91, Ed. 1882.
Rowney's Wild Tribes of India. 2
Gunthorpe's Notes on Criminal Tribes.
MacRitchie's Gypsies of India. 3
The Dialect of the English Gypsies by B. C. Smart and N. T.
Crofton, 1875.
Hoyland, 1816, Historical Survey of the Customs, etc., of the
Gypsies.
Harriot, Col. John Staples, M Observations on the Oriental
origin of the Romniehal." Royal Asiatic Society of
Great Britain, Vol. II. London, 1830 pp. 518-588. [I have
seen a reference that this pauer was read before the Society
at Calcutta on the 12th April, 1822.— W K.]
Irvine, Lt. fl On the Similitude between the Gypsy and
Hindi Languages." — Transactions of the Literary Society
of Bombay, 1819.
Barrow, George. " Romano Lavolil," Word-book of the
Romany or the English Gypsy Language, 1874.
Sleeman, Maj.-Genl. W. H., " Ramaseeana: or a Vocabulary of
the Peculiar Language used by the Thugs."
Carnegie, Patrick, Dy Commr. and Settlement Officer of Faiza-
bad, " Notes on the Races, Tribes and Castes inhabiting the
Province of Avadh " (Oudh).
Sir H. Elliot's Races of the North- West Provinces of India,
2 vols.
Paupo Rao Naidu's History of Railway Thieves, etc
inal Tribes of India."
Some Crim-
Calcutta Review LXXVII, p. 368, an article on " Kanj
by J. C. Nesfield.
5 ?
9 >
Bediya
name
~~~c<,vp , a nt*mo vviiuti according to &ir tieroert Kisley in " inoea »""
Castes of Bengal," Vol I, p. 8>, is descriptive of •• a number of vagrant
gypsy
* This is a compilation on popular lines devoid of acknowledgments
iifirftrufi«i
or references
k J* S C i ud ^ S fcranslatior * °f a •« Contribution to the History of Gypsies
by M. DeGoeje, Protessor of Arabic in the University of Ley den.
t f
Vol VII, No. 6-] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 279
[N.S.]
Nesfield, J. C, Brief View of the Caste System of the
N.W.P. and Oudh, Allahabad, 1885.
G. R. Clarke, I C.S , The Outcastes (The Maghya Doms).
Asiatick Researches, Vol. VII, 1801, p. 457 et seq.
M An account of the Bazeegars, a sect commonly denominated
Nuts, by Captain David Richardson. 1 "
Lelands, The Gypsies, 1882.
Pri chard, James Combs, Researches into the Physical History
of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 520, second ed., 1826.
Criminal Classes in the Bombay Presidency, M.Kennedy, D.I.G.
Police, Bombay.
My excuse for introducing the above Bibliography is that
it may be of use to others interested in the wandering and
casteless tribes of India. A reference to these authorities, whe-
ther they be the severe officia. recorder of facts or the ardent
"gypsiologist," will show that many, if not all, have suc-
cumbed to the fascination of discovering linguistic likenesses, and
perhaps what is nearer the mark, the similarity of purpose be-
tween Romanes or Romnichal and the cant of various Indian
gyP s 3 T tribes. Although these recognized Gypsv tribes of India
are not by any means bound by such ties as a common argot, it
is in this connection that the Bibliography might be appreciated.
Most of the authorities quoted give vocabularies of various
secret and slang languages, and there are certainly many
instances to be found of the resemblance of words ; for example
between the collection ol Nut words by Capt. D. Richardson 100
years ago, and the Baoris cant given by Mr. Gayer in his lectures
on " Some Criminal Tribes in India."
It will be observed that in the following vocabulary nouns
predominate. This and a systematic use of inflections suffixed
to the verbal root is a common characteristic of Gypsy
argots, so that for purposes of ordinary conversation the
code is maintained by an amalgamation with local dialects,
such as Punjabi, Jdt-ki-gal, Hindi or Marwari. I am informed
by members of the clan themselves that the code is used even
with Guzerati verbs as the medium.
The Kunchbandiya , and in fact all sections of Kanjars,
practise a strict system of exogamy, and for this purpose are
divided up into exogamous septs, mostly totemistic ; and a
case of a girl of a sept or sub-section from near Poona (Guzer ati)
marrying into a Kanjar " camp " at Karnal came under my
observation. From such alliances— which are not at all un-
common
hundreds
I Capt. D. RicharJson, who gives an interesting vocabulary of
"Bengal Bazeegars or Nuts,'* back-slang, states that "the Knnjurds
are no other than those Bazeegars or Nuts who inhabit the Upper
Provinces of Hindustan.
99
280 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
i
we must expect a certain common use or union of dialects,
and a resultant patois or argot which combined with the tribal
special " slang " provides a sufficiently extensive vocabulary
for the limited conversational requirements of a community
of the present-day social status of the Kan jars. This process
of an amalgamation of dialects among these vagrant tribes
must eventually result in the discarding of any real original
language , and a constantly changing argot. Much interest there-
fore attaches to words with which we can show some analogy in
the various secret languages of Gypsies, whether in India or in
Europe.
I have compiled this short code personally without the
aid of intermediaries, and in many ca-es caught the right
word, and as far as I could the real phonetic pronunciation
only after hearing it in actual use several times and over an
extended period. My first experience of the Kunchbhand
Kanjars was with a sub-section who in Delhi and the district
call themselves Geharas, and supply the local Tent Clubs
of Delhi and Muttra with shikaries. It was owing to their
tactics during the earlier days of our acquaintance that I was
fired with a desire to get to know more about them. It was
common knowledge in villages and in " camp ' ' among syces and
others that these Kanjar-log had a boli % o! their own; but
my earlier attempts at linguistic research in this direction
were not successful. My informers unb'ushingly foisted on
me what I subsequently discovered to be absolute gibberish,
and it was only after I had known the clans settled in and
around Delhi for some years, that I was really admitted into
their confidence. It also so happened that about nine years ago
I was in a measure instrumental in getting these Geharas
exempted from the more rigorous operations of the Criminal
Tribes Act, and I believe I thus became something of a
persona grata among them. I make no apology now for my
apparent breach of confidence in committing their meagre
cant to the care of the Asiatic Society. This particular branch
of the tribe whom I discovered to the local authorities as
Geharas, and who have been mostly the source of my informa-
tion, are now more or less occupied in the peaceful pursuits of
making khas khas tatties and collecting pig's bristles, while
the adventurous among them find scope for their natural bent
in following " the line " of the Tent Club or taking the globe-
trotter out shikaring. As I say, the Gehdrd sub-section of the
Kunchbandiya Kanjars in and around Delhi are now a prac-
tically settled community, and any interest therefore which
langu
I t!^ 60 ! Baden Powell ' s book on Pigsticking in India.
Talk or langua-e. In Hindustani apa* led boli hai = '
" there is a
hnU f +ui„u ■». l-i i \, «*««« mo xvanjars tnnnseives cai
boh. I think ,t hkely that pasi is slang for apas or apis or apse
Vocabulary of
281
Vol. VII, No. 6.] A
[N.S.]
we take in them or their manners and customs, their origin
and language can only operate to their benefit.
Food and Domestic.
Bajra (lesser Millet).
Bread
Burial
Caste
Child (male)
Child (female)
Cloth, clothes
Dead , he or it is
Drink
Eat. to
Ghi (clarified butter)
Gold mohur
Gur (molasses)
Hookha
House, hut
Millets (Bajra)
Man
Plate, earthen (utensils)
Pulse
Rice
Rupees
Shoes
Sister
Sugar, sweets
Tobacco
Utensils
Virgin
Woman
Well
W heat
Water
Father
Mother
1
Sarkud.
DJiimri.
Khimti dubdigo.
Jetheli.
Chookhd.
Ghookhi.
Toopkd .
Mikatchgo.
Kurch.
Dath log (or dut log)
Ninghdr.
Khasarf: 1
Ddtmi.
Noojd .
Rib.
Sarkud .
Khdd*
Chaindhld.
Phensni.
Kutkdr.
Rika.
Guddri.
Chain ; Chd-een.
Ddtmi.
Romdk.
Cliaindhla.
t •
Kumar i.
Loobhar.
Dhodn.
Roskd.
Nimdni.
Bdjpilo.
Chdjdnturi.
t •
for
Inter-Tribal Appellations.
This use of Afferent and disguised names by one tribe
another is curious. The popular name is well known to
\ KusTanl To^-a stmple but effective disguise and this affixing
* Hindustani asarji »* r comn ion method of conversion in
of « consonant, ususlly an LT "^,2 » l°?Z, Hindustani ik.
W 7fi 'S ? -» instsnso o? dropping the suffix and prefixing
the f am. liar k or kh— khddmi and khad.
282
>/ the Asiatic Society of
[June, 1911.
■
the tribe, but they prefer a slang designation ; for instance, in
speaking of the Bhdtus or Bhdntu, the Kunchbhand Kanjars
call them Bhdntu : or, as they put it, " they are Bhdntu but we
call them Bhdntu." This is a peculiarity which must add
considerably to the perplexities of the census enumerator, and
I can well imagine it to be a fruitful source for the discovery
of new septs and sub-sections. Take the Bediya or Beriya —
the Kunchbhand and other Kanjars as well, I believe, call them
Joddi, and it would be only what one might expect for a not
Joda
be
a new
The following are a few
sept or sectional name, and soon.
distinctive inter-tribal names,— they might best be° described
nick-names,— for all that, a particularly interesting part of
this brief vocabulary :
Bhatus or Bhantus
Baiania
Bawariya or Baoria
Bediya or Beriya
Gohar
Nat
Kunchbhand Kanjars
Samperas, particularly; but
an appellation common to
all wandering tribes
Bhdntu
Kandtid
Pdrdi
Joddi
Pehndd
Godr (not to be confused
with Gohar)
Gehdrd
Jogi
If the Kunchbhand Kanjar is ever in the jungle— and he
is frhere pretty frequently— and he me^ts the Sdmperd tribe,
his salutation is " A Ndth Earn Rdm\" and the greeting he
gets in return is "Ram Ram bhai Gehari 0!" Notice the
feminine Gehari ! '
This salutatian indicates a past brother-
hood when the Kunchbhand Kanjar was himself a nomad.
Numerals*
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Si
Bek
Dobelu
ix
Seven
Eight
Nine
Ten
Eleven, twelve and thirteen UM
slang for; counting after this is done
i»*du, and after twenty we have
ThibBu
Chdbelu
Rachelu l
Chhebelu
Saihelu
Athelu
Nabelu
Daselu
up to twenty there is no
in tens ; but twenty is
forty = dobiselu, sixty
1 Notice the R , Rachelu~not Pachelu as might be expected.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 283
[N.S.]
thibiselu, and so on, to nabiselu or "nine twentys," which is
one hundred and eighty, the grand summit of their numerals
and monetary value. Nabiselu reka = nine twentys, or one
hundred and eighty rupees is the " bride- price " or what the
bridegroom or his family have to pay the bride s family. In
parting with his bride -divorcing her— a like sum has to
be paid to her or her relations, presumably as a dot to help her
to find another husband, a convenient arrangement for the
gentleman who may have been the cause of the disruption.
Animals.
Boar (Wild) Ghurer
Dheebri
Cat
Khurrd
Hare
Jhookal
Jackal Ghegar, Syar '
Dog
Parrot Nutd
q x Rail
Snake Rapila, Sdnpilo
Wild boar (single and in
sounders) Ohurir
Wolf
Rehdejd
Sand Lizard Sdndd
Natural Phenomena.
Afternoon, midday, Thipdro, dopdro, pailpdro i.e.
morning. *»e 3rd, 2nd and 1st watch-
es, in fact the same as
Hindustani, but there is a
distinct and peculiar pro-
nunciation which quite ob-
scures even familiar words
like these.
jy Din same as Hindustani
Dawn Din nifargo »
Death Mikatch
■p[ Te Jhurrdi, Jordhi
Moon S???* *
Night KUrth
ZiZ$^JF^*F> IJs^i : Sa„ S Jit **, a
]ftCk f Hind. San1-a stallion; the oil of this sand lizard has a repu-
"^ ^^JoTn^o i S to run-the day is running out of the
nigh 4 Hind, c*««dmoon,so that ck^**»^™^™^
of clever disguise in pronunciation. Romanes for moon is chiend.
284
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
Sky
Storm
Stars
Sun
Water
Rddul l
Khdndi %
Tarenge s
Ghamela
Nimani
Miscellaneous.
Awake
Bolt, do a
Caste or tribe
Drowned
Feet
Goes, there it goes
Heart
Excitement (of the hunt or
chase)
Hide yourselves (imperative)
Move on ; gone on
Mud
Him, to
Prostitute
Quickly go
Run, to
He has gone somewhere, or to
some place unknown
Sleep, sleep, gone to
Sleeping, He is
See, to
Seen (it), I have
Spring, or well, or water hole
Thief
Wait (imperi
Swim, to
Yes
Drink
Drink water
n/> 4
Jdgog
Chaikjao
J at held
Dubdrgo
Pamela
Wo Jaogdd
Jabelo
6
Jabelo ghabrdro
Jugjao
Nipharo, challagdao
Khimti
Biroko
Dhdnchini
Chdlagjdo
Nipharnd 6
Rdrdes gdogiro
Turrakgo
Turrak rdhro
Tigro
Maine tigro
in the sand of a river bed Dhodn
Khainch
Chaitjo
Tubdrgo
Hambd
Kurchlo
Nimani kurchlo
Smoke tobacco (i.e. drink or Romdk kurchlo
inhale)
Smoking or drinking, he is
Know, I
Kurch rdhro
Jdndo
i
8
4
6
6
Hind. Bddul = clouds.
Hind, dndhi == dust-storm.
Hindi, tdra = stars.
A simple adaptation of Hind, jdgn
Hind, ghdbrd giya = confused.
See '« dawn " and '* move on."
to wake
Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Bolt. 285
[N.S.]
Call out, in reference to a
hank or ' ' beat ' ' when f j^Mro
hunting and driving a
jungle for game
Oh mother! expressive of sur-
prise or disgust, an appeal
to their Deity Diya !
who is also called Marani or Maharani
If we accept the conclusion that the Gypsies scattered
throughout Europe are all of Indian origin and descended from
one original parent stock, and there appears to be a certain
unanimity of opinion on this point, 1 it is not remarkable that
there should be an incidence of resemblances and even actual
identity between Romanes and the argots of Kanjars and
allied tribes of a Gypsy character.
This vagrant race of people, or shall we say certain
vagrant races of people, we call Gypsy in England,-a cor-
ruption of Egyptian, originating in the vulgar error that Egypt
was their native place, and tbev are variously called Tinkler
(Tinker) or Caird in Scotland, Gitana in Spain, Zigeuner in
Germany, Zingari in Italy, Kanjar in India and so on A
comparative survey of the manners customs, habits and occu-
pations of the Kanjar with the English Gypsies,-the Zigeuner
with the Zingari or the Gitana with the Bohemien, as they
are called in France,-a comparison of their nomadic and oc-
casionally predatory, habits all temptingly point to their
Sity In addition we find all these people have a phrase-
ology of their own, call it what we may, back-slang or cant
oMargon or gibberish. An investigation will show that none
of thes g e various argots or codes are without some consistence
fnd XarTcter, whether we study the vo^an^g^ by
Grellman, or Hoyland, or Irvine, or Colone 1 H "o ;
Leland or Smart and Crofton, or even any of the various
cotesand vocabularies of ^^P^^J^^^
large number of reliable collections, and to which reference
^ S^Tw'tve the remarkable linguistic similitude
between &£& or Rommichal and v™™^?^
«* mJ ,v h* elearl v demonstrated from _ a comparison ot any
ndustani
Tee e ™e twoVo S. to Ty Kaujar vocabulary to which
I would drrwattcntio n ,-whcther the analogy .a of any
philological interest I leave it for others to de c,de To me
^^j^ air a *~ — ** *
~ 7Z, r>~^~t ift72 n. 158, for a complete refutation
1 See Bengal Census Report, 1S/^, p. 100, «« ^
of fchis theory.
286 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
are yet common to the argot of the Kunchbandya Kanjars
and to Romnichal or Romanes of English and European
Gypsies, common only to these two argots, and as far as
I have been able to discover, to no other. The word for Dog
in European Romanes is Jookal. Dr. Paspati gives it as
djukel, Smart and Crofton in their elaborate and carefully
prepared vocabulary give it as Jookel. Grellman includes
Dog in his comparative view of "Gypsy & Hindustani"
and gives the Gypsy for dog as Jukel, but— and I would
emphasize the significance of the omission— gives no Hindu-
stani equivalent. Colonel John Staples Harriot in his ex-
haustive "Comparative Vocabulary of the Gypsy Dialect
" with a variety of Asiatic Synonymes deduced chiefly from
"the Hindi or Language of Hindustan" gives the gypsy
word for Dog as Jukal, Juklo. Lt. Irvine gives the gypsy
for Dog as Jookil. Now compare the word in my collection
used by the Kunchbandya Kanjar for a Dog —they call it Jhukal
or J hookul. I have made a close search in the fairly numerous
codes and vocabularies of Indian Gypsies, to be found in the
authorities I have already quoted, but do not find this equiva-
lent repeated. Mitra's Bedeya vocabulary gives dog = nelya,
while the nearest approach to a similar word is in Sleeman's
Kamaseeana or Vocabulary of the Thugs " which gives Dog =
Jokkur. further interest attaches to this word from the fact
that the dog is a totem common to the Kanjar and allied
Indian tribes.
Another word to be noticed is Mail-z Horse in Kunch-
bandya, while in Gypsy, according to Smart and Crofton,
we have meila = im Ass ; Hoyland moila, Harriot maila-an ass
or donkey. Irvine myla; Borrow mailla; again Sleeman's
Kamaseeana gives mawil a horse. This with Jokkur a dog
in the language of the Thugs is suggestive, and may indicate
the existence in days gone by of relations closer than mere
cant between the Thugs and Kanjars. It is easy to see
jli^l mi ? ht , be P^nounced as mawil, and in the case of
Jokkur the interchange of the last letter r for I is a common
variation.
Loobhar in the Kunchbandiya Kanjar vocabulary is a
woman, while Smart and Crofton in their vocabulary of
Komanes give Loobni a harlot or lubni , luvni. Plural Loobniao.
Faspati gives lubni ; Colonel Harriot ludm. Irvine Loovani =
a wench.
Amongst
Tndi* - ^ 6 7 eld J? his arfcicle on " The Kanjars
thPmil T ta ? €VieW > LXX VH, p. 368, says: -Among-.
, kZ I 68 y r ! aVe a secret ^nguage which no one but
been abl ?* *5 ^ From the «P~imen8 which I have
a ™t?~ V°l eCt (and these were acquired for me by
chieflv bZT G g ^ atest difficul *y), this seems to be
chiefly based upon Hindi with certain inflections which
Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 287
[N.S.]
perhaps have been derived from some old Prakritee dialect
obsolete. Some of the words, however, seem to have
now
no connection whatever with any of the tongues now written
or spoken in India." in
Mr. Nesfield's vocabulary consists of eighteen words, all
of which are confirmed in the collection I have made
with one exception, and that is the word ' Wife ' the Kamar
for which Mr. Nesfield gives as gihdri. Now I have particularly
referred to the sub-section of Kanjars who call themselves
Gehdrds. The feminine for Gehdrd is of course Gehdri, and the
wife of a Gehdrd or for that matter any woman of the
tribe would be called Gehdri— just as we have the feminine
for Jat as Jatni Rajput, Rajputni, or Ghokrd a boy, chokri a
girl, and so on. Gihdri therefore is only • ' the wife of a Gehara,
and is not the common word for "wife." I venture to
emphasize this point as it is largely from the Gehdrd Kanjars
that I have collected the above vocabulary. Gehara was
apparently until 8 or 10 years ago used exclusively as an
intertribal appellation ; to every one else the tribes round
Muttra, Agra Karnal
It is in endeav-
ouring to throw oft the social stigma which attaches to the
name Kan jar. and at the same time with the object of escaping
the rigors of the Criminal Tribes Act, that these several
families first openly declared themselves to be , Gehdrds and not
mere Kanjars I have not come across Gehara ^ as either
a tribal or sept name in any census report or other Ethno-
graphical analysis of Indian tribes or castes, and this makes
Nesfield's application of the word Gihari as Kanjar for a
wife " all the more interesting. Mr. Nesfield s article was
written previous to 1883, and the conclusion is that Gehard is a
secret tribal name, which it has only recently been found con-
venient to divulge.
24. The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants*
By Rakhal Das Banerji, M.A.
In July last Mr. F. E. Pargiter, late of the Indian Civil
Service, published three copperplate grants found in East
Bengal in the "Indian Antiquary." The earliest of these
plates was discovered twenty years ago and the discovery
announced in 1892. Dr. Hoernle promised an edition of this
copperplate eighteen years ago. 1 It appears from Mr.
Pargiter' s article that the plates, now three in number, were
sent to the late Prof. Kielhorn in March 1905, but his sudden
removal from this world prevented him from dealing with
them. This indeed was unfortunate, as Dr. Kielhorn 's unerring
judgment would have saved all controversy on the subject.
Mr. Pargiter has published these plates at the request of Dr.
Hoernle from whom he obtained them in October 1908. In the
second paragraph of his article Mr. Pargiter refers to a fourtli
plate, which was brought to Dr. Hoernle's notice by the late
Dr. T. Bloch, then Superintendent of the Archaeological Survey,
Eastern Circle. Mr. Pargiter had a photograph of the fourtli
plate before him when he edited the three other plates I had
the honour of editing this fourth plate in the Journal of the
Society, and as the publication of the three other plates
throws further light on the history of this period, I am forced
to make some remarks on the conjoint evidence of these four
copperplate grants. The fourth plate belongs to Mr. H. E.
Stapleton, B.A., B.Sc, of the Indian Educational Service.
Further particulars about the provenance of this plate have
already been recorded by the owner in a prefatory note to my
article. The Bengalee gentleman referred to by Dr. Bloch in
his letter to Dr. Hoernle is Prof. Nilmani Chakravartti of the
Presidency College, to whom the plate was submitted for
decipherment. I am rather surprised to learn that these three
copperplates were purchased by Dr. Hoernle on behalf of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, as there is no record in the Society
to show that they belong to it. So also in the case of the Grant
of Vidyadhara Bhanja, Dr. Kielhorn' s statement about the
ownership of these plates was a revelation to us.
The following conclusions are derived from a comparative
study of these four copperplate grants : —
(1) From an examination of the characters of these
inscriptions it appears that they were written in mixed alpha-
1 Ind. Ant., vol. xxi. p. 29,
290 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911 .
bets. While editing Mr. Stapleton's plate, I have tried to
discuss the peculiarities of the characters to their fullest extent,
but the publication of Mr. Pargiter's article necessitates a
recapitulation of the whole argument. It appears to me, that
on the basis of Palaeography, these four copperplates may
safely be announced to be forgeries. The date of the forging
of these grants cannot be exactly determined, but it is certain
that they are not modern forgeries, but on the other hand, at
least as ancient as the 11th or 12th century A.D.
(2) These copperplates show a novel method of granting
land and conveying the same. In the grants published by
Mr. Pargiter, this method, though different from those
employed in all other grants, differs slightly at the same time
from that employed in the fourth or Mr. Staple ton's grant.
(3) The seals on the three copperplate grants are at least a
couple of centuries older than the characters employed in the
inscriptions. The seals, it should be mentioned, are not of the
princes mentioned therein, but belong to certain District
officials. In this case too we find a remarkable departure from
the usage to be found in the majority of copperplate grants.
(4) The language of the three older copperplate inscrip-
tions is not so vague as that of Mr. Stapleton's grant.
(5) The dates to be found on these copperplates cannot
be referred to any particular era known at present. In my
article on Mr. Stapleton's grant, I have said that the date in
it probably referred to the Harsa Samvat, but a careful perusal
of Mr. Pargiter's article and a thorough examination of the
three inscriptions published by him have convinced me that
these dates are either regnal years, or as vague and indefinite
as the inscriptions themselves.
(6) Finally, we have some material at least for the history
of Bengal during the dark period which ensued upon the
fall of the empire of Harsa- Vardh ana till the rise of the Palas
of Bengal. This material, though not so definite, casts some
side lights upon the internal condition of the country in that
period.
I shall now take the conclusions stated above in proper
order.
I. The Characters
First of all, I shall take the inscriptions edited by Mr.
Pargiter in the order in which he has taken them.
(1) The Grant of Dharmmaditya : the year 3.
A very marked difference is noticeable in the use of the
We
Eastern
be found in the Allahabad Inscription of ftamudragupta, 1 the
Kahaum Ins cription of Skandagupta* and the Dhanaidaha
1 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 6. * Ibid., p. 67.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 291
[N.S.]
Grant of Kumaragupta I. 1 In all we have eight instances
of the use of this form of Ha in this plate :
Brhaccatta in line 4. Avadhriam-astiha in line 10.
Icchdmyaham ,, „ 7. Hastena ,, „ 15.
Brahmanasya ,, ,, 8. Paratranugraha n M 18.
Grhztva ,, ,, 8. Himasena ,, ,, 23.
In all other eases we find that the Ha of the Western variety
of the Gupta alphabet in use with its 6th century addition
of an acute angle. We have in all eight cases of its use :
Mahdrajadhirdja in line 2. Mdtdpitroranugraha in line 1 9.
Maharaja ,, „ 2. Haret M f| 24.
Mahattara „ ,, 4. Himasena ls ,, 25.
Tadar hatha „ ,, 8. /SaAa ,, ,. 25.
In a previous paper I have already noticed that the early
Gupta forms were gradually dying out of the Eastern alphabet
about the middle of the 5th century A.D., so it is not likely
that they should occur with such persistence in 7th or 8th
century inscriptions*" 2
This discrepancy is still more remarkable, as the scribe
has used the different forms in writing the same word ; for
example, compare the word Himasena in line 23 and line
25 and the word Anugraha in lines 18 and 19. It should be
noticed in this connection that the form of Ha of the Eastern
variety to be found in this inscription is somewhat different
from that to be found in the three inscriptions cited above. In
fact, it is difficult to make out whether the letter is a Ra of the
Ha
ol tne oth century, oo aiso in the case
of the letter La, we find that in some instances the hooked
form, which is to be found in the Eastern variety of the early
Gupta alphabet, has been used, but in the majority of cases
the form of the Western vari
the earlier form in six cases :
Labdha in line 2. Labhqh in line 13.
Kdlasakha ,, lines 5-6. Samkalpdbhih ,, ,, 14.
Durllabha % , line 6- Silakunda$ca ,, ,, 24.
find
,, **** v v . ~-„.~ wvvw ., V w 3f 9 ,
but the form of Western variety is found in all other cases :
Kulacandra in line 4. Dhruvildtydm in line 16.
Aluka f9 ,, 5. Kulya i9 ,, 16.
Kulasvami ,, ,, 6. Kala ,, ,, 18.
Mulyam ,, ,, 8. Salanga ,, ,, 19.
Pustapdla ,, ,, 9. Uparilikhita ,, tJ 20.
Kulya ,, ,, 11. Anupalancha ,, M 21.
1 Ibid., vol. v, p. 459.
* Ibid. j p. 460; c/. also Bloch in Arch. Survey Report, 1903-4, p. 102.
292 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
Kalana in line 12. Pratipdlamyam in line 22.
Abhilasa ,, ., 14. Lihgani „ „ 23.
Nale?ia ,, „ 16.
We also find two forms of the superscript form of long I.
We have two cases of the older forms: — Sfri Dharmmaditya
in line 2 and Pratipalaniyam in lines 22-23 : as well as two
Upakriya in line 8 and Sima
cases
in line 23. We have also two fori _. _ r
One is the earlier form resembling the Greek letter 6 which
is to be found in the word Apratiratha and the word Abhyar-
thana in line 9, and the acute-angled 6th century form of the
letter to be found in Tatha in line 11 and line 14.
The lingual $a throughout is of the looped form, which is
one of the characteristics of the Eastern variety of the early
Gupta alphabet. The form of Ma is peculiar ; it has the form
which is to be found in the Bharadi Dili Inscription of
Kumaragupta I. 1
(2) The Grant of Dharmmaditya, no date.
The collotype plate published by Mr. Pargiter is very
indistinct and its palseographical peculiarities cannot be
determined with certainty. So far as I have been able to
examine them they vary much less than in the plate mentioned
above. The following peculiarities are noticeable : the form of
Ha is throughout that of the Western variety of the Gupta
alphabet, the acute angle being absent. We have two varie-
ties in the case of La. In one case the Eastern form of the
early Gupta alphabet occurs, e.g., Mandala in line 4, but in all
other cases the 6th century form with the usual acute angle
has been used. There are altogether seven clear instances of
its use, and what is still more remarkable in one case where
the letter has been used as a superscript the Nagari form has
been used, e.g., Slokani in line 24. In this case the form used
is clearly the Nagari form, or more accurately, the Eastern
variety form of the 9th century A.D. The East is very
conservative, and even so late as the time of Devapaladeva of
Bengal the form used resembles the Gupta form rather than
the Nagari. In the Ghosrawa Inscription of Devapaladeva the
form used is that of the early Gupta alphabet without any
acute angles. 2 The earliest certain date of the use of this
form of Lain the East seems to be the Diahwa Dubauli Plate
of Maharaja Mahendrapaladeva of
A.D.3
898
Instances of the use of the 6th century form of La :
1 Ibid., p. 458, pi. xix.
* Ind. Ant., vol. xvii., p. 309. Biihler, Indische Paleographie,
Tafel v, col. v, 37.
3 Ind. Ant., vol. xv, p. 112.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 293
[N.S.]
Labdha in line 3. DharmmaHla in line 19.
Kale ,, ,, 4. Nalena „ „ 19.
Kulya ,, ,, 14. Lihgani „ ,, 20.
Akhila ,. ,, 15.
>> »>
We
Mandala
The form
in Mandaia is the usual form to be found in inscriptions
from the 4th century A.D. to the 8th century. There are
several other cases of the occurrence of this compound, but
the form everywhere is the same except in line 5. The form of
long 1 is peculiar in Mahapratihdra in lines 3-4. The form of
Ma is the one usually found in Gupta inscriptions. The
lingual 3a throughout has the looped form in all cases of its
occurrence.
(3) The Grant of Gopacandra: the year 19.
The facsimile of the third plate also has not been well repro-
duced. I believe if the second and third plates had been repro-
duced by photogravure or photo-etching the result would have
been far better. Experience has gradually shown that the
reproduction of shallow inscriptions from inked impressions is
a mistake. The plates published with my article on Mr.
Stapleton's grant are reproduced from photographs of the
original plates. The obverse side of the third grant is badly
corroded as has been stated by Mr. Pargiter, and consequently
the reproduction is -hardly of any use for pal geographical
purposes. I have had to depend on the reverse for the palaeo-
graphical examination of this grant. So far as is legible of
the obverse of this grant has also been used in the following
examination. On the obverse the 6th century form of Ha
has been generally used, but on the reverse the Eastern
variety of the Gupta alphabet is to be seen in all cases. On the
obverse only one specimen of this letter is distinct: Maha-
pratihdra in line 3, while on the reverse we have four instances
of the use of the early Gupta form :
Hastastaka in line 19. Hareta in line 24.
Dhruv'ilatydgrahdra ,, ,, 24. Saha „ ,, 25.
In the majority of cases the form of La used is that of the
6th century variety. In two cases only the older form has
been used: Vatsapdla in line 5 and Lingani in line 21, but
even then with some modification, so that the difference is not
noticeable. We have in all nine clear cases of the use of the
6th centurv forms :
Mulyam in line 14. Nalena in line 19.
Pustapala ,, ,, 17. Vatsapala ,, „ 19.
Kulavdran „ „ 18. Kulya _ „ „ 19.
Prakalpya „ „ 18. Dhruvilatyagrahara „ „ 22.
Dharmma&ila ,, ,, 19.
294 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
There is an important departure in this plate compared with
the preceding two. This is the use of the bipartite form of Ya
side by side with the usual 6th century open-hooked tripartite
form. Dr. Hoernle has made exhaustive enquiries into the
limit of the tripartite form of Ya, but as Dr. Kielhorn has
shown in several places, the exact limit cannot be fixed with
certainty, but the anomaly of the use of the bipartite with
the tripartite is evident even to the uninitiated. We have four
clear cases of the use of each in this grant :
Bipartite Form. Tripartite Form.
V ihhriyamdnakdni ] in line 17. NavyavakaHkayam in line 3.
Nayabhuti ,, ,, 17. Viniyukta ,, ,, 5.
Yo ,, „ 24. Nayasena „ ,, 5.
Visthdyam ,, ,,25. Avadharariaya in lines 17-18.
The form of lingual 8a used in this plate is the usual one
of the Eastern variety of the early Gupta alphabet, but the
loop is more pronounced in this plate than in the preceding
couple. The form of Ma also is not the same as in the preced-
ing ones. It is indeed the usual form of the 6th century
alphabet of the East.
(4) The Grant of Samacaradeva : the year 14.
I have already exhaustively treated the peculiarities of the
characters of this plate in my previous article. What remains
for me is to compare the characters of this grant with those
of the other three dealt with above. The perusal of Mr.
Pargiter's able article on the three grants from Faridpur has
obliged me to modify portions of my reading of Mr. Stapleton's
plate ; consequently some new statements on the palaeography
of this grant will be necessary. It is already evident from the
above examination that the test letters of this period are
Ha and La. The test letters of the earlier period — the palatal,
lingual and dental sibilants — are no longer of much value ; in fact
the palatal 8a remains practically unchanged in form from the
1st century A.D. to the 8th. In the Eastern variety of the
characters of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. the form of the
lingual #a is indeed a test to prove the Eastern or Western
origin of the alphabet ; but it is on the two letters mentioned,
La and Ha 9 that we have to depend for a critical determination
of the nature and characteristics of the alphabet. Similarly
we have another test letter in Ya, which at this time changes
from the tripartite form to the bipartite form when it occurs
singly. In a former paper I have had to deal exhaustively
1 This should be read Vikkrlyamanakani instead of Vikkrlyamanani
as Mr. Pargiter proposes to read. The plate shows a syllable between na
and nt, but this appears to be ta and is probably due to a flaw in the
impression. I propose to restore it in the form stated above. We
have an extra ka in the same word in plate i, line 11. Ind. Ant, 1910,
p. 195. * * '
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Far id par Grants. 295
[N.8.]
with the transformation of this letter when used as a sub-
script. 1 Dr. Hoernle's labours on the later transformation
of this letter hardly leaves any room for further work with the
data at present in hand. The presence of the acufce angle is
also another important feature in the determination of the
characteristics of the alphabet. On this point Dr Biihler
says :
"About the beginning of the 6th century we find in the
Northern Inscriptions both of Eastern and Western India
(Plate IV, Cols. X-XII) distinct beginnings of a new develop-
ment which first leads to the forms of the Gay a Inscription
of A.D. 588-89 (Plate IV, Cols. XV, XVI), Their chief
characteristic is that the letters slope from the right to the
left, and show acute angles at the lower or at the right ends,
as well as that the tops of the vertical or slanting lines invari-
ably bear small wedges, and their ends either show the same
ornaments or protuberances on the right. These peculiarities
are observable in a large number of inscriptions of the next
four centuries, and it seems to me advisable to class the
characters of the whole group as those of the acute-angled
alphabet."* So the presence of the acute angle though a
determining factor is at the same time not a very clear indica-
tive of the age of an inscription : but in the earlier period of
the acute-angled alphabet, i.e., when the transformation of
right- anded letters into acute- angled ones take place, the
acute angle has justly been regarded as a determinant of the
date of an inscription. In the following centuries the acute
angle ceases to be of any value in the determination of the
date of an inscription. In the Eastern variety of the Northern
alphabet the latest use of the right-angled characters seem to be
in the Muncle.4vari Inscription of Udayasena. 8
The acute angle is more or less present in the characters
of the first grant : thus we have it very distinctly in $a 9 Sa
Ya, Gha, Dha, Ha (of the 6th century form) and Ma. It is
conspicuous by its absence in the case of certain letters such
as Ja, Pa, and Va. In the second grant we have acute
angles in Ya f Sa, Sa and Gha. It is absent in La, Pa and
some other letters. In the third grant the acute angle is
present in Ya, both bipartite and tripartite, Ha, Sa, Sa and Ma.
It is absent in La, Va, Pa, Dha, etc. In the fourth grant the
acute angle is present in Sa, Pa, Ya, Dha and Ma. It is
absent in $a, Ha Ja, etc. Thus we find that in these grants
the acute angle is present in certain letters and absent in
others. This alone would point out the date of these inscrip-
tions and place them in the last half of the 6th century or first
1 i r, , .
1 Ind Ant.. 1908, pp. 34 39.
2 Btihler'8 Indische Palceographie (Eng. Ed.), p 49.
Epi. Ind., vol. he, p. 281.
i
*t
296 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
half of the 7th. The next point is the form of the letter Ya
when it occurs alone, as the subscript form does not vary in
inscriptions of this period. We find that the first two grants
invariably use the tripartite form of Ya : it is only in the third
grant that we find both forms of Ya used together. In the
fourth grant, on the other hand, the bipartite form of Ya has
been used throughout the inscription. Finally we come to the
test letters Ha and La. I have already shown in the examina-
tion of the characters of the different plates the several
different instances of the use of the different forms of these
two letters. Thus we find in the first grant in eight cases the
Eastern variety of early Gupta form has been used, while in
the remaining eight cases the early 6th century form is to
be found. In the case of La, we find the earlier form in six
cases and the later form in 17 cases. But in inscriptions in
which the presence of the acute angle is general one hardly
expects to find such early forms of a character used side by
side with the later forms. Unfortunately in the ca^e of the
second plate the facsimile does not allow us to be definite in
our statements, but as much of it as is legible shows the same
mixture of earlier and later forms. The reproduction of the
third plate is somewhat better, though the obverse is more or
less blurred by corrosion. Here also we find the same mixture
of early and later forms of Ha and La; but in this plate the
earlier form of La approaches more to the 6th century form
than in the two preceding plates. In the case of the fourth
plate I have all the advantages of having the original before
me just now. Here also we find the same mixture of the
different varieties of Ha and La. I do not want to recapitu-
late the details of my former examination, but it is gratifying
to see that I was correct in my estimate of the characters of
this plate. The correctness of my result is supported by the
foregoing examination of the characters of the three other
plates. The palaeographical evidence of the four plates taken
jointly prove that the grants are spurious. The alphabet in
which they are written has been compiled from that of three
different centuries, viz. 4th, 5th and 6th centuries AD. I shall
have to refer to the numerals used in these plates in a later
of my essay, and the determination of the date of these
grants is a matter of considerable difficulty and ought to be
treated separately.
The foregoing palaeographical examination will be incom-
plete if the characters of these four plates are not compared
with those found in some records which have been incised in
characters of a similar nature. The most important inscrip-
tion in Nepal for this period is the Changun'lrayan Pillar
Inscription of Mlnaieva. I mean that this is important
for the palaeography of the four plates which form the subject
of this paper. This inscription was brought to public notice by
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the F arid pur Grants. 297
[N.S.]
the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. 1 The inscription is dated in
the year 386 of a certain era, which has not been specified in it.
Scholars differ very widely about the era in which this inscrip-
tion is dated. Dr. Indraji referred the inscription to the
Vikrama era, which is manifestly impossible. Later on Dr.
Fleet in his Classic Work on " Gupta Inscriptions" * referred
the date to the Gupta era. This also is hardly possible, as in
that case the date of the inscription would be equivalent to
705 A.D. It is evident even at a glance that the charac-
ters of the inscription are centuries older than those used in
the 7th or 8th century A.D. M. S. Levi, who has reopened
the subject in his admirable work on Nepal, has proved defi-
nitely from accurate astronomical calculations that the year
386 is equivalent to 496-97 A.D. S M. Levi's calculation is
amply supported by the palaeography pf the inscription.
He has not examined the characters at length, but he has
referred the reader to his remarks on another epigraph
inscribed with similar characters, viz. that on the Pillar
of Harigaon: 4 but the inscription of Changunarayan — the
date of which has been accurately fixed — is too important to
be omitted. In this document we find that the La and Ha
throughout are of the form which is to be found in the Eastern
variety of the early Gupta alphabet (i.e. the Northern alpha-
bet of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D.). We find all other
characteristics, which, according to Bfihler, characterize this
variety. Thus w r e have the looped form of the lingual Sa and
the medial 1 which " consists of two horns." There is not a
single instance in which the 6th century or the Western variety
form of Ha, La and §a have been used in this inscription.
Biihler has already noticed the presence of the acute angle in Pa,
Sa and Sa. b So the characters of the inscription belong to the
4th and 5th centuries A.D., and it can never be accurately re-
ferred to the 8th century. This, I believe, is a strong support
of M. Leva's astronomical calculation. The second inscription
in early Gupta characters edited by M. Levi is the Harigaon
Pillar Inscription. Unfortunately this inscription is not dated,
but here also we find that in all cases Ha, La and Sa have
the form which we find in the Eastern variety of the early
Gupta alphabet. I must make certain r> ervations about the
characters of this inscription. The facsimile is so very
indistinct that I must admit my examination is not definite.
The original is very large in size, and its reproduction on an
1 Ind. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 163 166.
* Fleet's G'tpta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 95.
8 Annates du Musee duimet, tome xix ; le Ntpal, par Sylvain
Levi, vol. iii, pp. 8 9.
* Ibid., pp. 36-41: Journal Asiatique X"^ s6rie, tome iv, pp. 207-
212.
* Biihler's Indian Paleography (Eng. Edn.), p. 47.
298 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
octavo size plate is almost illegible. The reproduction both
in the Journal Asiatique and in the Annales of the Musee
Guimet should have been on a more liberal scale. The
Na
M
6th century A.D. 1 On the other hand, I beg to differ from his
conclusion. The inscription certainly belongs to the 5th cen-
tury A.D. and cannot be referred to any later date. In this
connection, I may be allowed to state that M. Levi's theory
about an era of the Licchavis, the initial year of which falls in
110 A.D., does not in any way interfere with my statements
about the peculiarities of the epigraphic alphabet of the
6th century A.D. 2 Thus if the date of Bendall's Golmad-
hitol Inscription be 516 instead of 316, and if, at the same
time, the date is referred to the era of the Licchavis 8 and not
to Gupta era, the actual difference in the date is very slight
and does not interfere with my arguments. Referred to the
Gupta era the date is 318 + 319 = 637 A.D., if referred to the
era of Licchavis*— 518 + 110 = 628. Thus, if both conditions
are observed rigidly, the actual difference in the date is ten
years only. I believe M. Levi is quite right in reading the
numeral for oOO and referring the date to the era of the Liccha-
vis. Thus we find that in the 6th and the 7th century the Ha,
La and Sa have the usual form of the characters : cf . the steles
of Hangaon dated Harsa samvat 30 and 32, i.e. 636 and
638 A.D. The older inscriptions dated in the Harsa era have
been already mentioned by me in a previous paper quoted
above and they fully bear out the conclusions arrived at.
(II) The Method of Granting Land.
We find a novel method of granting land to a Brahmana
in these four copperplate grants. The usual method, which 'is
to be found in the majority of the copperplate grants in
JNorthem India, is that a King grants the land to a Brahmana
and has the document inscribed on a plate or a number of
plates of copper in order to ensure its permanency. In my
paper on Mr. Stapleton's, grant I have already stated the usual
characteristics of a copperplate grant. They are :—
"(1) The first portion may be either in prose or verse and
generally gives the genealogy of the King or an eulogium on
mm. In shorter grants this portion is written in prose and
gives the titles of the King." There are two grants in which
a Fnnce of subordinate rank grants a piece of land.
i Annates du Mueee Guimet, torn
•2 Epi. Ind., vol. ix, pp. 285-286.
I *™ al ™ du Musee (Juimet, torn.
+ Ibid., pp. 50-51.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 299
[N.S.]
(i) The Ganjam Grant of Sainyabhita-Madhavaraja of the
Gupta year 300. In this inscription Madhavaraja acknowledges
himself to be a vassal of SaSarika, whom the use of the Gupta
era shows to be the same man as the adversary of Harsa-Vard-
liana. In this inscription we have simply the mention of
Sasanka as a suzerain. The earlier verses give the complete
genealogy of the race of the grant or from Sailodbhava to
Madhavaraja. 1
(ii) The Patiakella Grant of S'ivaraja. This is a very short
inscription, and in this we have simply the mention of the
suzerainty of S'ivaraja 2 ; but we find a startlingly different
method in these four grants, and in order to get at the method
employed in each of these plates we shall have to analyse
them separately.
(a) Grant of the time of Dharmmaditya, the year 3. — From
this grant we learn that in the third year of the Emperor
Dharmmaditya a subordinate King named Sthanudatta reigned
in the Vdraka-Mandala. The connection of the Visayapaii
Jajuva with the rest of the sentence is not certain ; and Mr.
Pargiter's translation is still more indefinite. We feel surer
ground when we come to the announcement that a certain
Vatabhoga announces to the principal men of the district,
whose names are enumerated at length, that he wishes to buy
a parcel of land from them and to give it to a Brahmana ; the
headmen agree and lay down certain conditions. Vatabhoga
having agreed to these conditions purchased the land and bes-
towed it on a Brahmana named Candrasvamin.
(b) The undated Grant of the time of Dharmmaditya. — In
this inscription we have some still more startling conditions.
In the empire of Dharmmaditya a certain officer {Mahapratl-
hara-Uparika) named Nagadeva was placed in charge of Navya-
vakdiika. This name is also to be found in Mr. Stapleton's
grant and is probably the name of the Bhukti in which the
Varakamandala was situated. Nagadeva appointed Gopala-
svamin as an officer in the Varakamandala. Vasudevasvamin
approached the officers, the Elder Scribe {Jyestha Kayasiha)
Nayasena, and the leading men of the district, with a view to
certain land. As before in the case of No. 1, the land was
sold and granted to a Brahmana named Somasvamin.
(c) The Grant of the time of Gopacandra, the year 19. — From
this grant we learn that in the 19th year of the Emperor
Gopacandra, Nagadeva was in charge of NavyavakaUka. He
seems to have gained some additional titles, but the decay of
the inscription prevents us from quoting them at length. I
would, however, restore the word beginning with Ku as
Knmara-padiy-ii matya-U par ilea ; but a new officer has been ap-
pointed to the Varakamandala and his name is Vatsapalasva-
I Epi. hid., vol. vi, p. I VS. * EpL Ind., vol. ix, p. 286.
300 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 191 1.
min. The decay of the inscription makes it impossible to state
who approached the Elder Scribe and the leading men for the
purchase of a parcel of land, but so far is certain, that the land
is afterwards granted to a Brahmana named Bhatta Gomidat-
tasvamin. The statement in lines 19-20 seems to indicate that
Vatsapalasvamin himself was the purchaser and grantor of the
land.
(d) The Grant of Samacaradeva, the year 14. — From this
inscription we learn that in the 14th year of an Emperor
named Samacaradeva a certain Jivadatta was in charge of
Navyavakasika and a second officer named Pavittruka held
the maridala of Varaka under him. A certain Supratikasvamin
informs the officers and the leading men that he wishes to dedi-
cate a piece of land for the performance of Vedic rites and
sacrifices. The exact wording of the plate is very doubtful,
but so far is certain, that in this plate there is no mention of
the land being conveyed to a Brahmana. In the preceding
plate mention is made of a Pustapala or Record-Keeper, who
measures land or parcels it out ; thus we have Vinayasena in
the first grant, Janmabhuti in the second, and Nayabhuti in the
third grant. But in the fourth grant we have the mention of
some officials Karanika, of whom only two are named, Naya-
naga and KeSava There is no mention of the determination
of land or the measurement as in the three preceding plates.
We have a new word in this plate which occurs also in the
third plate and which I took to be Kulacaran. 1
To sum up, we find that in the first two plates a private
person approaches the officers and the elders of a district and
with their consent purchases a piece of land. It is not men-
tioned whether the purchase is made from private persons or
from the royal or public domain land. The officers agree to
the purchase and the area is determined by a Record-Keeper.
Immediately after the purchase the land is granted to a Brah-
mana. In the third plate the purchaser of the land is himself
an official, all other conditions of the purchase being identical.
In the fourth plate we find that a private person approaches
the officials and elders of a district for a piece of land, which
is to be set aside for the performance of Vedic rites. It should
be noted in this connection that the word sale has not been
used at all in this inscription, and it may be that Supratikas-
vamin approached the officials and the elders of the district
for a parcel of land for his own use. I have already noted this
fact in my article on this plate. In this respect the fourth
plate differs very greatly from the preceding ones, and it seems
probable that the forger of this grant was not so capable a
man as those of the preceding ones. Thus we have a new
order of copperplate inscriptions, viz. records of the sale of a
1 Ind. Ant., vol. xxxix, p. 205, Note 40.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Oram*. 301
[N.S.\
land to a private person by officials and elders and the granting
of the same by a private person to a Brahmana. This remark
applies with equal force to the first three plates ; the uncer-
tainty of the meaning of the fourth inscription making its ea »
doubtful. In the long list of Northern Indian Copper Plate
Inscriptions we do not find a single instance of the sale of land
to private persons either by or through state officials or of a
grant of land made to a Brahmana by a private person ;
neither do we find an instance of a grant of land being made
by officials with the consent of the leading men of a dis-
trict.
(Ill) The Seals of the Copper Plates,
Only the first three copperplates have a seal attached to
each of them.
rked
has lost its seal, though traces of its attachment are still clear.
alecl
It is cir-
cular in shape and is divided into two unequal portions by two
parallel horizontal lines. The upper part -which is the larger
bears the emblems and the lower one the legend. A double
scroll-ornament is attached to each side of these seals. The
seal of the second plate has lost portions of this ornament.
On the seals of the first two plates the emblem consists of a
standing female figure in the middle with a tree on ea^h side;
two elephants are pouring water over her head. Mr. Pargiter
supposes that in the first plate he can discern a kneeling at-
tendant figure and in the second a standing attendant. The
emblems agree remarkably well with those to be found on the
clay sealings of the early Gupta imperial officers discovered by
the late Dr. Bloch at Basarh in the Mozufferpur district of
Bengal. Here we find that in the majority of official seals a
standing female figure occurs in the upper part. Thus :
( 1 ) Yu varaja-pMlya-Kumaramatyadh ikara n a. l
(2) fiK-'T 'umraja'BhaUamka'padiya'Kumaramntyadhikara^
i/xsya! 1
( 3) Tirabhukty- U parik-adh ikara nasya. s
(4) Tirabhuktau- Vinaya-sthitusthapak-Mhikaranasya. 3 *
In his article on Basarh Dr. Bloch refers to the similarity
between the seal of the first grant and some of his clay seal-
ings. 5
It should be noted that the seals affixed to these copper-
plates are not those of the officers who approve the sales, nor
do they belong to the private personages who give away the
1 Annual Report of th< Archccohgica? Survey of India, 1903-04.
p. 107, No. 4, pi. xi, 10.
* Ibid., pi. xi, 1 1. 3 Ibid., p. 109, pi. xi, 8.
♦ Ibid., pi. xi, 13. 6 ibid., p. 106.
302 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
land to Brahmanas, but on the other hand, they are seals
of the officer in charge of the Varaka mandala. This fact also
is exceptional in character, as no other Northern Indian copper-
plate bears the seal of an official. The only exception to this
is the Tippera copperplate referred to by Dr. Bloch. 1 This
copperplate was sent to the Asiatic Society of Bengal or the
Indian Museum. This plate is written in characters of the 9th
or 10th century A.D., but the seal attached to it is several
centuries older, as it is written in the alphabet of the early
Gupta Kings. The legend runs as follows :
Kumaramatyadhikaran asya.
This shows that several centuries after the downfall of the
early Gupta empire, descendants of their officials in different
parts of the country continued to hold sway over the terri-
tories held by their ancestors. Dr. Bloch says— "If the
inscription on the plate is not a mere forgery, which I am un-
able to decide at present, we should find an officer of the rank
of Kumar amatyadhikar na continuing to enjoy a certain amount
of territorial independence in a remote district of the East for
centuries after the period of the early Gupta Kings." Thus
we see that the seal belonged to an official of the Gupta
empire and most probably retained in the possession of his
descendants. It was used to forge these three grants in order
to establish a claim to certain lands, evidently during a period
of confusion and anarchy. Such periods were unfortunately
only too frequent in the history of Eastern India during the
century between the fall of the empire of Harsavard liana and
the rise of the Palas in Bengal.
(IV) The Language of the Grants.
meanin
of certain words, which though found in previous records were
unintelligible. Thus the word Kulya vapa occurs in the
inscription of Laksmanasena. 2 The word Nalena is common in
inscriptions and it occurs in the Dhanaidaha Grant of Kumara-
JTIintfl. T 3 »S Nnlrtbn Qi - .^;i„„l.. <-!»„ : j A !£!-X.»m
Apa
is to be found in line 11 of the same grant. The extremely
bad state of preservation of the Dhanaidaha Grant made it
impossible for me to make out a new word correctly. But I
am sure what I read as Nalaka sada (?) vi..chya is really
Nalakam-apavinchya. A comparison with the plate convinces
me of the certainty of the reading. I may note in this con-
I Ibid., pp. 120-121.
1 Journal Asiat. Snr.
p. 64.
Part 1
$ Above vol. v, p. 461, pi. xx .
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 303
[N.S.I
nection that the word Sddhanika is not a new word as Mr.
Pargiter is apt to think. 1 It occurs in the majority of copper-
plate grants in several forms, such as, Dausadhanika^ Dausad-
hasadhanika, etc. Its meaning is .not yet certain. In the
copperplate grants this name is to be found along with those
of other officers like Uparika, Antaranga. One of the new
names of officials Kulavara, which occurs in the third and
fourth grants, cannot be definitely translated as M referees M or
"arbitrators.*' I read this word as Kidacardn in the fourth
grant, but of course I must admit that I was wrong. About
proper names : Brhac-catta would not bear comparison with
modern Cattopadhyaya. In this connection I may note that
the meaning of the word Cat a seems to be definitely settled at
last. Rai Bahadur Hiralal and Dr. J. P. Vogel are agreed on
this point. In his article on the Sarangarh Plates of Mahasu-
deva Mr. Hiralal quotes some remarks of Dr. Vogel which are
worth reproducing: — "On my first visit to the ancient hill
state of Chamba (Panjab) I learnt that the head of a pargana
there has the title of Char, which is evidently derived from the
Sanskrit Chdta. The Char collects villagers who have to do
work (forced labour) on behalf of the State ; he arranges for
load carriers and supplies in case the Raja or some traveller
visits his district. I have little doubt that the Chnta of the
copperplates is the same as the Char of the Chamba State.
In the Chamba Copperplates published in the Annual Report
of the Archaeological Survey (1902-03) I have therefore ren-
dered the word by "district officer." It was clearly a privi-
lege of importance that the head of the district was not
allowed to interfere with the granted land; in other words, he
was not allowed to collect labourers or to demand supplies etc.
on behalf of the State."— Epi. hid., Vol. IX, p. 284, Note 10.
Similarly Somaghosa (second grant, line 8), Villi taghosa (4th
grant, line 7), etc., cannot be taken as the progenitors of th©
modern Ghosas of Bengal, and Nayasena is not a Kayastha of
the Sena family. As Candragupta the Maurya cannot be taken
to be the progenitor of the Guptas of the Vaidya caste, and
Rsabhadatta (Usabhadatta) the Scythian to be the progenitor
of the Dallas of the Kayastha caste, so Somaghosa and Naya-
sena cannot be said to be the forefathers of the Ghosas and
Senas of Bengal. If we agree to do so, we shall have to
admit that the Brahmana Carudatta was the forefather of the
Vaidya and Kayastha Dattas of Bengal !
Finally I must note that the language of the three grants
edited by Mr. Pargiter is not so vague as that of the fourth
:rant. A comparison with the three other plates has enabled
me to improve the reading of Mr. Stapleton's grant in many
points :
i Ind. Ant., vol. xxxix, p. 194.
304 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
(1) Mr. Pargiter has already noticed the superfluous
uses of the word Ka in these four inscriptions. The presence
of the seals together with the comparison of the three grants
enabled him to read the name Varaka with certainty. In the
absence of the seal I
Kavaraka
This is natural, as the previous word is usually written Anumo-
dita and not Anumoditaka. Similarly in the absence of the
seal in the other plates I believe no one could have read the
In the fourth grant we
Kav
have to read J ivadattas-tadanumoditaka Varakamandale.
(2) In the 11th line we have to read Tadarhatha instead of
Tadarham yatha. This word occurs in the three grants edited
by Mr. Pargiter.
(3) In the 12th line we have to read Yata etadabhyar-
thanamupalabhya instead of Yatadhanadabhyarthanmupalabhya .
The very phrase is to be found in the first grant (line 9) and
the third grant (line 15).
(4) I have already stated that the word read by me as
Kulacaran is to be read Kulavdran.
(5) In the 16th line the reading is to be corrected into
Krtya kseltra kulyavdpattrayam.
(6) In the 22nd line the first word is written Sadatdm in-
stead of Sadattam.
(7) The reading of the date is to be corrected to 14 instead
of 34. Dr. Bloch read the date as 14, but at that time I did
not agree with him. I was of opinion that the forger of the
grant has tried to stick to the 6th century forms both as to
alphabet and numerals, but now I find that he has committed
another mistake in using the 8th century form for 10 in an
inscription which he wanted to be taken as a 6th century one,
or possibly still earlier. I shall have to refer to this numeral
several times in the next paragraph. It should be noted that
the form of dental na in the word Supratikasvaminah is the
8th or 9th century form and not the earlier form. I had omit-
ted this inadvertently in my first article.
(V) The Date of the Grants.
Only three of these four plates are dated, and in these the
date is always expressed in numerals. The clue to the proper
assignation of the dates of these inscriptions is probably to be
found in the forms of numerals used in them. This part of the
question may be taken in two different instalments Firstly,
the forms of the numerals used, and secondly, the assignation
of dates. First of all, in two of these dates out of three we
have the numeral for 10. When I edited Mr. Stapleton's grant
in these pages, I was of opinion that the grant was issued in
the 34th year of Samaearadeva, but as I have already noted
above, the late Dr. Bloch was concurrent in opinion with
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridmir Grants. 305
[N.S.]
Mr. Pargiter and Dr. Hoernle about the interpretation of the
symbol. These three scholars agree in taking this symbol to
stand for 10. I am now convinced that they are correct, but
at the same time it is not possible to assign these three inscrip-
tions to the 6th century A.I), or any date before that. Prom the
majority of Northern Indian inscriptions we can prove that the
symbol for 10 from the dawn of Indian history to the 6th cen-
tury A.D. has been the lateral Ma and no other form is tobe
found among cognate inscriptions. The only exception to this
is a solitary inscription found in Nepal. The date of this
inscription is still doubtful, as it is dated in an era the initial
year of which still remains to be definitely calculated. 1 Dr.
Buhler in his masterly work on Indian Palaeography has
proved absolutely beyond doubt that the symbol for 10 during
the first six centuries of the Christian era is the lateral Ma
with very slight changes. It is only during the latter part of
the 7th century that changes take place in the sign for this
numeral. The sign which is usecl in these three dates is to be
found in Nepalese inscriptions of the 8th century A*D and
not before that. In Northern Indian inscriptions of the first
six centuries A.D. the lateral Ma denotes the numeral 10 and
changes come over the numeral from the 6th to the 8th century
A.D. These transition forms are to be found in the Valabhi
copperplate grants, and they show that the form used in these
inscriptions had gradually been evolved out of the older form ;
so by means of this datum, viz., the date of the inscription from
Nepal in which this form of the symbol is to be found, it can
be safely asserted that this form is a later one. As Dr. Kiel horn
las
as si
numeral on the basis of palaeography only, but it is quite saft
to assert that such and such form is earlier or later. Compara-
tive terms are always used with reference to a particular period
and locality. The gradual evolution of this symbol will be ap-
parent from Dr. Buhler's tables. 3 The only other noticeable
form in the numerals used in these inscriptions is the symbol
for 9 in the Grant of Gopacandra. It is unlike any of the
well-known forms of that numeral to be found in Indian In-
scriptions. In fact, the decipherment of this symbol is one of
Mr. Pargiter 'a greatest successes. It resembles Dr. Buhler's
Col. X to some extent. From the very first I was pretty
doubtful about the reading of this symbol. I had the oppor-
tunity of examining the original, as Dr. Hoernle has since
returned the plates to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and I am
quite convinced of the faultlessness of Dr. Fleet's ink impres-
> Bend all's Journey to Nepal, p. 72, pi. VIII.
* Epi. lnd. y vol. iv, pp S9-3&
Indische Paheographie. Tafel ix, Cols, i— xiii.
306 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
sion. The second part of the question is far more difficult than
the first.
gnation
dates has not arrived as yet. Though these three dates form a
regular series, yet it is by no means certain that they belong to
the same period or to a particular era- On the contrary, I
believe that they are separate regnal years and have no connec-
tion with each other. Thus, Nagadeva, who held the province
of Navyavakasika for Dharmmaditya, seems to have remained
in that charge till the year 19 in the reign of Gopacandra. If
these dates form a continual series the reign of Samacaradeva
must fall between that of Dharmmaditya and Gopacandra.
But we find another governor for Navyavakasika in the year
14, so it is evident that the dates are regnal years. The forger
of these grants I believe had no idea of forming a consecutive
line of Kings. Dr. Hoernle's identification of the Emperor
Dharmmaditya with Yasodharmman is purely tentative and
has no basis. Similarly his identification of Gopacandra with
Prince Govicandra or Gopicandra of Northern Bengal tradition
is also tentative. There is absnlutelv no
gestion save the similarity in names.
ground
(VI) The Importance of the Grants.
Finally the four plates — forged as they are — yield some
valuable material for the construction of the History of Bengal
during the dark period from the death of Harsavardhana to the
rise of the Palas of Bengal. This period has now been short-
ened by the researches of the late Dr. Kielhorn and Mahamaho-
padhaya Haraprasau S'astrf. Synchronisms and slight mention
have now enabled us to state definitely that the Pala empire
rose in the middle of the 8th century A.D. and that the date
of its rise must fall before the Gurjara conquest of Kanauj. 1
It is now definitely settled that the initial year of Dharmma-
pala's reign falls between 783 and 817 A.D. ; so this dark period
extends from 672 to 783 A.D. or a little over a century. The
Guptas of Magadha survived the transitory glory of the Sthan-
viSvara Kings. Of this line we have the ; " " m ' * **
defin
enealogy
further downward by the Deo-Banarak (Deva-Varanarka)
Inscription of Jlvitagupta II. 3 For this period extending from
672 to 738 A.D. we have no definite data and the material sup-
plied by the four copperplate grants comes in very handy.
«f - m ° St im P° rtant fact is ^e use of genuine seals of the
officials of the Gupta empire. As I have noticed above Dr.
Bloch has already stated that the officials of the Gupta empire
1 Memoirs A.S.B., vol. iii, No. I, pp. 3-4.
I rl^ 8 Gupta Ascriptions, p. 210.
6 Ibid., p. 215.
IN
No. 6.] The Evidence of the Far id pur Grants. 307
or their descendants continued to enjoy a certain amount of
territorial independence centuries after the dissolution of the
ancient empire of the Gupta. The seals of these three copper-
plates show that the officer in charge of the Varakamandala
had carved out a small principality for himself and that his
descendants continued to enjoy it for three or four centuries.
They do not seem to have laid claim to royalty as is usual in
such cases, but on the other hand continued under the same
designation as their founder. This is a parallel
of the Native States of India which sprang up after the disso-
case
lution
rule
independent Princes in reality, continued under their old rank
and titles in the majority of cases. It is possible to assert on
this data and the evidence of the seal of the Tippera Grant
alluded to by Dr. Bloch that after the dissolution of the an-
cient Gupta empire officers in charge of the provinces gradually
carved out small principalities for themselves and their descen-
dants. We have clearer examples in the case of the Senapatis
of Valabhi and the Parivrajaka Maharajas. In Bengal the
Aphsad Inscription of Aditvasma provides us with a long line
of local rulers, who most probably were descendants from the
ancient Gupta Emperors. Besides the Guptas of Magadha, the
stray Kings like Narendragupta, we have no other data for the
History of Bengal after the fall of Har^avardhana.
The seals of the Faridpur copperplates
Tipp
which came
into existence after the dissolution of the ancient Gupta empire
downfall
Thus in
Bengal only we have two separate dynasties descended from
the officials of the ancient Gupta empire who continued to rule
till the rise of the Palas. The case is verv clear in the
case
the Tippera Giant, but in the case of the Faridpur Grants it is
different. In the Faridpur Grants we find that a genuine seal
of an official of the ancient Gupta empire has been used to seal
a land-grant instead of that of the Prince during whose reign
the grant was made, or that of the person who made the
grant. At the same time, it is interesting to note that the
seal belonged to the officer in charge of the district in which
the land granted is situated. Jn that case it may be safely
asserted that a descendant of the officer in charge of the
Varakamandala of the ancient Gupta empire continued to hold
sovereign rights over the whole or part of that district, other-
wise the forger would not have sealed the grants with his seal.
Most probably Dharmmaditya, Gopacandra and Samacaradex a
were great Kings according to the tradition then current in
Bengal, and the forger of these plates has referred to them by
name only owing to the absence of other details concerning
them. It is to be noted also that he has used regnal years
instead of definite dates in these plates. It may be that the
308 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. J
plates were forged after the rise of the Pala empire, as it is
during the time of the Palas only that regnal years were exten-
sively used in Eastern Indian Inscriptions instead of definite
dates in a well-known era. Finally I wish to note that the
seals used in these grants are later in date than the clay seals
discovered at Basarh. In the Basarh seals we have the
Eastern variety form of the lingual Sa in the majority of
cases, but in the Faridpur seals the form used is that of the
Western variety, that is, a rectangular letter with a straight
horizontal cro c s bar and without any traces of acute angles.
Recently the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., of the St. Xavier's
College, Calcutta, has sent me a copperplate, which though of
a much later date resembles the Faridpur Grants in one point.
The inscription opens as follows.
Text.
(1) Om\ Paramabhattdraketyddi Rajavikatdditya (Vikramd-
ditya) devanamatitarajye varsa = (2) S'atatrayodasdbda-sattrimsa-
tatamddhi /cam phdlguna krs n apancamydm Bhimavasa —(3) re
iti likhamdne yatrdnke samvat 1336 phalguna dine 5 bhaume Sri
(4) Pa(m)cakukudasatdvasita (samdvdsita) Vijayakatake Para-
mabhatjdraka Paramehara Parama (5) mdhesvara Nagavam-
kodbhava Arirdjagopigovinda Rdjddata (?) varsacari —■{§) Raja
Srima Asakandradeva Maharaja Vijayadeva Sandhivigrahika
S'ri Ni. (7) Mahattaka iri Someivara Pratihdra kr% Harihara
AksapataHka Thakkura sri Akhatandga (?). (8) Bhanddgarika
Khag ivitta Sovav ivitta Kasthivitta Sddhanika Paniydgd. (9) -rika
Dandaka Dandanduaka Kotlapdla Dvdraka Paurika Paramakar-
yamantri. (10) Samupagatasesa rajapurusam Raja Itajanyafca
Rajaputra Rdjamatya.
Thus it will be seen that some of the officials are men-
tioned by name in lines 6 and 7, while the titles only of the
rest are enumerated at length. I have reasons to suppose that
this plate also is a forgery, and I expect to publish it shortly in
another paper.
»
. <* * *
25* Elucidation of certain passages in I-tsing«
By Kashi P. Jayaswal, B.A., Davis Chinese
Scholar iOxon.). Barrister-at-Law.
By bringing to light the work of I-tsing, Japanese scholars
have rendered great help towards the stupendous task of
restoring Hindu History. I-tsing's Records afford glimpses
into the social condition of our country towards the end of the
seventh century (671 — 695 A.C.). This great monk, no less
famous in the Buddhist world of China than Hiuen Thsang
with whom we are more familiar, was pre-eminently a scholar
and the best Sanskritist amongst the Chinese pilgrims whose
writings have yet reached us. His stay at the centres of
learning in the Hindu colonies of Sumatra, and ten years' study
at the university of Nalanda under the greatest professors of
the time, gave him an intimate knowledge of the methods of
the teaching of Sanskrit and the complete curriculum in vogue
in those days, and enabled him to describe them in faithful
detail. The unique treatment of the subject forms the 35th
chapter of The Records of Buddhist Practices in India.
The chapter is so full of important materials for the stu-
dent of the Hindu social history, that it is eminently desirable
to have every word in it made perfectly clear. To get at the
correct meaning of Chinese texts is sometimes inconceivably
difficult. Dr. Takakusu, the learned translator of I-tsing's
— - — — - - -j
English rendering.
m
attached
usly
body of his masterly translation (Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1896). These passages occurring in the 35th chapter on "The
Methods of Learning in the West," have specially attracted
my attention on account of the importance of the subject-
matter.
On page 178 there occurs the passage :
M They (the Scholastics who had defeated their oppo-
nents) l receive grants of land, and are advanced to a
high rank [their famous names are, as a reward, written
in white on their lofty gates]/'
The r>recedine passage runs as follows :
"When they are refuting heretic doctrines all their opponents
become tongue-tied and acknowledge themselves undone. Then the
ound of their fame makes the five mountains (of India) vibrate, and
their renown flows, as it were, over the four borders'' (borders =
am*?).
310 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
The passage which I have marked with brackets is a
rendering of the original : —
rm
The last character men, primarily meaning c doors,' 'gate/
has been, it seems, the source of puzzle to translators. Mr.
Fujishima, who translated some parts of the work into
French, 1 took it to signify "the court" and the whole
sentence he would render by :
" which (the rank) gives them access to the court 5 '
[ c qui leur donne acces a la cour '].
To make men mean ■ royal court ' could neither be warranted
by its use in general literature nor the present context.
Those who received grants of land, presumably, like the candi-
dates for the Government Service, had already been to "the
King's Court to lay down before it the sharp weapon (of their
abilities)," % and would hardly be in want of the M access to
the court." Further, there is no character in the text which
would mean " access," nor men has been anywhere found to
signify " Court."
Dr. Takakusu takes men in its literal sense; ^Sj
1 lofty gates.' But, then, he has to detach the first character
shang from the sentence and translate it by the adverbial
as
' to give,' ' to confer/ " to bestow.' To make sense, he sup-
plies a complete sentence, viz. "their famous names are writ-
ten" The second character J|£ m, in its common meaning,
1 simple,' • white,' adds to the confusion ; and an unintelligible
rendering, M their famous names written in white on their lofty
gates" is the result. To write in white, and that on what
gates ? On the gates of the house of the scholastic, or of the
king, or on the gates of some temple, or of the city- walls ?
If by Pn men really some gates were meant, they would have
been specified. Again, as far as we know, there was no such
practice as to inscribe names of scholars on any gates. I>r.
Takakusu, however, avows that the text is not clear to him and
that his rendering is only tentative.
■
If we take pn men in the classical sense to mean ■ school/
1 system/ we would not be, perhaps, far from what I-tsing
1 The Journal Asiatique, 1888. * I-teing, p. 177
Vol. VII, No. 6.] Elucidation of certain passages in I-tsing. 311
[NJ9.]
intended to convey. The classical meaning of men as ' school *
or ■ system ' can be illustrated by the following references :
(1) Speaking of the martial music composed by the famous
Yu, Confucius asked his disciples: ^^ jSl "fc& ff
~y PH * what has it to do with my system? 9 the analects,
Bk. xi, Chap. 14, 1.
(2) In the prefatory paragraph of the ffl H£!t* the
doctrine of the mean, %\ Pn» Khung men means the
■ Confucian School,' Legge, Classics (1893), Vol I, p. 384.
men jen, which would literally mean * the men
of the gate,' is used for ' the followers of the system/ 'the
disciples.' the analects, Bk. iv, ch. 15, 2; vii, 28; ix,
11 ; xi, 10; xiv, 2; xix, 3. Men jen suggests the history of the
meaning of men as 'system,' as the disciples went to the mas-
ter's 'gate, 7 every day, they became 'the men of the gate' ;
and from different ' gate-men' their different PH men's, ■ sys-
tems,' would have been distinguished.
The second character ^|S su, interchanges with ^£J so,
6 to search,' * to study,' in the Classics. Chu, the celebrated
commentator, writing on the Chapter xi, i, the doctrine of
the mean, takes the character 3|u su to read and mean as
so (according to Legge, hsi 9 but according to Giles, so 1 ), ■ to
study' {vide Legge, Classics, 1897, Vol. I, p. 391,7*. 11). It
is easy to see that the two words being alike in origin, form
and sound, as in several well-known similar cases, iuterchanged
with each other. The character, both in I-tsing's text and
the classical passage referred to above, yields a perfectly
sensible meaning only when we adopt its reading as given by
Chu, who, it must be remembered, is not a mean authority.
Further justification in accepting 3££ su as
characteristic
as
>/ the Buddhist Pract
1 Giles's Dictionary, p. 1011, No. 10183.
* See also C. Goodrich's Dictionary, pp. 177, 178; and Williams's
Syllabic Dictionary, pp. 815 and 816, when
and the meaning given is * to search into.'
written as su
312 Journal of the A siatic Society of Bengal . [June ,1911.]
Now taking P^j men and f^ su { = so) in their classical
uses, the text ^ |g ^ pj could be translated thus :—
(<
f^ei/ £iw dissertations upon the Great Systems
* ?
that is, those learned laymen, having vanquished their philo-
sophical or theological opponents, received grants of land from
the State in recognition of their learning, and having thus
attained the rank of authorities, expounded the great systems
of philosophy in their own l way. This is probably a description
of the Dig-vijayi Panditas—a, line of the " world-conquering '
scholastics culminating in the great Sankara-Acharya.
Just a few lines above (p. 177), speaking in respect of the
candidates for the Civil Service who presented themselves in
the House of Debate to prove their 'wonderful cleverness,'
I-tsing uses the expression "jflf Rj£ chung hsi, which has
» »
been translated by Dr. Takakusu as " they raise their seats,
and which, according to I-tsing's commentator Kasyapa, refers
to ' the Indian custom ' of taking the seat of the vanquished
opponent and adding it to that of the victorious disputant.
Whatever be the value of Kasyapa's information, chung hsi
oan not mean 'doubling seats.' jffa hsi is the Sanskrit trina-
asanam ((sure*^)), the familiar piece of mat to sit upon;
and chung means 'heavy,' 'important,' 'grave demeanour.
Chung has never been used in the sense of 'doubling' or
' raising,' and the passage following, viz. " and seek to prove
their wonderful cleverness," indicates that they had not yet
defeated their opponents but were going to do so ; therefore ,
even accepting Kasyapa's authority as to the existence of the
alleged custom , chung hsi could not be intended to mean ' ' they
raised their seats.
» >
By adhering to the literal meaning of the characters, we
very
demeanour, sat on the asanas
as
» >
translation, chung will have to be taken as a verb and the
asanas
>> a
but the context would give preference to the former transla-
tion, as when they were going * to prove their wonderful
cleverness,' they would naturally ' sit dignified ' ; and I-tsing,
an ultra-mannerist , would characteristically notice the impres-
sive demeanour.
1 See the note on p. 309.
* This rendering is suggested to me by Dr. E. Ross.
26, Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs.
By David Hooper, F.C.S.
One of the most important discoveries of recent times is
the relation that has been traced between the use of milled
rice and the disease known as epidemic dropsy or beri beri.
The investigations of Drs. Stanton, Fraser, Highet and Brad-
don have shown that the lack of phosphorus in cleaned or
milled rice is the predisposing cause of the disease. By ex-
perimenting on fowls with rice of varying quality it was
demonstrated that polyneuritis (similar to the epidemic dropsy
of man) was developed when milled rice was used, but not
when rice simply husked was given. By chemical analysis
of the rice it was possible to determine its disease-provoking
or disease-resisting property, and it was shown by control
experiments that rice containing 0469 per cent, of phosphorus,
in the form of phosphoric anhydride, was a healthy diet for
fowls; but rice containing only 0277 per cent, of phosphoric
anhydride developed polyneuritis within a few weeks. Since
the publication of this theory in 1909 further researches have
been made in the East, and they have tended to confirm the im-
portance of phosphorus as an essential constituent in dietetic
preparations.
In 1910, Major E. D. W. Greig, I. M.S., was placed on
-pecial duty to investigate the outbreak of beri-beri in Bengal,
and I was appointed to assist him by analysing the samples of
rice and food grains collected during the enquiry. Major
Greig's preliminary report has been issued as No. 45 (New
Series) of the Scientific Memoirs by Officers of the Medical and
Sanitary Departments of the Government of India, and is en-
titled " Epidemic Dropsy in Calcutta." It is on the present
occasion considered desirable to deal with the chemical aspect
of the subject in a separate paper, by quoting the analyses of
a large number of rice samples from different parts of the
country, and showing the amount of phosphates in other food
substances commonly consumed in India.
Rice being the staple food of many eastern countries it is
important that its constituents should be fully studied. In
the Agricultural Ledger No. 5 of 1908-09, analyses are given
of one hundred and sixty samples from various localities in
India, and the proportion of protein, fat, carbohydrates, fibre
and ash are recorded. All the samples of rice were husked
314 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
or milled, and a difference was noted between those samples
that had been simply husked and those that had been polished
after the husking. The variation in either series was attributed
to high or low cultivation. Another paper on the ' ' Composition
of the Rice Plant," by W. P. KeJley and A. R. Thompson,
has been published as a Bulletin (No. 21) of the Hawaii Agri-
cultural Station.
When paddy is converted into rice for the market, the
chaffy husk is removed by wetting, drying and beating, and
the grain that is left is enveloped in a natural layer rich in oil,
protein and ash. The rice grain is further prepared or polished
by subjecting it once or twice to a milling process which re-
moves the outer layer of nutritious elements and leaves a
smooth, white, starchy grain of elegant appearance. The re-
moval of protein, oil and especially the phosphatic ash, reduces
the food value of the rice, and renders the grain liable, when
used as the sole diet, to induce epidemic dropsy.
The following tables represent the phosphoric value, calcu-
lated as phosphoric anhydride, of rices from various provinces.
The determinations were made according to the molybdic acid
method adopted in Agricultural laboratories.
The analyses of husked rice grains before passing through
a mill were made on selected samples These are typical of
of what are known as unpolished rices : —
Calcutta Mill 1
Calcutta Mill 2
Rangoon
Bezwada
Madras
Madras, red
• •
• •
Average
Ash P 2 6
1-7 -80
1-8 -58
1-3 61
1-2 '59
21 69
1-6 -67
1-6 65
The next table consists of miscellaneous samples collected
in Calcutta, and used in connection with experiments with
fowls, or forwarded from districts where beri-beri existed:
Ash P 2
Bengal, fermented .. . . -72 '37
Bengal, "Bank tulsi" -70 33
Calcutta, once milled . . 10 "50
Calcutta, twice milled .. 1-0 '45
Calcutta , once milled .. 1-0 '43
Calcutta, twice milled .. 10 -38
Rangoon rice
• • . •
•63 -31
Rangoon, extracted .. -65 -35
Vol. VII, No. 6.J Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 315
[N.S]
Rangoon (Commissariat) . . *60
Rangoon, once milled . . "90
Khulna
• •
85
Mymensingh .. ..105
Barisal
Pabna
Sylhet 1
Sylhet 2
Sylhet 3
• •
• «
Ash P 2 6
35
49
43
39
46
34
35
25
22
1 10
•90
1-70
•90
•70
Average
•88
36
In the above table it will be observed that the highest
phosphorus content is found in the grains only partially milled
or polished, where portions of the outer aleurone layer are left.
It is invariably the custom in rice mills to subject the grain to
a further polishing process in order to remove, as far as possible,
the whole of the outer layer so as to produce the much
appreciated white or table rice.
Separate figures need not be given of a long series of
samples of "balam," "atap" and '' desi " rices collected by
Major Greig from houses in Calcutta where cases of epidemic
dropsy had occurred. "Balam" rices on the whole were su-
perior, and contained an average of 0-41 per cent, of phosphoric
anhydride, while the " Desi" rices contained a mean of 0*29
per cent. The whole of the series of 35 cases is thus summa-
rized : —
Maximum
Minimum
• •
Ash P 2 5
133 -49
•60 -26
Average
•90 -362
Samples of rice used in the Bengal Jails, supplied by the
Inspector-General, had the following composition : —
Ash R0 5
Arrah, cleaned . . . . -80 -36
Arrah, uncleaned .. ..1-06 48
Berhampur, red . . . . -86 39
Berhampur, white .. .. 1-13 *48
Cuttack
Jess ore
Midnapore
Ranchi
Sambalpur
• • ♦ •
. . 106 44
•73 -25
•86 -2S
10<> -38
•73 25
316 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
Purneah
Presidency
Ash PA
100 -32
220 '50
Average
1-03 37
For the sake of comparison, a collection was specially made
of samples of rice sold in the Madras Presidency, and these
were chemically examined for their phospho. us value.
Madras Rices.
Ash PcO
Sirmani, a fine rice . . 9 39
Berhampur, Ganjam . . 11 "40
Nellore, superior
Nellore, ordinary
6 27
8 35
Bezwada, superior . . ..13 *47
inferior . . ..12 '49
Tanale, inferior . . . . '8 "39
Cocanada, superior .. 7 '33
Kalingapatam , superior 7 '36
,, inferior . . '9 '34
Jagganadum, superior .. 10 '51
medium 10 44
inferior .. 1*5 '49
I hmdiwanum, superior . . '7 '30
,, medium . . 1'6 "44
inferior .. 22 '47
Chingleput, No. 1 .. 10 '45
No. 2 ..18 -43
Average
11 '40
In these samples those which are regarded as superior on
account of the fineness and milk-white appearance, ?tnd which
realize a higher market value, are as a rule comparatively defi-
cient in phosphorus. In Madras a large quantity of rice is
imported from Rangoon. It is a coarser rice than the local
varieties, and although it is fairly rich in phosphorus there is a
prejudice against its use, and it is consumed chiefly by coolies
and emigrants. The rice in which the lowest amount of phos-
phorus was detected was a sample from Bangalore. It was
imported as 'Patna" rice from Kngland, where it had been
re-milled. The grain was pure white and pearly, but contained
only 0*21 per cent, of phosphoric anhydride.
In the following tables the rices of Patna, and Purulia,
where they are not cleaned by modern machinery, are arranged
Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 317
[N.S.]
according to their market values, and it will be observed
that the amount of phosphorus is almost uniformly in inverse
ratio to the price of the samples.
Patna Rices.
Samjeera
Bansmati I
Kari bank
Arua I
Dhania Arua
Ramsa]
Usna
Bansmati II
Arua II
Kela sar
Bansmati III
Selha I
Kaysore
Selha II
Sirhanti
Karhamia (red)
Average
Per Md.
Ash
PA
,. Rs.
16
•8
•26
33
7-4
•9
•33
3 3
6-10
•7
•29
3 3
5
•8
•33
' • 3 3
5
•7
•32
3 3
5
1-3
•47
► • 33
5
1-2
•41
33
4-12
•86
•32
4-11
•93
•31
3 3
4-11
106
•34
' * 3 3
4-7
•80
33
' • 3 3
4-7
100
•37
33
4-3-3
•93
•38
3 3
4
•93
39
3 3
3-10
113
47
• 3 3
3-7-10
1-06
•4l'
• •
« •
•88
•35
Purulta Rices.
Badshah bog (I)
„ (ii)
Ramsal
Kulam Kati
Chandan sal
Dhusree
Rashi (red)
Kawya (red)
Average
Per Md.
Rs. 8
6
6
5-12
5
3-10
3-5
2-14
Ash
•80
1-20
I -00
•86
106
100
2-86
1-40
127
PA
•32
•37
•49
•39
•38
•36
•46
•55
•41
It has been shown in the above anatyses that unmilled rice
contains on an average of 065 per cent, of phosphoric anhy-
dride, while milled rice contains about 38 per cent. The pro-
cess of milling or polishing removes a substance of great value
rich in phosphates which requires some notice. The polish-
318 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
ing or bran which amounts to 8 to 10 per cent, of rice is
called "Koorah" in Bengal, " Thavudu " in Madras, and
"Dadak" in Java. It is used for feeding fowls and cattle,
as bait for fish, and is largely exported to the continent on
account of the oil it contains. The analysis of a sample from a
Calcutta mill is appended.
Moisture 8 30
Fat .. 24-04
Proteids .. 13-56
Carbohydrates . . 33- 47
Fibre .. 6-88
Ash .. 13-75
10000
Containing
Nitrogen .. 2-17
Phosphoric anhydride 3*36
Silica ;. 7-50
As might be expected, rice bran contains the phosphates of
rice in a highly concentrated form. With regard to the organic
compound containing phosphorus there have been several
investigations, but Sozuki, Yoshimura and Takaishi have
proved {Bull Coll Agric. Tokyo, 1907, 495—572) that 85 per
cent, of the phosphorus in the bran of rice is present as phytin.
Phytin has been described by Postern ak (Compt. rend. y 1903,
136, 1678—80) as a phospho-organic acid, CH 5 5 P, which
differs from phosphoric acid by the elements of formaldehyde.
Lecithin, another organic compound found in seeds by Topler,
Schulzeand others, occurs in smaller amount, representing only
1 to 7 per cent, of the total phosphorus. Phytin or anhydroxy-
methylene-diphosphoric acid is obtained by treating the pow-
dered substance with 0*2 or 0*3 per cent, hydrochloric acid,
pressing out the liquor, neutralizing with magnesia, and puri-
fying by reprecipitation the calcio-magnesium derivative.
Another method is to precipitate the acid solution by means of
alcohol. Fraser.and Stanton {Lancet, Dec. 17, 1910, 1755)
have recently shown that the addition of rice polishings to a
diet of white rice is an effective preventive of the development
of polyneuritis in fowls. Working in the light of what is known
on phytin, they further prove that the substances contained
in the polishing which are effective in preventing the disease
are not precipitated from the hydrochloric acid solution on the
addition of the alcohol, but are retained in the filtrate from
the phytin The essential portion comprises 16 per cent, or
less by weight of rice polishings, or 1/6 per cent, of the original
unpolished grain.
Stuff,
319
Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food
[N.S.]
Further research will be necessary to determine the nature
of the phosphated compound soluble in alcohol which possesses
such vital importance in the feeding value of the grain. Rosen-
heim and Kajiura (Journ. Physiol., 1908, 36—53) state that
there is in rice an absence of gliadin or alcohol soluble protein,
and glutenin or alcohol insoluble protein, both of which sub-
stances are necessary for the formation of gluten. By extracting
rice and rice bran with alcohol, I was able to separate phosphoric
acid and nitrogen, but in a very small proportion compared
with the amount present in the original substances. It has
been suggested that the phosphated compound is of the nature
of the lipoids found in the brain, spinal column and other
animal organs.
Wheat and Flour. — Samples of wheat and flour were next
examined, to discover what proportion of phosphorus is removed
in the process of milling, compared with rice.
Five samples of locally available wheat grains were found
to have the following amounts of ash and phosphoric anhydride :
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
• •
Average
Ash
2-1
20
1-7
1-46
1-26
PO
•74
•80
•71
61
•59
1-7
69
The agents of one of the largest flour mills in Calcutta
supplied me with a series of samples of genuine flour and other
products derived from wheat for purposes of analysis. The
following grades were examined : —
Flour No. 1
Flour No. 2
Flour No. 3
Soojee (large)
Soojee (small)
Atta B
No. 2
No. 4
9 9
9 ?
Ash
•53
•53
•53
■60
•60
•53
•60
113
P
•20
•21
•22
•22
•26
•21
•32
•59
The last named approaches the composition of the entire
grain, and is therefore of greater nourishing value than the
finer flours.
Nine samples of bazaar attas, collected from various houses
in Calcutta during Major Greig's enquiry, afforded an average
of 068 per cent, of ash and 025 per cent, of phosphoric anhy-
dride, showing that they were of the usual composition and
not adulterated.
320 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
At the Seventh International Congress of Applied Chemistry,
(London, 1909), F. Vuaflart read a paper on the composition
of wheat, in which he showed that the phosphoric anhydride
varied from 0*759 to 0*988 per cent., in entire wheat, and from
0*197 to 0*283 in the flour. Sixty-six parts are contained in the
starch, 13-8 in purified gluten, 2*4 parts in the ether-alcohol
extract of the gluten, and 17*8 parts in the wash waters. From
these figures the average composition of wheat flour in Europe
is similar to that of wheat flour in India.
Barley. — Three samples of barley (Hordeum vulgare) show
a considerable difference in the amount of phosphorus : they
contain according to the degree of husking they have been
subjected to:
Ash P*0
Unpolished grain . • . • 3-4 *94
Barley, husked . . 1 3 65
Pearl barley . . . . 2*9 *53
Other instances of the composition of Indian cereal grains
are here quoted :
Ash P,0
2*^5
Bajri (Pennisetum typhoideum) . . 4-5 1*03
2-ft *78
Juar (Andropogon Sorghum) . . 12 '70
Marua (Eleusine coracana) . . 3-0 *68
Pulse. — The pulses constitute a class of food-stuffs which
are rich in phosphoric acid. Pigeon pea (Cajanus indicus), a
pulse fed to pigeons, is a healthy diet, and no cases of neuritis
have been known to occur when this is habitually given. The
Marwaris are in the habit of employing various pulses as mung,
besan and dal, and they are generally free from epidemic dropsy
when their neighbours, the rice eaters, are attacked. The
combination of dal with rice is a convenient means of increasing
the phosphates in the diet, and corrects the deficiency usually
found in the polished grain. The following analyses of pulses
are recorded.
Arhar {Cajanus indicus)
Besan (Pisum sativum)
Mung or dal (Phaseolus radiatus)
J> 5 ? >>
Papar (A preparation of dal)
Lentils (Lens esculenta)
Soy (Glycine hispida)
Ash P 2
4-0 '86
3*2 '84
3-2 '95
4-3 117
6*5 '85
2-2 75
50 120
Goa beans (Psophocarpus tetragonolobus) 4*2 1*35
In addition to the pulses, the Marwaris of Calcutta consume
large quantities of leguminous and other green pods which are
Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 321
imported from Rajputana for their special use. These beans
are of great nutritive value as will be seen from their analyses
made on the air-dried samples as received :
Kair (Capparis aphylla)
Sangar (Prosopis spicigera)
Gourphali (Cyamopsis psoralioides)
Moth a ka phali (Phaseolus sp)
• •
Ash
4-2
4-1
8-1
55
P 2 6
•57
54
•76
110
With regard to the amount of phosphorus in foods in
general, two papers have appeared in foreign scientific journals.
'The Distribution of phosphorus in Foods" by M. Balland
(Compt. rend., 1906
969
Quantity
W
W. Reeb (Arch. E xv .- Pathol . u. Pharmak.. 1908
272).
The papers deal with a wide range of articles of European
consumption, and the results show that phosphorus is found to
be associated with nitrogen in constituting a nutritious or poor
food-stuff. In all future analyses of dietetic articles it will be
desirable to estimate the amount of phosphoric anhydride.
The phosphorus value of Indian food-stuffs, as far as I am
aware, has not been recorded in any scientific work, and in
order to complete this paper several determinations are tabu-
under animal foods,
classified
lated for reference.
farinac , o , , r _
articles of diet consumed both by Europeans and Indians.
Cheese
Chicken
Beef steak
Cold beef
Fish boiled
Fish spiced
Magoor fish
Maurola fish
Prawns
Potato boiled
Bread
Biscuits
Plantain meal
Cassava arrowroot
China almond (Arachis)
Tea leaves
5>
* '
exhausted
Pan (Piper Betle)
Ash
50
1-3
3-7
1-4
10
20
21
40
1*5
1-6
1-1
•8
2-7
•8
2-7
6-8
4-0
20
P 2
1
6
50
61
56
58
49
44
42
56
58
21
18
28
33
06
22
96
70
20
322
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.]
reca
Mushroom
(Lentinus eocilis)
Edible fern (Asplenium esculentum)
Sag (Amaranthus gangeticus)
99
9 9
3 9
Ash
.. 7-5
.. 1-2
2-1
.. 1-3
boiled 1-2
Beans (Vigna Catiang)
Karela (Momordica Charantia)
Kumra lal (Gucurbita maxima)
Patral (Trichosanthes dioica)
Cucumber, sliced
Plantain
Papaya
Pineapple
Mango
Guava cheese
Edible bird's nest
> ?
99
99
3?
11
5-8
2-7
20
1-2
1-0
11
•6
10
•5
6-0
PA
•56
1-82
•32
•25
•29
•24
•19
•27
•21
•10
•08
14
•13
•06
•05
•07
06
27* The Waqf of Moveables.
By The Hon. Dr. A. al-Ma'min Suhrawardy,
Barrister-at- Law.
PREFACE.
The subject of this paper has been a fruitful source of con-
troversy among jurists in all ages in all countries under Muslim
Law. Elsewhere ' I have traced in detail the history of this
controversy in the various countries of Islam. Here I shall
content myself with merely indicating the conflicting decisions
on the point to be found in the Indian Law Reports : Khajah
Hossein Ali v. Shahzadi Hazrah Begum (1869), 12 W.R., 344 ;
Fatima Bibi v. Ariff Ismail ji Bham (1881),9C.L.R.,66; Kalehola
v. Naseerudeen (1894), 18 Mad. 201 ; Abu Saytd Khan v. Bakar
Ali (1901), I.L.R., 24 All. 190; Sakina Khartum v. Laddan
Sahiba (1902), 2 C.L.J., 218; Civil Rule No. 51 of 1902, un-
reported (Rangoon, 1903) ; Mofazzul Karim v. Mohammed
(1905), 2 C.L.J., 166; Kulsom Bibi v. Golam
Hossein
Ariff (1905), 10 C.W.N., 449; Banubi v. Narsingrao (1906),
I.L.R. , 31 Bom. 250 ; Mohammed Ismail Ariff v. Ibrahim Oholam
Ariff , unreported (Rangoon, 1907) ; Bai Fatmabai v. Golam
Hossein (1907), 9 Bom. L.R., 1337; Yusuf Saratera v. Mollah
Mahmood, unreported (334 of 1907) decision of the Cal. H. C. ;
Kadir Ibrahim Rowther v. Mahomed Rahamadulla Rowther (1909),
33 Mad., 118.
purpose of this pape
Muslim Law. Be-
rn ade
Fatdwd Anqarawiy
yah, p. 704, ed. Cairo, Minhaj al-Talibin, Fath al-Qarib
• History of Muslim Law (Tagore Law Lectures 1911).
324 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June 1911.
A careful perusal of this paper— the result of considerable
labour and research— containing excerpts from works of the
highest authority, will, I venture to hope, leave no doubt in
the minds of the readers about the validity of the waqf of
moveables, including money, shares in companies, securities,
stock, etc. In order to follow the historical development of
this branch of Muslim Law, the reader would do well to peruse
the extracts in the order indicated in the Bibliography in
Appendix I. The relevancy of some of the extracts (appar-
ently irrelevant to the matter in issue) will, no doubt, be
obvious to the practical lawyer, if not to the lay reader.
I have kept the English translation as close to the original
as possible, even at some sacrifice of the English. Passages
in the translation placed within crotchets do not occur in the
Arabic original, and are inserted merely for explanatory rea-
sons. Similarly, passages in the or ginal enclosed within crot-
chets have been omitted in the translation, to avoid repetition
or the introduction of irrelevant matter. The system of trans-
literation adopted by me is, with slight modifications, that
recommended by the Fourth Congress of Orientalists.
I take this opportunity of expressing my sincere thanks
to Muhammad 'All Chevky Bey, and to Zaimzade Hasan
Fehmy Bey, grandson and First Secretary respectively to Field-
Marshal Ghazi Ahmad Mukhtar Pasha, late Ottoman High
Commissioner in Egypt, for obtaining access for me to several
important Libraries in the Ottoman Empire, and also for pro-
curing for me the Fatw&s of the Grand Mufti of Egypt, and of
the Mufti of Alexandria ; to Shams al-Ulama Shaykh Mahmud
Gllani for the Fatwa from his brother, the celebrated Mujta-
hid of Karbala; to Lt.-Col. Phillott for affording me every
facility for research and placing at my disposal the Library
of the Board of Examiners which is rich in the possession
of some unique manuscripts on Muslim Law ; and lastly,
to my friend and colleague Mr. R. F. Azoo, for assistance in
the elucidation of several obscure and difficult passages in the
original.
In a subsequent issue of the Journal of this Society I hope
to give a translation of the well-known treatise on the subject
of this paper by the celebrated Shaykh al-Islam, Mufti Abu'l-
Su'ud, a manuscript copy of which I have just discovered
in Constantinople. I am indebted to the Hon. Mr. G. H. C.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waaf of Moveables. 325
[N.S.]
Ariff for having arranged to procure for me a transcript of
that unique manuscript.
The Bar Library : ) A. Al-Ma'mun Sfhrawardy.
August, 1911.
KULES FOR THE GUIDANCE OF THE JUDGE.
I._ The following extract from the commentary of the
Hidayah by Ibn Shahnah is quoted by the great doctor al-Blrt at
the beginning of his commentary on al-Ashbah :
When the accuracy of a hadlth (saying of the Prophet) is
accepted and it is found to be contrary to the doctrine of the
madh-hab (school), practice should be in accordance with the
hqdith, and thenceforward it shall be considered as his (Abu
madh-hab and his sectary will
with
following
acting
of Abu Hanffah : — " When a hadlth is proved to be accurate
it is my madh-hab." Ibn 'Abd-al-Barr reports this dictum
from Abu Hanffah and other Imams. Imam al-Sha'rani also
reports this from the four Imams.
The signs of mercy " : the differ-
ence of opinion of the Imams affords latitude and facility
to_ the people ; as is laid down at the beginning of the
Tatarlchdniyyah. This is an allusion to the celebrated hadlth on
the lips of men, viz., " The difference of opinion of my people
is a mercy from God " : Said the Prophet of God :
" Whatever you have been given in the Book of God, you must
act upon. There is no excuse for anyone for abandoning
it. If it is not in the Book of God, then my previous
practice. But if there is no practice of mine, then what my
companions have said. For verily my companions are like
the stars of the heavens ; whichever of them you follow, you
will be guided aright ; and the divergence of opinion of my
companions is a blessing to you" .... Al-SuyutI reports from
'Umar b. ' Abd-al-' Aziz that' he used to say : " It would not have
pleased me if the companions of Muhammad had not differed.
For had they not differed there would have been no concession,
facility or indulgence (rukhsah). (Radd~al- Muhtar , vol. i, p. 70.
Ed. Const.).
II. It is known that divergence of opinion is one of the signs
of mercy. Thus, the greater the difference the greater the bless-
sing, as they (theUlema) have declared. (Durr al-Mukhtar, vol.
i, p. 70. Ed. Const.).
Mufti in delivering his fatwds
should deliver fatwds positively regarding matters about which
326 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
our jurists are unanimous in the ' ' Conspicuous Reports ' ' ;
but opinions differ regarding matters about which they differ. The
most correct view is that stated in the Sirdjiyyah and other
works, viz. , that the Mufti should give fatwd according to the
dictum of the Imam absolutely, then according to the dictum of
the second, then that of the third, then according to that of
Zufar and Hasan b. Ziyad. In the Hawi-al-Qudsi ', th
as
When
is conflict between two views declared to be correct. — It is laid
down in the chapter on Waqf of the Bahr alBd'iq and other
books that when there are two " correct views " regarding
any particular question, it is lawful to give judgment and
fatwd according to either of them.
In the beginning of the Mudmardt it is stated : The
signs of the fatwd are his (the jurist's) saying, ' in accordance there-
with is the fatwd ' ; • with it is given the fatwd ' ; ' it we follow ' ;
' on it is the reliance '; ' in accordance with it is the practice
to-day ' ; ' in accordance with it is the practice of the people ';
1 this is the correct view,' or 'the most correct,' or ■ the most
obvious,' or * the most likely,' or ' the most reasonable,' or
the select,' and such like expressions stated in the super-
commentary of al-Bazdawi. End of the quotation. Our
master al-Ramli says in his collection of fatwds : Some expres-
sions are more emphatic than others. Thus the word
fatwd is more emphatic than the word "correct," "most
correct," "most likely," etc. The expression "with it is
given the fatwd ' ' is more emphatic than ' ' the fatwd is in
accordance therewith." "Most correct" is more emphatic
than " correct " ; and " more cautious," than " precaution."
End of the quotation.
M unyah
al-Halabl it is stated that when there is connec-
tion between two Imams of authority, one employing the word
' ' correct," the other " the most correct," it is better to follow
the view signalised ' ' correct. ' ' For both of them are unani-
mous as to its being ' « correct,' ' and it is more agreeable to
follow the view about which there is unanimity. ... I found
afterwards in the treatise on the ' * Duties of a Mufti ' ' that when a
report in an authentic work ends with ' ' the most correct,' '" bet-
ter " or "a fortiori," or " the most conformable," or the like,
then the Mufti is at liberty to give fatwd according to it or its
opposite view, whichever he likes. When a
" correct," or " the view followed," or " „ „ e .
fatwd," or " in accordance therewith is the fatwd" fatwd
given according to its opposite view, unless it is stated
in the Hidayah, for instance, " it is correct," and in the Kdf'%
its opposite view has "it is correct. ' ' In such a case he has
the option and he selects what he considers to be the strongest ,
be8t ff mos * advantageous. End of the quotation. This
should be remembered. The substance of what Shavkh Qasim
with it is eiven the
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 327
[NJ3.]
says in his cc Correction " is that there is no difference between
a Mufti and a Qadi except that the Mufti gives information as
to the rule and the Qadi gives effect to it. (Durr aUMukhtdr,
vol. i, pp. 70 to 76).
Comments of the Radd.
III. c ' Conspicuous Reports . . ' ' The questions dealt with
by our Hanafi masters are classed into three groups, to which I
have already alluded :
1. Questions of fundamental principles, also called Conspicu-
ous Reports. — These are the questions reported from the leaders,
founders of the school, Abu Hanifah, Abu Yusuf, Muhammad,
Zufar, Hasan b. Ziyad and others, who studied under Abu
Hanifah. But the common view is that " Conspicuous Reports
comprise the dicta of the three. The Books of Conspicuous
Reports are the six books of Muhammad, viz. : (1) Mabsut, (2)
Ziydddt, (3) J ami' -al- saghir , (4) Siyar-ah saghir, (5) 'Jdmi'-
al-Kabir, and (6) Siyar-al-Kabir. They are designated "Con-
spicuous Reports, 5 ' because they report from Muhammad au-
thentic reports which are proved to come down from him either
on account of their coming from different repeated sources or
on account of common repute.
2. Questions of Rarity. — These are questions reported
from the above-mentioned masters, but not in the above-men-
tioned books. Rather they are contained either (a) in other
works of Muhammad, e.g.,Kaysdniyyat, Hdruniyydt, Jurjdniyydt,
Raqqiyydt or (6) in books by authors other than Mu-
hammad, e.g., Muharrar by Hasan b. Ziyad, etc., or books con-
taining notes dictated by Abu Yusuf to his pupils or (c) reported
by a single isolated report, e.g., the report of Ibn Sima'ah,
etc., regarding certain specified questions.
3. Occurrences. — These are the questions deduced by later
Mujtahids when questioned about cases with regard to which
they could not find any report. They (later Mujtahids) are the
companions of Abu Yusuf and Muhammad and the companions
of their companions, and so on, and they are numerous.
Thus amongst the companions of the two Imams are men like
'Isam b. Yusuf, Ibn Rustam. .... AbuHafs al-Bukharl . . . .
Sometimes they have controverted the views of the founders
of the school because of the proofs and causes which came to
their knowledge. The first collection of their fatwds according
to our information was that by the jurist Abu-'l-Layth of Samar-
qand. After him other collections were made by other masters,
e.g., Majmu'-al'Nawdzil, Wdqi'dt aLNdtifi. . . . Know that
amongst the books of the questions of fundamental principles
is the Kitab al-Kdfi, by al- Hakim al-Shahld, which is an authentic
work on the traditional rules of the school, and has been com-
mented on by a number of doctors amongst whom Imam Shams
328 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
al-A'immah al-Sarakhs! may be mentioned. It is known as the
Mabsut of al-SarakhsI. According to the most learned doctor
al- Tarsus! , whatever is opposed to the Mabsut of al-SarakhsI
accordance with it,
upon it. The Muntaq
f<
be placed except
the school . . . Know that there are numerous copies of the
Mabsut reported from Muhammad, the clearest of which is the
Mabsut of Abu Sulayman al- Jawzjani. A number of later jurists
have commented upon the Mabsut, e.g., the Shaykh-al-Islam
Bakr, better known as Kh waherzadeh , his commentary being
called the Mabsut-al-Kabir ; and Shams-al-A'immah al-Halwa'i
and others. Their Mabsuts are really commentaries interwoven
with the Mabsut of Muhammad, as the commentators of the
J ami' -al- Saghir have done, e.g., Fakhr-al-Islam, Qadi '.
and others. Thus it is said, " Qadi Khan has mentioned it in
the J ami' -al- Saghir ,' ' his commentary being intended thereby.
Similarly in other works. . . . This should be carefully remem-
as
tion of the Masters of the School which we shall mention shortly.
In the chapter of the two ' Ids of the Bohr and Nahr it is stated
that the J ami' -al- Say&ir was written by Muhammad after the
Asl, therefore what it contains is reliable. The Nahr also states
that the Asl was designated Asl, because it was composed first
of all, then the J ami' -al- Saghir, then the Kabir, then the Ziyadat.
Thus it is laid down in the GhayaUal-Bayan.
' ' Dictum of the Imam ' ' : The Mufti gives fatwd i Q accord-
ance with the dictum of the Imam, because, says ' Abd-Allah b.
Mubarak, he had seen the Companions of the Prophet and
had given fatwds contemporaneously with the successors of the
companions, therefore his dictum is more correct and stronger
so long as there is no change of time and age.
"In the Hawi al-Qudsi, etc. " : I say that this is indicated
by the statement of the Sirajiyyah to the effect that the first
view is more correct when the Mufti is not a Mujtahid. Thus it
is explicit that the Mujtahid {i.e., one fit to examine the
argument, proof) should follow, out of the v^ . , —
which has the strongest proof. Otherwise the order stated
above will be followed. Owing to this you will find that some-
times the jurists give preference to the dictum of some of his
companions over the dictum of Abu Hanifah himself, e.g. , they
have preferred the dictum of Zufar alone in seventeen cases. So
we follow what they preferred , for they were fit to scrutinize the
proof. He (the author of Tanunr-al-Absar) has not stated any
rule as to cases regarding which there' are conflicting reports
trom the Imam Abu Hanifah or there are no reports at all
either from him or his companions. In the first
there are conflicting reports, that which has th<
dicta
case
wn in the Haw. Then he says
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 329
IN.S.]
when there is no clear answer from any of them regarding a
particular case, but the later jurists have unanimously expressed
an opinion about it, it is to be followed. If, however, they
differ, the opinion of the majority is to be followed.
If no answer by way of express ruling is found from any
source whatever, the Mufti should examine the case with care,
consideration and ijtihad, so that lie may deduce a rule concerning
it which should approach exemption from responsibility. "The
Ulema have delivered fatwds, etc.''
The learned base their fatwd (or decision) on the opinion of
Abu Hanlfah in all questions of 'Ibadat (or devotional acts)
.... They declare that decisions are to be based on the opinion
of Muhammad in all questi ons relating to distant kindred (i.e., of
inheritance). In aUAshbah in the chapter on the M Duties of a
judge " it is stated that decision is according to the opinion of
Abu Yusuf in whatever relates to the duties of the judge, i.e.,
because he had a fuller knowledge of the subject and because of
his practical experience. For a like reason Abu Hanlfah after
going on pilgrimage and knowing its hardships gave up his
former opinion that charity is more meritorious than voluntary
pilgrimage. It is stated in the commentary of al-Blri, that
decision is according to the opinion of Abil Yusuf in questions
of evidence also, and decision is according to the opinion of
Zufar in seventeen questions. ...
When there are Qiyds (analogy) and Istihsan (favour-
able construction) regarding a particular case, the practice
should be in accordance with Istihsan except in a few
well-known cases. . . . When there are three views con-
cerning a case, then the preferred opinion is that in the
beginning or the end and not that in the middle. It is laid
down in the Sharh-al-Munyah that when reason is in conformity
with report, it should not be departed from. This is stated in
the chapter on the obligatory ceremonials of prayers ; where the
author gives preference to the report concerning the obliga-
toriness of rising from the posture of bending and prostrating
the body in prayer, on account of the arguments adduced, al-
though it is contrary to the well-known report from Abu Hanlfah.
"In the chapter on Waqf of the Bahr, etc." : When of
two conflicting opinions, one is more favourable to the waqf
as will be stated in the chapters on Waqf and Ijarah, the Mufti
should deliver fatwd in accordance with that opinion, out of the
conflicting views of the Ulema, which is more favourable to the
waqf ; and likewise if one of the two conflicting views is the
view of the majority, as we have quoted above from al-Hdw%.
11 And such like expressions " : e.g., their saying, " Its prac-
tice has become current " ; " It is the recognized practice."
4 ' Our Master ' * : wherever this expression occurs in this book
without any further qualification, the most learned doctor
Shaykh Khayr-al-din al-Ramli is meant by it.
330 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911.
to the requirements of his time.
More
' More advantageous " : is that which he deems suitable to that
particular case. {Radd-al-Muhiar, vol. i, pp. 71—76. Ed.
Constantinople).
IV. It is stated in al-Mi'rdj on the authority of Fakhr
al-A'immah :— ' ■ If a Mufti were to decide in accordance with
cases
view to convenience or to make matters easy, it will be right.
(Ibid., vol. i, p. 79).
Y- The seven ranks of Mujtahids or eminent jurists.— The
Mufti should know the position of the jurist on whose opinion
he bases the fatwd. It is not enough merely to know his name
and genealogy, but it is essential to be aware of the extent of
his knowledge of reports, his eminence in reasoning and his
rank in the classification of the jurists, so that he may intelli-
gently discriminate between jurists holding opposite views and
have adequate power to give preference to one of two conflict-
ing views. (1) To the first class belong the Mujtahids with
respect to the Sacred Law, e.g., the four Imams, and those who
followed their policy in founding the first principles of juris-
prudence, and by this characteristic they are distinguished from
others. (2) To the second class belong the Mujtahids within the
School, e.g., Abu Yusuf and Muhammad and the rest of the
companions of Abu Hanlfah, capable of deducing rules from
the proofs in conformity with the first principles concerning rules
laid down by their master Abu Hanlfah. Although they have
differed from him in certain minor rules, they follow him wHh
respect to the fundamental principles. In this respect they are
distinguished from the opponents of the School like al-Shafi'i and
others, opposed to him (Abu Hanlfah) as regards rules, and not
following him as regards fundamental principles. (3) To the third
class belong the Mujtahids of cases regarding which there are no
express rulings from the founder of the School , e.g. , al-Khassaf ,
Abu Ja'far al-Tahawi, Abu'l-Hasanal-Karkhl, Shams al-Ayim-
mah al-Halwa'i, Shams al-A'immah al-SarakhsI, Fakhr al-Islam
al-tfazdawi and Fakhr al-din Qadi Khan and others like them.
Ihey can oppose Abu Hanlfah neither with regard to funda-
mental principles nor with regard to rules applicable to particu-
lar cases, but they deduce rules, applicable to cases regarding
which there are no express rulings, in conformity with the funda-
mental principles and rules. (4) The fourth class is that of
the « « people of takhrlj ' ' (deduction) , comprising of such sectaries
as al-Razl and men like him. They are not at all capable of
making Ijhhad, but on account of their thorough grasp of the
lundamental principles and mastery over the original sources,
ttiey are capable of making detailed analysis of a general
dictum susceptible of double meaning, and an ambiguous rule
capable of two interpretations, reported from the founder of
tne School or one of his companions, bv means of their own
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 331
[N.S.]
judgment and examination of the fundamental principles, and
analogy based on a comparison of similar and parallel cases.
The statement in the Hidayah, "Such is the takhrij of al-
Ivarkhl and the takhrij of al-Razl" is of this kind. (5)
The fifth class is that of "the people of preference M from amongst
the sectaries, e.g., Abu 1 1- Hasan al-Quduri and the author of the
Hidayah and others like them Their position is that of giving
some reports preference over others, like their saying, c< This
is better " ; u This is more correct as to report ' ' ; 4 ' This is
more lenient to people," (6) The sixth class comprises the sec-
taries capable of discriminating between "the strongest,
strong and " weak," between the obvious reports of the
School and the rare reports, e.g., the authors of authentic texts
from amongst the later jurists, e.g., the author of the Kanz,
the author of the Mukhtar, the author of the Wiqayah and the
author of the Majmu'. Their position is that they do not report
rejected traditions and weak reports. (7) The seventh class
comprises of those below the rank of the jurists mentioned
above. 1 ( Radd. i, p. 79).
VI. Absolute Mujtahids [i.e., of the first rank like Abu
Hanlfah, Malik, etc.] have become extinct. But limited
Mujtahids are divided into seven well-known ranks. As for us,
it is our duty to follow what they have preferred and declared
correct as we would have followed their fatwd in their lifetime.
If it is said that sometimes they state opinions without indica-
ting any preference, and sometimes they differ as to the correct
view, I reply that we should act as they acted, viz., take into
consideration the varying practice, the condition of society,
that which is more lenient, that with regard to which practice
(Ta'amul) becomes manifest, and that whose reasoning is strong.
(Durr-al- Mukhtar , vol. i, p. 80. Ed, Const.).
Comments of the Radd-al-Muhtar.
VII. ' '" Without indicating any preference " : So it
shall not be departed from without there being an explicit
preference in favour of the opposite view. The same rule holds
good when one of the two views occurs in the texts or comment a-
1 Mawlawi 'Abd-al-Hayy of Lucknow, in his Introduction to his
commentary on the Sharh-al Wiqayah (p. 8), reproduces this classification
of eminent jurists with some further details. He adds a note on € ■ the
people of preference f * to the following effect : Amongst them al-KafawI
counts 'Ali al-Razi, pupil of Hasan b. Ziyad, Ibn Kamal Pasha of
Turkey, and Abfi/1-Su'ud al-'Imadi of Turkey, the celebrated commenta-
tor of the Qur'an; the author of Bohr al-Ra'iq counts also amongst
them Ibn Huraam, the author of Fath-al-Qadir. It is also said that the
latter attained the rank of a Mujtahid.
332 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
ries, or happens to be the view of the Imam (Abu Hanifah) or
there is Istihsan regarding cases other than those excepted, or it
happens to be more favourable to the waqf. (Vol. I, p. 80).
VIII. M His School" : A Hanafi giving judgment accord-
Muhammad
according to his own school.
" Contrary to his school " : i.e., the fundamental basis of
his school, e.g., when a Hanafi gives judgment according to the
school of al-Shafi'i, etc But if a Hanafi gives judgment
according to the school of Abu Yusuf or Muhammad or any
other companion of the Imam like them, the judgment will not
be contrary to his opinion (Durar), i.e., because the companions
of the Imam never gave expression to an opinion which was not
originally held by the Imam himself. (Radd al-Muhtar ', iv,
518. Ed. Const.).
IX. The 'Umdat-al-Ri'ayah, Commentary on the Sharh-
WlQAYAH
Liicknow)
The fact of the matter is that our greatest Imam said, " It
is not permitted to any one to accept our dictum so long as he
is not aware of its source, either from the Book, the Sunnah, the
consensus of the people, or manifest analogy with regard to
any particular case." ('Umdat-al-Bi' ayah, p.. 14, Ed.Lucknow).
Al-Shafi'i said, "When a hadith is found to be correct con-
trary to my dictum, throw my dictum over the wall, and act on
the sound hadith." (Ibid., p. 14).
In the chapter of the Ashbah on the Duties of a -Judge, it is
laid down that the Mufti should base his fatwd on what he con-
siders to be advantageous. The same view is stated in the
chapter on Dower of aUBazzdziyyah It is laid down also
in the Ashbah that the fatwd regarding a waqf should be based
on what is most favourable to it. The same view is stated in the
Sharh-al-Majma' and the H dwx-al-Qudsi . (Ibid., p. 15).
By the words ' ' Imam ' ' and ' ' the greatest Imam ' ' occur-
ring^ in the works of our leading jurists, the founder of the School
Abu Hanifah is meant. And he is also meant by the expres-
sion " founder of the School . " By the phrase, " Two com-
panions," Abu Yusuf and Muhammad are meant, and by ' ' Two
Shaykhs," Abu Hanifah and Abu Yusuf; by "Two sides,"
Muhammad and Abu Hanifah. By the " Second Imam," Abu
Yusuf is meant ; by the " Divine Imam," Muhammad ; by their
expression, "according to our three Imams'," Abu Hanifah,
Muhammad and Abu Yusuf; and by "four Imams'," Abu
Hanifah. Malik. a.l-Sh».fi«T anA n m ori +u a t^„„A~™ ^f +v«» xv&\\-
known
without
kh
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 333
[N.S.]
The pronoun occurring in such expressions of the jurists
as " this is the decision according to him," M this is his school,"
when no other substantive precedes to which it can be referred,
refers to Abu Hanifah, even though no mention of him precedes,
because he is supposed to be mentioned conventionally. ' c Ac-
cording to the two," i.e., Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. Sometimes
Abu Hanifah and Abu Yusuf and sometimes Abu Hanifah and
Muhammad are meant by this phrase according to the context.
The difference between tc according to him " and M from
him" is that the former indicates the School and the latter the
report. Thus, when they say, " Such is the case according to
Abu Hanifah," it indicates that such is his School. But when
they say, " From him is such and such," it indicates that such
is the report from him. (' V mdaUal-Ei' ayah , p. 17).
Often they lay down a decision, introducing it by the ex-
pression, "it is said " ; and the commentators and annotators
write below it, " this alludes to its weakness." The fact of the
matter is that such is the case when the author adopts it as a
conventional term to indicate overruled decisions and their
weakness. In such a case decisive judgments can be given
regarding it . . . otherwise not. (Ibid., p. 17).
X. Fatawa Khayriyyah {Vol. I, p. 218, 2nd ed, Govt. Press,
Bulaq, Cairo).
Answer. — Yes, it is valid. Our celebrated Ulema have
expressly declared the validity of exchange (istibdal) even
with dirhams and dinars. They declare that when it is advan-
tageous to do so, it is lawful to act in spite of any stipulation to
the contrary. .. .our jurists are unanimous in giving fatwa
according to what is more advantageous to the waqf where there
is difference of opinion.
XL The Is'af [Ed. Bulaq).
And the subject-matter of waqf is any property having
legal value on condition of its being land or moveable or anything
the waqj of which is recognized. (Muta'arif, p. 9).
If he makes waqf of a field and makes merftion of the slaves,
water-wheels and the implements of husbandry in it, they
become waqf . . . and if some of them become too infirm
to work, the Mutawalli may sell them, and purchase other slaves
in their stead. Similarly he may sell the water-wheels and the
implements and buy with their price that which is more bene-
ficial for the waqf (p. 17). And in the Fatawa Natifi it is reported
from Muhammad b. 'Abd- Allah al-Ansarl, one of the com-
panions of Zufar, that it is valid to make waqf of dirhams and
edibles, and that which is sold by measure and that which is
sold by weight. It was said to him, " How are the dirhams
to be employed ? " He said, it should be invested in business
334 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911.
(Mudarabah)
Similarly
what is sold by measure and what is sold by weight should
be sold for dirhams and dinars, which should be invested in busi-
ness and the profits given away in charity, (p. 18).
Chapter on the Waqf of Moveables by Thkuselves.
And the correct view is that reported from Muhammad
Q
aqf of such moveables with respect
;/) has
on account of the existence of recognized practice (Ta'aruf)
regarding the waqf of these things, whereby analogy {Qiyjte) * s
abandoned as in the case of Istiswa' . . . • one of the conditions
of the validity of waqf is perpetuity tt we have described above,
but we have abandoned it (a) regarding the things just men-
tioned owing to recognized practice (Ta'aruf) ; and (o) regard-
ing arms and horses for jihad on account of express tradition.
If a person makes waqf of a cow for the service of a rest-
ing house, stipulating that its milk, curd and butter should be
given to wayfarers, it is valid where such is the recognized prac-
tice, as in the case of the water of a public fountain ; otherwise
» « •
. . . And it has already been Btated above that Muhammad
b. 'Abd- Allah al-Ansarl.one of the companions of Zufar, held the
not
vxiqj
(pp. 20—21).
are
validity of waqf of Musha' , which is not partible, e.g., public
baths, wells and mills. But there is divergence regarding what
is partible. It is declared valid by Abu Yusuf, and the jurists
of Balkh have accepted his decision, but Muhammad has declared
it void, and if a Qadi decrees the validity of a Musha' waqf the
divergence is removed, (p. 21).
XII. The Fatawa QadI Khan (Vol. Ill, p. 306, Cairo edition).
Chapter on the Waqf of Moveables.
Shams-al-A'immah al-Sarakhsi says :— As regards waq\ of
moveables independently there is a difference of opinion
between Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. This is stated in the
Siyar-al-Kabir. He says the ' correct answer is as follows :
Anything with regard to which there is a clear practice
among men to appropriate, it is valid to make waqf thereof,
e.g., (1) Bier and its pall. (2) Anything needed for the
washing of the dead, such as pot and vessels. (3) Copies of the
Qur an. (4) Horses, camels, etc., arms and horses for jihad.
(5) Jurists are not agreed as regards waqf of books , which , how-
ever, is declared valid by the jurist Abu'l-Lavth, and the faiitfd
\
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of
[N.8.]
is in accordance with it. Naslr,
335
waqf
books. (6) A man makes waqf of a cow for the benefit of a rest-
ing house, so that what may be obtained in the shape of milk
and butter and curd will be given to the wayfarers. Then if
this happens in a place where they have recognized it, the waqf
is valid, as it is valid to make waqf of the water of a public
fountain.
of a resting place.
qf
waqf
benefit of the people of a village, in order to cover their cows ;
this is not valid, because religious merit is not intended thereby,
and there is no clear practice in its favour. (9) A man places a
jar. ... (10) A man makes waqf of a building without its site.
Hilal says this is not lawful. (11) And it is reported from
Zufar : a man makes waqf of dirhams or grain or what is
sold by measure or what is sold by weight. He declared it valid.
It was said to him, " How would it {waqf) be (carried out) V ' He
said that the money should be invested in business and the profits
given in charity for the benefit of the object of the waqf, and what
goes by measure and weight should be sold and their sale pro*
ceeds invested in commerce (bida'ah) or business
(M
as in the case of money* They have held on the analogy of the
above decision, that if a person says " this Jcurr (measure) of
wheat is waqf M on condition that the same should be lent to
such of the poor who have no seed grains with them, so that
they may cultivate the same for themselves, and then the quan-
tity lent should be taken back from them after the crops have
grown and the same should be lent to other poor people ; and
in this wise perpetually — the waqf shall be valid in this way-,
(12) A sick person makes a will in regard to thousand dirhams. . . .
(13) From Abu Yusuf it is reported that the waqf of
animals, etc., is not valid. (14) A man makes waqf
of a garden with cows, cattle, slaves, etc., valid.
himself
qf
and intervenes between the waqf and him. The Shaykh Imam
qf
Fadl si
sr place
one.
. . . When the thing dedicated deteriorates, it is necessary to
supply a substitute, as in the case of a dedicated horse, which is
killed, or when a slave dedicated to the service of the Ka'bah
is killed. (16) If the Mutawalll of a waqf spends the dirhams
of the waqf for his own use (17) Mutawalll may sell
animals dedicated to a resting-house when they become old
and useless. (18) The people of a mosque (19) Muta-
walll of a mosque buys a house with the income of the mosque.
(20) Mutawalll buys a bier with the income of
the mosque by (21) Ruined village with a well . . . .
336 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
i
Waqf
from Ztifar that when a person makes a waqf of dirhams
and grain, and what is capable of being measured or weighed,
it is valid .... (24) When waaf is made of a bier .... etc.
XIII. The Jami'-al-Rumuz of al-Quhistani (Vol. Ill,
p. 524, Ed. Cal).
And it is valid according to Muhammad to make waqf of
moveables (i.e., things capable of being moved from one
place to another) with regard to which there is Ta'amul
(i.e., Ta'aruf), e.g., a -copy of the Qur'an and the
like (e.g.. books, pickaxes, saws, vessels, bowls, biers, and their
palls; arms, horses, donkeys, slaves, oxen, agricultural imple-
ments, trees, right of water with the land, pigeons with their
cote, bees with their hive. But if they are not the subject of Ta'a-
mul, their waqf is not valid except by way of dependence.
Mughnx
Muhammad, waqf
{Ta'amul). But according to Abu Yusuf the waqf is void if it is
not the subject of Ta'amul. And the fatwd is in accordance
with it, i.e., the fatwd is given in accordance with the view of
Muhammad which declared such a waqf valid, because of the
necessity of the people.
I
XIV. The Durr-ai^Muntaqa {Vol. I, p. 740, Ed. Const.).
Similarly the waqf of any moveable property whose waqf
accor
Muhammad the ivaaf of such moveables of
recoirn
it is laid down
Thus
in the Sharli-al-Wahbaniyyah
Kabir, and it has hepn fnllnwprl
who has affirmed the rule, and it has been cited by al-Quhis-
tani, who has also affirmed it. This must be carefully noted.
But in al-Birjindi, etc., it is stated that the waqf of moveables
whose waqf is not recognized in practice is not valid, according
to all the three. But according to al-Shafri everything from
ovation
gmai, pr
as that of land
with the pres
wful, its waqf
and all implements of husbandry, right of water, hatchets
saws biers and their palls, and likewise the waqf of woollen clothe
tor the benefit of the poor. And in our time some Mutawallishav<
made ivaqf of furs for the use of the Muezzins at night in winter
oucn a waqf ought to be valid , especially according to the statemen
above, reported from al-Zahidi. " Cauldrons, vote, copies of th
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 337
added
[N.S.]
Qur'dn, books, etc." And our jurists have
to those mentioned by Muhammad and Abu Yusuf, acting on the
principle of Ta'amul, as is laid down in the Manh. I, therefore,
say that taking into consideration this opinion and that of al-
Zahidi, already stated above, there is no need of referring to the
report of al-Ansari from Zufar with regard to waqf of dirhams
and dinars as has been supposed, and indeed have been issued
royal orders to the Qadls, to give decrees according to it (the view
validating the waqf of dirhams and dinars) as i> laid down in the
Ma
waqf
capable of being measured or weighed is valid, they being sold
and their price being applied in business or commerce like dir-
hams. On the analogy of this they have declared the validity
of the waqf of a toirr of wheat on condition that it should be lent
to one who has no seed, etc
If a person makes waqf of a cow on condition that whatever
comes out of it in the shape of milk and butter should go to the
poor, if they are in the habit of doing so, I should expect the waqf
to be valid. The Manh has added to the list the waqf of
buildings without the site, and likewise that of trees without the
land because they are moveables with regard to which there ifl
Ta'amul.
view of Muhammad
Q
as in the case
les to be made
has
said : ■ ' Whatever
the sight of God."
good
XV. The Majma'-al-Anhur
qf
Similarly is valid according to Muhammad the trnqf of
moveables, the waqf of which has become recognized in practice
(Ta'aruf), as is valid the waqf of moveables directly when people
have made a Ta'amul of their waqf, e.g., pickaxes, shovels, hat-
chets, saws, biers with their palls, cauldron, pots, copies of the
Qur'an, books. And according to it, i.e., the view of Muhammad,
is the fatwd in consequence of the presence of Ta'amul in these arti-
cles. And this view has been adopted by the majority of the jurists
of all countries : and that is the correct view, as is laid down in
the Is'af ; and that is the view of thegenerality of jurists as is laid
down in the Zuhiriyyah. Because qiyas is sometimes abandoned
<>n account of Ta'amul as in the case of Istisna' . . . . And al-
Mujtabd reports the difference of opinion between Abu Yusuf
and Muhammad differently to what has been just stated, viz.,
that according to Muhammad, waqf of moveables was valid,
absolutely, whether any practice respecting it prevailed or not
thfi view of Abu Yusuf being that it was valid if there was Ta'-
338 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
amul respecting it. As Ta'amul became prevalent with regard
to the ivaqf of dinars and dirhams in the time of Zufar, their
waqf being declared valid according to one report, they came
within the purview of the dictum of Muhammad in accordance
with which is the fatwd respecting the waqf of every moveable
concerning which Ta'amul may arise as is obvious. Con-
sequently there is no need of especially ascribing the view
i
Ansari : and verilv has
qf
fatwd in favour of their validity without reporting any
of opinion on this point ; this is laid down in the Manh
validity.
practi
case of waqf
uqf
down : ' ' the recognized practice
a. hnilrlincr witlimit, its site. So
also the waqf of trees without the land : thus the fatwd is deter-
mined in favour of its validity because these are moveables in
which there is Ta'amul" By Ta'amul is intended the Ta'amul
of the companions of the Prophet and that of the companions of
the companions, and of the Mujtahids from among the Imams
of the faith, and not the Ta'aruf of the common people , as some
of the learned have held. According to this view, the statement
of the author of al-Manh, viz., " that the practice, etc., because
they are moveables in which there is Ta'amul" is not reliable.
But in the Muhlt and other works it is laid down : " A man
makes a waqf of a cow for the benefit of a resting-house , on con-
dition that what comes out in the shape of milk and butter should
be given to the wayfarers : where such waqf prevails, I should
expect it to be valid. ' ' But some of our jurists hold it to be valid
absolutely, "Because," say they, " Ta'aruf has ensued with
regard to it in the country of the Muslims." This shows
that the meaning is absolute 'Ta'aruf, not what some have said.
XVI. MULLA MlSKtN AND THE FaTH-AL-Mu'IN (Vol. U ', V- W7 »
Edition Cairo).
(a) Text of the Kanz with the Commentary of Mulla Miskin.
The waqf of moveables in which there is Ta'amul is valid, i.e.,
with regard to making waqf of which there is practice ('Adah),
unrestrictedly whether it is a copy of the Qur'an, or pickaxe, or
shovel, or hatchet, or saw, or bier or its pall, or cauldrons, or
pots, or transport animals, according to Muhammad. And the
TTh y ° f ^ Urists have ado Pt«d his view on account of
<£
(6) Commentary of the Fath-al-Mu l in.
In which there is Ta'amul " : e.g., pickaxes, hatchets
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 339
[N.S.]
dirhams and dinars. Thus it has been laid down in the Tanwir,
and this is the view of Muhammad, and according to it is the
fatwd. — Durr from the Ikhliydr.
From this we learn that the waqf of dirhams and dinars
belongs to the class of waqf influenced by Ta'dmul, and the same
information we gather from the statement of al-Zayla'I and al-
'Ayni. Accordingly Ta'amvlm all countries is not a condition,
and this shows the inaccuracy of the argument of the Nahr when
it says, " The statement of Muhammad, which has just preceded,
necessitates the invalidity of that in Egyptian lands in conse-
quence of the absence of its practice (Ta'aruf) altogether. Yes,
indeed, the waqf of dirhams and dinars ha^s become recognized
in the Turkish dominions." Again in the Sharh Multaqd'l-
Abhur by al-'Ala'l 1 after the quotation from the text the
following comments occur: "And similarly is valid the
waqf of moveables whose waqf is recognized in practice accord-
ing to Muhammad, and similarly that which is not recognized
in practice is also valid according to Muhammad, as is laid
down in the Sharh al-Walibdniyyah from al-Zahicfi from
the Siyar-al-Kabir, and Shurunbulall has followed it, and al-
Quhistanl has affirmed it." Then it (Sharlyal- M uUaqd) states,
1 c Therefore according to what has preceded as reported from al-
Zahidi, there is no necessity for referring to the report of al-Ansarl
from Zufar. And the royal command had already been
issued to the Qadls to give decision to that effect as is laid down
in the Ma'rudat of the Mufti Abu'l-Su'ud.' \ From this it is learnt
that the fativd of some to the effect that the view declaring the
validity of the waqf of dirhams is weak, because of its having
been reported from Zufar, is incorrect. t€ That is to say, there
is practice to make waqf of it ' ' ; On account of the saying of the
Prophet, "Whatever is good in the sight of the Muslims is
good in the sight of God," and because Ta'aruf is stronger
than qiyas, so qiyas is disregarded thereby as in the case of
istisna' .
XVII. The Bahr-al-Ra'iq and the Manhat-al-Khaliq
(Vol V 9 p. 216 et seq., Ed. Cairo).
_The subject-matter of waqf is property having legal value
{Mai M utaqawivirn) , (p. 202).
The waqf of land with its cows and serfs is valid, and also
that of Musha* whose validity has been decreed, and that of
moveables wherein there is T a' amid.
And Muhammad has laid down that such moveables with
regard to which there is Ta'amul is valid, and the view has
been adopted by the majority of the jurists of various countries
because qiyas is disregarded on account
1 t.f., the Durr aUMuntaqa.
340 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
'arnicas in the case of Istisna'. And in the Mujtabd this difference
of opinion with regard to moveables has been reported differently
and referred to the Siyar, viz., that the view of Muhammad is
its validity absolutely, irrespective of there being any practice
or not, and that of Abu Yusuf is its validity pro vided that there
is practice with regard to it. And the Hidayah instances the
following as examples of moveables influenced by Ta'amul :
pickaxe, hatchet, saw, bier and its pall, cauldrons, pots, and
copies of the Qur'an. And it is reported from Nasir b. Yahya
that he made waqf of his books on the analogy of the waqf of
copies of the Qur'an — and this is correct.
It is laid down in the Tahrir whilst discussing the primary
meaning of words, that Ta'amul means the more frequent in
use ; that is why Imam Muhammad has confined the validity
of waqf of moveables to those things. Therefore those
things which were not influenced by Ta'amul were excluded, e.g.,
clothes, animals, gold, silver, even if in the shape of ornaments,
because their waqf cannot be perpetual, and this is indispensable ;
contrary to the case of transport animals and arms because of
express tradition regarding them, and to that of the articles
stated above in consequence of Ta'amul: the rest come
under the operation of the original rule of qiyas. Verily some
jurists have added to the list of Muhammad other moveable
articles when they perceived the prevalence of Ta'amul regarding
oaf
Thus it is laid down in the Khulasah
valid. (3) And waqf
d. (2) It is reported from
r, with regard to the waqf
measured or weighed
waqf
clothes being given to the poor to benefit by it in the season of
wearing it. (4) Waqf of bull .... not valid. (5) Waqf of slaves
and slave-girls for the service of a resting-house, valid. Thus
;*■ -:
down in the Fath-al Qadlr. (6) the waqf
not stated , nor am I aware of anyone expressly stating it , and
there is no doubt that it is included under such moveables as
are not influenced by Ta'amul. Thus its waqf is not valid. (7)
Waqf of a garden with cows, cattle, slaves, etc valid.
(8) Waqf of medicine for hospital not valid unless the poor be
mentioned. (9) Two more cases remain .— (a) waqf of a building
without its site. In the Dhakhirah it is laid down that the waqf
wi
whose waqf is not practised ; (6) waqf of trees not
valid.
XVIII. The Hidayah {Vol. V, p. 430, Ed. Cairo).
And Muhammad has held that it is valid to dedicate
es and arms, i.e., it is valid to make waqf of them in the
Vol. VII, No. 6.J The Waqf of Moveables. 341
[N.S.]
way of God. And Abu Yusuf agrees with him in this on the
ground of Istihsan, the qiyas being according to what we have
said before that such a waqf is not valid. The reason for apply-
ing the principle of Istihsan is based on well-known traditions
concerning these articles, e.g., the following saying of the Pro-
phet : ' ' As for Khalid he has verily dedicated suits of armour and
chargers in the way of God." Talhah, also, dedicated his armour
in the way of God. ' '
66 Horses M means war-horses, etc. Camels are also compre-
hended in this term, because the Arabs ride camels in battles ;
arms are comprehended in the term " suits of armour."
It is reported from Muhammad that it is valid to make
waqf of such moveables as are influenced by Ta'amul, e.g., spades,
Qur'an Muhammad
copies
as in the case
in these articles. It is reported from Naslr b. Yahya that he
qf of his books
of the
Qur'an,
jurists of various countries have adopted the view of Muhammad.
And such moveables as are not influenced by Ta'amul, their
waqf is not valid according to us. But al-Shafi'i has said that the
waqf of anything from which profit can be derived consistently
wi
lawful, is valid; because it is possible to derive profit from it,
and so it resembles land, horses and arms. Our (Hanafi)
argument is that the waqf of these articles cannot endure per-
petually, and this is indispensable as already stated. Therefore,
these articles become like dirhams and dinars (unlike land)
whilst there is no antagonistic
ground
of express tradition or that of Ta'amul. So they remain under
the operation of the original rule of Qiyas (analogy). This is bo
because land endures, and jihad is the highest religious duty.
Therefore the idea of piety in these two is stronger than in any
other thing. So other articles besides these cannot come within
their meaning.
The Fath-al-QadIr (Vol. V, p. 429, Ed. Cairo).
Al-Quduri says that Abu Yusuf held the waqf of land with
cows and its cultivators (and they are slaves) valid
And if some of them fall ill and become incapable of
work, the Mutawalll may sell those who become unfit for work
and buy with the price others who can work. Similarly as
when some of them are killed and he takes the blood-money,
he is bound to purchase another with it.
.... The reason for applying the rule of Istihsan is based on
well-known traditions concerning those articles, i.e., concerning
342 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
horses and aims. And among those traditions the following
saying of the Prophet is reported from Abu Hurayrah in the
two Sahihs {al-Bukhari and Muslim) : —
" As for KMlid, verily you are hard upon him, whilst he
has verily dedicated his suits of armour in the way of
God."
The other statement by the author of the Hidayah to the
effect that Talhah dedicated his armour, is unknown
The majority of jurists of all countries follow the dictum of
Muhammad, viz., that the waqf of those moveables which are
influenced by Ta'amul is valid; those which are not in-
fluenced by Ta'amul it is not valid to appropriate them in
accordance with our (Hanafl) opinion. But al-Shafi'l says that
whilst
qf of anything is valid from which nrofit can be derived
is the view also of Malik and Ahmad. But the waqf of anything
from which no profit can be derived except by its destruction,
is not valid like gold and silver, and eatables and drinkables, ac-
cording to the generality of [Shafi'l, Maliki and Hanbali] jurists.
J5y gold and silver is meant dirhams and dinars, not anything in
the shape of ornaments, for as to ornaments, it is valid to make
waqf of them according to the opinion of Ahmad and al-Shafi'i,
because Hafsah had bought ornaments for 20,000 dirhams and
dedicated them for the use of the women of the family of al-
£nattab ; hence no poor-rate was levied on them. According to
ibn ^udamab m his Mucihnl, Ahmad does not hold the waqf of
ornaments vahd, and denies the" authenticity of this tradition.
Ihe substance of the reason of the body of Shafi'l, Maliki, and
lianbaii jurists is based on the analogy of horses. And
the author confutes this argument by saying that tin-
ettect of a legal waqf is perpetuity and other articles besides
land do not endure, although indeed this condition is disregarded
in the case of phad.
Now that you have known the rules that govern the waqf
of moveables you should know that some jurists have added
other moveab es to the articles mentioned by Muhammad when
they perceived the prevalence of Ta'amul [in their time]: (1) Waqf
of cow stipulating that milk, butter .... valid. (2) Reported
vZ ;£w rt V ••••■; •■ M °tf of dirhama, grain, etc
vahd (3) Woollen clothes and shrouds, when dedicated by
way of charity perpetually . . . valid. (4) Waqf of slaves and
slave-girls for the benefit of a resting-house . . . vahd.
XX. The Kifayah (Vol V, p. 431, Ed. Cairo).
" Consistently with the continued existence of its original
lLV n I u T J°, guard gainst dirhams and dinars, becau
«e tor which dirhams and dinars are made is price [media
? '
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. . 343
[N.S.]
of exchange] and it is not possible to profit by them consistently
with the continuance of their originals in his possession.
"Sale is lawful" — this is to guard against Umm-al-Walad,
whose waqf is not valid. ' ' Whilst there is no antagonistic
influence on the ground of tradition ' ' — The qiyas with regard
to moveables is that their waqf is not valid, because their waqf
an
tagonistic influence of tradition has overruled
in
cases, as for instance, in the case of horses and arms
because of the existence of well-known traditions \ and in
certain other cases the antagonistic influence of Ta'amul has
overruled qiyas, as for instance/ in the case of axes, hatchets,
shovels, cauldrons, and pots; the rest, for instance, articles like
clothes and carpets, and those like slaves and slave-girls
dedicated independently continue subject to the rule of qiyas 9
as there is no opposing force with respect to them on the ground
of tradition or Ta'amul.
XXL The 'Inayah [Vol. V, p. 432, Ed. Cairo).
We (the Hanafls) contend that the waqf of moveables does
not endure, and that is obvious, and whatever does not endure
cannot be made waqf of — perpetuity being indispensable as
stated before. Therefore all the moveables become like dir-
hams and dinars. The author's statement "unlike land " is
by way of reply to his (al-ShafiTs) reliance on the analogy of land.
The author's statement ' ■ whilst there is no antagonistic in-
fluence on the ground of tradition" is by way of reply to
his (al-Shafi'l's) statement, "therefore it resembles horses
and arms." The reason is that like dirhams, originally,
the waqf of horses and arms also were not valid, but that
we have abandoned it (qiyas) in consequence of an out- weigh-
ing antagonistic influence based on tradition. The author's state-
ment "nor on the ground of Ta'amul" is by way of reply
to the following argument : The original principle has been
disregarded with respect to horses and arms in consequence
of an antagonistic influence based on tradition which is not
present in cauldrons, shovels, etc. Therefore, let the
dispute be decided on the analogy of these. The reason is that
the articles mentioned above have been affected by an antago-
nistic influence based on Ta'amul which is not present in the
question in dispute, e.g., slaves and slave-girls, clothes, carpets
and the like. So these remain subject to the rule of the
case
qiyas
relyii
• *
day
Q
in consequence of Ta'amul.
344 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
XXII. Sa'dI Chalpi (V, p. 430, Ed. Cairo).
As to the statement of the author (of the 'Inayah) that
11 one of its conditions is perpetuity, and perpetuity is not
present in moveables," I say that this statement is open to
criticism; the reason being given in the reply from the argu-
ment of al-Shafi'I as will be stated later on. The author says ' ' it
(the perpetuity) is indispensable as stated before.' ' I say the
logical conclusion is that what is indispensable is the continuance
of the waqf, so long as the subject-matter of the waqf continues,
and this condition is fulfilled in the case in dispute also. There-
fore the matter requires careful consideration.
XXIII. Al-'Ayni's Commentary on the Hldayah (//,
p. 993, Ed. Lucknow).
Malik
aqf
such moveables from which profit can be derived consistently
with the continuance of their originals is valid. From Malik there
are two reports with regard to the waqf of horses and arms. As
All P ffc i t t n « * * _ _ *m *
qf
has
that their waqf is not valid according to t
etc.] jurists and scholars, but that what
Malik and al-Awza'I that the waqf of grain is valid, has not been
confirmed by the companions of Malik: therefore, this is not
correct (p. 993).
< c
As for Khalid
This saying of
from Abu Hurayrah (p. 994).
Bukhari and Mu
• •
<?/
profit can be derived consistently, etc., original" : This is to
guard against dirhams and dinars because the use for which
dirhams and dinars are made is price, etc.
" Its waqf is valid because it is possible to derive profit from
it, therefore it resembles land, horses and arms": The reason
is that originally the waqf of horses and arms was not valid, i.e.,
every thing from which profit can be derived oonsistentlv with
qf. ' ' We
with
mentions
ind
of things is tliat perpetuity being indispensable the «**<//
what does not endure is not valid.
i C
already
of perpetuity.
can be derived consis
moveable from
345
Vol. VII, No. 6.] TheWaqf
[N.S.]
original), "like dirhams and dinars," i.e., with regard to the
absence of validity.
"Unlike land," i.e., because there is perpetuity in it,
although not expressly mentioned or stipulated.
' ' Whilst there is no antagonistic influence based on tradi-
tion," i.e., this is by way of reply to his (al-Shafi'I's) statement.
" therefore it resembles land, horses and arms." " Nor on
the ground of Ta'amul": this is by way of reply to what
may be said to the effect that the principle has been abandoned
in the case of horses and arms owing to an antagonistic force
based on tradition
case
hatchet and shovel, etc., therefore let the question in dispute
be decided on the analogy of these. Th
reason
two articles have been influenced by an antagonistic force based
case
slaves, slave- girls, clothes, carpets and the like
* " " "" cava • A rtp.raon makes waai of
The author of the Muhli
150
i
; tliis waqf
employed
in business (Mudarabah) and the profits applied to the pur-
poses of the waqf. The same rule holds good, says the Muhtt,
in the case of waqf of dirhams and what is sold by measure
and what is soil by weight (p. 996).
XXIV. Mustakhlas-al-Haqa'iq (204, Edn. Bom.).
"Moveables in which there is Ta'amul," i.e., amongst
people, e.g., pickaxes, dirhams and dinars, cauldrons, a bier and
its pall, copies of the Qur'an and books; contrary to those in
which there is no Ta'amul.
XXV. The Kanz-al-Bayan (Vol. I, 116, Edn. Cairo).
It is valid to make waqf of a moveable independently with
respect to which there is Ta'amul of the people, e.g., pick-axes,
shovels, dirhams, dinars, cauldrons, a bier with its pall, copies of
the Qur'an and books ; contrary to those with respect to which
there is no Ta'amul, e.g., clothes and household goods in the
rvr^v.;™ «f MnViommori » n A Hio fVr/iivf is in accordance therewith.
XXVI. Al-' Aral's Commentary on the Kanz al-Daqa'iq
{II, p. 461, Edition Lucknow).
and arms
qf of moveables, such as horses
m ahnvpls. saws, a bier and its
1 Or according to another reading, "for the benefit of the sick
from amongst the sufis."
346 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
pall, copies of the Quran, books on jurisprudence, traditions and
literature, and other things besides, with regard to whose waqf
Ta'amul or Ta'aruf (practice) arises. This is the dictum of
Muhammad, and the fatwd is in accordance with it on account
of traditions being in its favour. Arguing on the analogy of
horses and arms al-Shafi'I holds the waqf of everything valid
whose sale is lawful and from which profit can be derived
along with the continuance of its original. We (Hanafis) contend
that the original state is the absence of the validity of waqf ;
therefore waqf should be limited to those tilings regarding which
the law is express, viz., land and horses. The rest continue
in the original state suggested by analogv (qiyds) except
those with regard to which Ta'anml arises when they become
like dirhams and dinars.
XXVli. Super-Commentary on al-'Aym on the Kanz
(//, p. 463, Edition Lucknow).
Wherein there is Ta'amul, i.e., is lawful the waqf of move-
ables with regard_ to which there is Ta'amul of the people, i.e.,
the practice ('Adah) of making waqf of which has arisen.
±nis is the view of Muhammad, and the fatwd is in accordance
therewith : and it is said that Abu Y.lsuf agrees with him in this
VI A ITT "
view.
XXVIII. The TanwIr-al-Absar (///, p. 578, Edition Const).
And if a person makes waqf of land with the cows and the
serfs attached to it, it is valid like Musha' whose validity
has_been decreed by a Qklf, and moveables wherein there is
Laamul, e.g., axes, shovels, dirhams, and dinars.
qf
h«„ a ^ /n ;- — z . ^' " 31 * ves wr *ne purposes or a resw»g
Ih^M * f ', and if any is killed wilfully, recourse
JvZ ut^ ha ^ t0 Sanation (Bazzdziyyah) , but rather the
price should be realized in order to purchase with it his substitute.
Like Musha' etc.," because it is a case for ijtihad ; there-
iianati sectary has the option of decreeing the validity or
of the waqf of Musha' because of the divergence of pref-
er, when there are, with regard to a particular ques-
'o opinions both of which are pronounced correct, it is
erence.
accordance
with oifv.^. * 17 — '"*""• <*"" "»e judgment in aceoruauv^
Absar) iem {Ba ^ r and the au * h °r of the Tanwir-al
Ta'amul ' ' : And likewise is valid
herein there is
And
waqf of every
Ta'amul ni ™ IT' r u "? veaDle independently wherein there is
laamul of people, for instance, axes, shovels, nay, also dirhams
Vol. VII, No. o.J The Waqf of Moveables. 347
[N.8.]
and dinars.
Q
by royal command to decree in favour of its validity as is laid
down in the Ma"rudat of the Mufti Abu'l-Su'ud. And also what
is sold by measure, etc., etc.
?/
of a cow directing that the produce of her milk and butter
should be given to the poor, if people are accustomed to that
('AdaJi), I should expect it to be valid.
11 And a cauldron and a bier " : and its pall, and copies of
the Qur'an and books, because Ta'amul overrules analogy in
consequence of the saying of the Prophet, cc Whatever is good
in the sight of the Muslims is good in the sight of God/'
11 Unlike those articles wherein there is no Ta'amul" e.g., clothes
and household goods. This is the view of Muhammad, and the
fatwd is in accordance then
In the Bazzdziyyah it
clothes for the poor is valid
qf
. The Radd-al-Muhtar (///, p. 406, Edition Cairo).
"And is valid, etc.. resting house " : The apparent meaning
is the validity of their ivaqf independently, and this is supported
by the fact that in the Fath-al-Qadir which quotes the Kkula&ah
this instance is enumerated along with the cases of the waqf
of moveables with respect to which there was Ta'amul. The
Mukhtar)
mentioned
(of the Tanwir-al-Absar), " and moveables wherein there is
Ta'amul," so that it may not be imagined that it is a waqf
subsidiary to the resting-house, as has been imagined by the
author of the Bahr-al-Ra'iq when he says, etc
. . . If he sells a disabled slave and buys with his price another
his stead
implements may be sold and with their price may be pur-
chased what is more beneficial to the waqf.
" As is valid the waqf of Musha', etc." : and it will become
unanimous by the decree of a judge. The divergence with
regard to the waqf of Musha' is based on the stipulation of
delivery and its absence, because partition is its completion.
Abu Yusuf holds it valid because he does not make delivery a
condition, and Muhammad holds it invalid because of his making
delivery a condition and we have stated above
that the occasion of the divergence is with respect to what is
capable of division, unlike what is not capable of it, and the latter
is, therefore, unanimously valid except in the case of a mosque
or a cemetery.
" Because it is a case for ijtihad 1 * : i.e., ijtihad is permitted
because of the absence of its being in opposition to any express
text or Ijma' (consensus of jurists).
348 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Boxjal. [June, 1911.
" Therefore the Hanafi sectary etc.' ' : therefore it is stated
in the Durar in the Book on the " Duties of a Judge" where the
contrarv to
-JT -("-emwivui c* JUUgC UUMliIUiy W 1118 SUI1UUJ
that it means contrary to the principles of the school, e.g., when
a Hanafi gives judgment according to the school of al-Shafi'I.
But if a Hanafi gives judgment according to the view of Abu
Yusuf or Muhammad or others like them from amongst the com-
panions of the Imam, then it is not a judgment contrary to his
opinion
" Two opinions, both of which are pronounced correct
? J
orrectness
i u — "y***» ^"^xci/jr une currecwiess is pronounceu ait'
equal ; otherwise it is decidedly preferable to follow that which
is more emnhatio in Mia nmn^n« rt ^ 4- ,j t i *. . „
ectness
»
opinions
nidi,, 01 me expression it is correct," imd the other by that
Uf f ex P reS3i ° n ' ' il1 accor dance therewith is the fatwd, ' ' the
latter is the stronger. Similarly, if one of them occurs in the
texts or m the Conspicuous reports," or is adopted by the
majority, or is mo re suitable to the people, then if this and
the view opposed to it are both correct, it is decided I v prefer-
this work ^ dy Stated at the commencement of
if Hp rW,? ° f then l" \ ie,} an y of the two opinions lie likes, but
not thJ i' P f ? lCU ^ CaSG accordi "g to one of them, he has
vtw X v °f. dec J^ng that very case according to the other
toe-in ™ w 18 hke the J ud ^ e in tbis r <*Pect He should
TtUlZ ?1* T re COnve nient and advantageous. This
alcordrr ,n ^° f * , he d ' C t Um that the Mufti gives his fatwd in
lloZ TZ W lat * benefici al, i.e., advantageous in a reli-
gious, not temporal, sense.
*»d F ::Z y ,,?Mtt. M?!'-» Je"tl y ; ■ : hot), atari „les . »■
agr
are
to the validity of waqf
tradi
>
The differ-
aqf
other tin^f w, uV CiCime *° in e iawtulness of a waqf 01
ZT of teh a m Pr ° pert ' y - For according to Abu Yusuf,
Mul mm S J h , h ™° VeableS £ not Valid ' whe ™s according -
lawfX hf T m ™» bl «- wh erein there is Ta'amttf n
lawfully be made tw?/ f. This view h M
mi*Z may
been
unsra or an countries as is mentioned in the Hidayah
correct view as is mentioned in the Is'af, and this i
as
of Ta'amul v\TT g %T? as) ma * vbe abandoned inconsequence
to Muh^mmJl L *»""** ***** ^om al-Siyar that according
but tha ac^W ^Z Moveables is unrestrictedly valid ;
is valid as to ^ e 1h° A ? U Y T f ' the «^/ of *»»«» moveables
details ofth?, will^?? atl °5 ° f ^ Ch there is T "'™ ul - Ful,er
this will be found in the Bahr. What has first been
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 349
[N.8.]
stated however [as being the opinion of the two disciples] is
that which is generally known as being theirs.
"Waqf of Dirhams and Dinars M : The opinion that
the waqf of dirhams and dinars is valid is attributed in air
Khulamh to al-Ansarl, who was one of the companions of Zufar.
In the Fatawa of Qadi Khan this lias been attributed to Zufar
(himself) when he says, wt It is reported from Zufar." This
is the statement of cd-Skururihulaliyah. The author in his
Marih says : — As Ta'amul lias arisen in the Turkish dominions
and other countries in our days to make waqf of dirhams
and dinars, these have come under the dictum of Muham-
mad according to which is the fatwd, viz., that any moveable
wherein there is Ta'amul may be made waqf of as will readily
be understood. There is no necessity, therefore, to say that the
validity of waqf of these things rest specially on the authority
of Zufar as reported by al-Ansari, and God knows best. Our
master, the author of the Bahr, has given his decision as to the
validity of waqf of dirhams and dinars without making any
mention of any divergence of opinion. Here ends what is men-
tioned in the Manh. Al-Ramli thus comments on this : To place
dirhams and dinars under the category of those moveables which
it is the practice to make waqf of, is not without some doubt,
since they are of those things from which no profit can be derived,
keeping them at the same time in the possession of the dedicator,
and the fact that the author of the Bakr has already given hi>
fatwd (decision) as to the validity of waqf of those things without
mentioning any difference of opinion does not show that these are
included in the things to which the dictum of Muhammad (accord-
lg to which /<
aqf of artic"
adopted the opinion of Zufar and decided accordingly.
The argument cited in aUMank and based on the question of the
cow which is mentioned below is rebutted by what we have already
said, for it is possible to make use of its milk and butter and yet to
preserve its substance. However, if the decision of a judge is
obtained, every difference will be removed. End of the passage
I fnrm T sav coins cannot be made determinate
in
by the simple act of specifying them, therefore although it is not
possible to make use of them and retain the original, yet their
substitute always exists since they cannot be made specific.
They are. therefore , as good as if they had ]
mov
has
are included among the things which Muhammad had declared
to be lawful to make waqf of. It is for this reason, seeing that
Muhammad had given examples of things with respect to
which Ta'amul had arisen in his age, the author of the Fath-
al-Qad%r says that some doctors of law have added to those
mentioned by Muhammad other moveables when they saw
350 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Btw/al. [June, 1911.
the prevalence of Ta'amul with respect to them in their
time. He (the author of F alh-at-Qadtr) mentions the case of
dedicating a cow stated below and that of coins and measurable
articles when he says, "It is stated in al-Khulasah : a man
makes waqf of a cow on condition that the milk and butter
obtained from it should be given to wayfarers. It was an-
swered, " If this happens in a place where waqf of such things
prevails it is expected that such waqf should be valid." It
is related of
asked
waqf
of being measured and weighed, whether his waqf was valid.
He answered, "Yes." He was asked, And how?" He
answered, " The money should be laid out in business {Muda-
rabah) and the income therefrom distributed in charity in the
way laid down in the deed of waqf. Those articles which are
capable of being measured or weighed may be sold, and their
price given likewise in business or as capital stock." He adds
that according to this analogy, it would be possible to make waqf
of a measure of wheat on condition that it should be lent out to
the poor, who do not possess seeds, so that they may sow them
for themselves, and when it is harvest time the quantity lent
out would be taken from them and afterwards given to other
poor persons— in this way perpetually.
From this becomes evident the correctness of what the
author has mentioned, viz., their inclusion among the moveables
whose waqf has been recognized in practice according to the
dictum of Muhammad, in conformity with which fatwd is given.
(waqf
asc
become recognized at that time, and because he was the first to
give it as his opinion that such waqf was valid. Al-Nahr
says:—" According to the preceding dictum of Muhammad it
would not be lawful to make waqf of that, i.e., waqf of wheat,
in Egyptian lands as this is absolutely unknown. Yes, indeed,
tries*"^ ° f dirhams and drnSrs is recognized in Turkish coun-
''Because analogy is abandoned inconsequence of Ta'amuV'-
according to analogy waqf of moveables is not valid as perpetuity
i a a condition of waqf, whereas moveables cannot exist per-
petually. Ta'amul according to al-Bahr, whose authority is al-
l ahnr, means the more frequent in use. It is stated in the
commentaries of al-Blri, quoting from the Mabsut, " Whatisestab-
l+tr m P ractlce »as the same authority as that which i»
dtetif ed ??, a te L xt < of the Q ur, an or traditions). A fuller
NaZ Ta ( T Subject wUl be found « our treatise, entitled
m^ot\S( ,e ^~ i: Basin g of certain ruleson what is recognized
nrSoe rwWi M GVldent f rom fche caae of the cow, that a new
nt Sun t C T r e8lI l to ? xi8tence at any time or place] is taken
CCOUnt - U ,s n °t, therefore, necessary that the practice
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 351
[N.S.]
should have existed from the time of the Companions. Such is
also the evident conclusion from what we have already said that
some doctors of law have added other moveables in which To-
'amul has arisen in their time. According to this, what is obvious
is to take into consideration the practice in some place where,
or at some time when, the practice came to be recognized and
not otherwise* Thus the waqf of dirhams is practised in Turkish
countries and not in our country, and the waqf of axes and
spades was practised in the age of the ancients, but it is not
heard of in our time. Therefore it would appear that it
is not valid now, and that if it should be found rarely
it should not be taken into consideration, since it has been
already stated that Ta'amul means M the more frequent in
use." The reasoning is false. "In consequence of the
saying of the Prophet " : reported by Ahmad, etc. ' 4 And house-
hold goods," i.e., that from which some use could be had; thus
it is a conjunction of a general term to a particular ; so it includes
what is used in the house, e.g., household goods like beds, carpets,
mats, other than those used in a mosque, vessels and cooking
pots. Yes, the waqf of brass vessels have come to be recognized,
and the ancients have expressly declared the validity of the
ivaqf of vessels and cooking pots required for washing the
dead.
"And this," i.e., the validity of waqf of moveables recog-
nized in practice.
"The Bahr has assimilated boats to furniture ": that is to
say, it is not valid, but the Master of our Masters al-Sa'ihanl says
that they have recognized the practice of their waqf; so there
is no doubt as to its validity.
It appears that the practice arose after the time of the
author of al-Bahr. And in alrManh the waqf of a building
without its site has been assimilated to moveables whose waqf
has been recognized. Similarly the waqf of trees without the
land, because they are moveables with respect to which there is
Ta*amul.
c 4 It is valid to make waqf of woollen clothes ' ' : I say in
our age, some of the Mutawallis have made waqf of furs for the
benefit of the Muezzins at night in winter. Such a waqf should
be declared valid, especially according to what has been reported
from al-Zahidl. This quotation from Sharh-al-Multaqd should
be especially considered, i.e., what has been mentioned by al-
Zahidi in al-Mujtabd concerning the validity of waqf of move-
ables unrestrictedly according to Muhammad.
. ..." It is valid if they could be counted" : This .con-
dition is based on the rule stated by Shams al-A'immah, viz.,
when the object of waqf is stated, it is indispensable that indi-
gence should be expressly mentioned, either actually, e.g. , the poor,
or according to usage amongst people, e.g., orphans or confirmed
valetudinaries, because usually they are poor. Therefore it is valid
352 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. I.June, 1911.
for the benefit of the rich and the poor amongst them, if they
could be counted, otherwise for the poor only.
It is reported from Muhammad that what cannot be counted
is ten, and from Abu Yusuf hundred, and that is the view
accepted by some. Some say it is forty. Some say it is eighty.
The fatwd is to the effect that it should be left to th
of the judge — Is'af
Ed. Cairo).
iii, p. 409,
XXXI. The Tahtawi (//, 539, Ed. Cairo).
The general view is that it is Muhammad who holds the
waqf
has
nized and that Abu Yusuf denies it. And it is reported in the
Mujtabd that it is Muhammad who holds the validity
t valid
waqf of moveables unrestrictedly and Abu Yusuf declares
when there is Ta'amul respecting it. The apparent meaning
of alrNahr is to limit the validity of the waqf of moveables to
the countries where their waqf has become recognized. This
view has been controverted by Abu'l-Su'ud, which see. .
" To pass a decree with respect to it " : i.e., with respect
to the waqf of dirhams and dinars, i.e.^ their validity. " Like
clothes ' ' : The case of woollen clothes mentioned below is
vxtaf being valid in consequence of later Ta'amul]
And
from amongst such moveables the practice of making waqf of
which has not been recognized, i.e., goloshes and mats on winch
people sit in a place other than a mosque and the like. In the
Bahr it is laid down that animals and gold and silver including
ornaments were excluded [at the time of Muhammad]
Sharh-al-Hama
qf, because their waqf is not perpetual. In the
it is laid down that Ta'amul having arisen
regarding the waqf of tools of ironsmiths, their waqf should be
valid.
,§ And this/ 5 i.e., the details stated above. " In the Bahr
waqf of boat has been assimilated to furniture " : as there was
no practice of making waqf of it in the time of the author of aZ-
Bahr. But in our time the practice has arisen with regard to
ships of the Red Sea. For some of them are made waqf of for
es
for the benefit of the poor.' '
waqf
XXXII. The Fatawa 'Alamgir
Calcutta).
If the slave (i.e., an endowed sh
the Mutawair
ork
instead. If he cannot find a slave in his stead for that
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 353
[N.S.]
price, there is no harm in his adding to it something from the
profits of the lands. Similar is the rule applicable to the case of
beasts of burden, implements of husbandry when dedicated
with
Mutawalll
money, he should buy with it another slave ; thus it is laid
down in the F ath-al-Qadir . . . . As for the waqf of move-
ables independently, if they be horses or arms their waqf is valid.
With respect to articles other than those, if they be things
the practice of making waqf of which is not recognized,
e.g., clothes and animals , their waqf is not valid according to
us. But if their waqf is recognized (e.g., axes, shovels, a bier
with its pall, such vessels and pots as are required for washing
the dead, and copies of the Qur'an), according to Abu Yusuf
their waqf is not valid, but according to Muhammad it is valid,
and the generality of jurists including the Imam al-Sarakhs!
follow it. Thus it is laid down in the Khulamh. and this in t.h*
accepted view, and the fatwd is in ace
Muhammad, etc Waqf of a bier, etc Waqf
of Qur'an, etc Waqf of books, etc Waqf of a
cow, etc valid like the waqf of the water of a public
fountain. Waqf of a bull .... not valid. Waqf of building in
land, etc Waqf of shops in a bazar, etc.
valid.
Waqf
house, valid. As for the waqf of that from which no profit can be
derived except by its destruction, like gold and silver and eatables
and drinkables, its waqf is not valid, according to the generality
of jurists ; and by gold and silver is meant dirhams and dinars
and what is not ornament. Thus it is laid down in the Fath-al-
Qadir* And if a person makes a waqf of dirhams or what is
estimated by measure or clothes, it is not valid, and it is said
that where they have recognized it fatwd is given in favour of
its validity (Vol. II, pp. 462-64).
XXXIII. And it is laid down in the Fatawd of Abu'l-Layth :
when a person makes a waqf of a cow for the benefit of a resting-
house, stipulating that what comes out of her in the shape of
mas-
ters say, " If it was in a place where such a waqf
I should expect it to be valid M ; but other jurists declare their
waqf
unrestrictedly because the practice of making such a
THE HADTTH.
XXXIV. The <Umdat-al-QarI ( Vol. VI, p. 516, Ed. Cairo).
Text : Chapter on the waqf of beasts of burden, war-horses
camels, commodities, and coins. Commentary: i.e., this is a
4
354 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
■
chapter which explains the waqf of beasts of burden, etc.
By this heading he indicates the validity of the waqf of move-
ables. The word kura' means war-horses. The word 'urud is
the plural of l ard, and it means commodities other than coin.
The word samit is the opposite of natiq. It is used here in
the sense of money or coin.
Text : Al-Zuhri was asked : A man dedicates a thousand dinars
in the way of God and makes them over to his slave, a trades-
man, for investment in some trade, the profits to go to the
poor and his relations by way of charity. Can that man law-
fully eat of the profits of the said thousand even if the profits
had not been given in charity to the poor ? He answered : He
cannot eat anything out of it.
XXXV. The Fath-al-Bari {Vol. II, p. 40, Ed. Cairo).
[The Fath-al-Bari reproduces with further details the remarks
of the ' Umdat-al-Qari and replies to the objection of al-Isma'ili
that no use can be made of coins without their substance being
transformed into something else in the following terms :] To
restrict the use of coins to the only way which he indicates
can not be admitted, for it is possible to derive benefit from
coins by making an advantageous use of them, e.g., by making
waqf of such coins as women are allowed to wear, in which case
the waqf is valid as the original is detained while the women
can derive benefit from them by wearing them when wanted.
XXXVI. Ibid. ( Vol. XI, p. 31, Ed. Delhi ; p. 408 of the
4 U mdat-al-Qari) .
Text : If he makes a sadaqah or waqf of part of his property
or part of his slaves or animals, it is valid. This chapter, deals
with the validity of the waqf of moveables. . . .The reason of
the validity of the waqf of musha' and of moveables being inferred
from the above text is the employment of the phrase "part
of his slaves or animals." The following case will also be in-
cluded, viz., if he were to make waqf of part of a slave or of an
animal. . . .it is valid according to those who declare the waqf
of moveables valid and the dedicator shall be referred to for
the purpose of specification.
SHPAH AUTHORITIES.
XXXVII, The Shara'i' al-Islam (p. 318, Ed. Col.).
On Commodate.
1. The subject will be treated in four sections
1st— The lender....; 2nd— The borrower....; 3rd— The
thing ('ayn) lent, which is anything that is lawful to make use
of consistently with the preservation of its substance {'ayn).
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 355
[N.S.]
Ibid. (p. 334).
It is lawful to hire dirhams and dinars, if a legitimate use
can be made of them consistently with the preservation of their
substance {'ayn).
XXXVIII. Ibid. (p. 234, Cal. Edn.).
Four conditions attach to the subject-matter
1st— that it must be c ayn ( defined specific property) ;
2nd — it must be a property which a Muslim may lawfully
possess ;
3rd — must be such as benefit may be derived therefrom con-
sistently with the continued subsistence of the original ; and
4th— delivery of its possession must be possible.
As an illustration of the first condition , waqf of what is not 'ayn
is not valid, for example dayn ; also if he were to say, ' I make
waqf of a horse or a camel or a house ' without specifying it.
It is valid to make waqf of land, clothes, furniture and lawful in-
struments, the principle being that waqf of anything from which
lawful use can be derived consistently with the preservation of its
substance is valid. Similarly it is valid to make waqf of owned
dogs and cats as it is possible to derive benefit from them. But
it is not lawful to make waqf of a pig as no Muslim can have
it. Nor is it valid to make waqf of runaway slaves on account
of the impossibility of delivery. Is it valid to make waqf of
dinars and dirhams? Some say 'No/ and this is the more
apparent view, because their only use is to spend them. But
others say, ' It is valid,' for we may imagine them to have some
use consistently with their preservation.
The Masalik-al-Afham {Teheran Ed., p. 365 J.
* »
Is the waqf of dinars and dirhams valid ? The more weighty
opinion is that they are valid. Since these uses (i.e., uses to
which dirhams, etc., can be put without destroying their sub-
stance) are familiar and that there are more important ways of
using them does not prevent their being made waqf of in this
way.
MALIK I LAW.
XL. The Mudawwanah {Vol. II, p. 103, Ed. Cairo).
I put the following question to Malik, or it was put to him :
A man makes waqf of a hundred dinars with the object of
lending them to people who would return the same to the
dedicator, and so on. Is zakat to be paid on those dinars?
He answered, " Yes, my opinion is that zakat should be paid."
I asked him, " What if a man were to dedicate a hundred
356 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
dinars to be distributed in the way of God, or for the poor and
they remain for a whole year, is zakat to be taken on them? "
He answered, " No, these are all for distribution ; they are not
like the first."
XLI. The Mukhtasar of Sidi Khalil {p. 184, Ed. Paris).
Valid is the waqf of any property even when taken on hire
and even if it were an animal or a slave, such as a slave dedi-
cated for the service of the sick, provided no injury is intended
to him thereby. As regards food grain and similar things there
is some hesitation.
XLII. The Dardir (Vol IV, pp. 70 to 73, margin, Ed. Cairo).
It is valid to make waqf of any property in one's possession
or anything capable of being possessed (mamluk) even if condi-
tionally, as when a man says, " If I come into possession of so
and so's house, it shall be waqf " ; or if the waqf be part of a
joint property provided it is capable of division. The dedica-
tor will be compelled to divide if so desired by his co-sharer.
Where no division is possible there are two opinions [i.e.,
that it is valid and that it is not valid], both of which have
been declared to be " preferable." Those who declare it to be
valid, say that the dedicator w r ould be forced to sell if his
co-sharer so desired, and with the proceeds a property similar
to the waqf should be purchased.
Under u property in one's possession or anything capable of
being possessed (mamluk)," the author means to include both
possession of the substance and possession of the usufruct
thereof. That is why he goes on to say, " even though 1 9$ the
property indicated by mamluk be "by hire," as when he rents
a house for a number of years. In this case he can make
waqf of the use of the house during this period. This is
because perpetuity is not a condition of waqf as shall be
stated below. The words "by hire" include the case of
one who rents a house that has been made a waqf for a certain
period. He can dedicate the use of it to any person other
than the first during the said period. But the person for
whom it is dedicated cannot himself dedicate the use of it, to
which he is entitled, and that is because what is appropriated
cannot be re- appropriated [by the beneficiary]. " And even
though the property be an animal or a slave" : both of these
are included in the general term; that is to say, the waqf of
this is valid and must be given effect to: and likewise clothes
1 In imitation of the Arabic original the words of the text of the
Mukhtaxar are put within inverted commas to distinguish them from
those of the commentary.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 357
[N.8.]
according to our school, " as dedicating a slave for the sick,"
that is for their services ; provided that the master does not
intend thereby to do injury to his slave, otherwise it shall not be
valid. The same applies also to a slave-girl dedicated for the
service of female patients, in which case it shall not be lawful for
the master to have intercourse with her, because by dedicating
her, her use passes to others ; just as in the case of a slave-girl
taken on loan or pledged. " As regards " the validity of things
like food grain, the identity of which cannot be recognized if
removed from one's sight, as for instance, " coins" (and this
-
nion as indicated
zakat: " Zakat it
on c Ayn, i.e., gold or silver that has been dedicated for the
purpose of giving it as free loans), or the non- validity of such
things as inexpedient or illegal ; ■ ' there is some hesitation," but it
is said that this hesitation is as regards fungibles other than
money, for as regards money there is no hesitation whatever, it
being absolutely valid to make waqf of it as it is the
express teaching of the Mudawwanah. By waqf here is
meant waqf for the purpose of lending out. The replacing of
it by money of the same value is considered as "preservation
of substance," but if it were to be dedicated with the condition
that the identical coins should be preserved, it is not valid
according to the unanimous opinion of the doctors as there is
no legal advantage in such a waqf.
XLIII. The DasuqI {Vol. IV, p. 73).
"By waqf here is meant waqf for the purpose of lending
out".
By this he wishes to indicate that the hesitation is in respect
of a waqf made with the intention of use being made of it and
then replaced by coins of the same value; but when a waqf of
it is made with the condition that the original should be
preserved, as for instance, when it is dedicated for the decora-
aqf is unanimously forbidden and, if made
marg
it would be invalid.
XLIV. The Dardir ( Vol. /, p. 412,
Zakat should be taken by way of obligation on • Ayn, i.e. , gold
or silver coins, that has been appropriated for the purpose of
being lent out ; that is to say, the Waqif or the Mutawalll should
pay the Zakat out of the money itself, if one year has passed
from the time it has come into his possession.
XLV. The DasuqI (ibid.).
dedicated for the nuroose of
as a free
358 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
loan, and when they can afford to do so replace it by paying the
value. It is all the same if dedicated to specified persons or
persons not specified. The author's statement is based on the
accepted opinion that gold and silver coins may be made waqf
of for the purpose of lending.
XLVI. DasuqI (ibid.).
The gist of the whole matter is this, that as for coins dedicated
for the purpose of lending, if no one takes them out as a loan, the
Waqif
if one whole year passes since they come into his possession.
year
SHAFI'I LAW.
XLVII. The Ghayat al-Bayan (Cairo Edition, p. 228).
To constitute a valid waqf the property appropriated
should be a definite specific substance ('ayn) capable of bein
made use of while the original remains ; it should not be made
dependent on a condition ; and the person or object for which it
is made should be in existence at the time.
XL VIII. The Sharh Ghayat- al-Bayan (p. 228).
Chapter on Waqf.
Lexi
In law it means the detention for a lawful object of pro-
perty, from which it is possible to derive benefit along with
the continuance of its original, by divesting the appropriator of
his power of disposition. Its basis is the following tradition
Muslim: "When
except from three sources: (a) continuous charity, (b) or know-
Continuous
Ulemas
be a definite specific substance capable of being made use of
while the original remains.
lawful
to make waqf of musical instruments, a trained dog, grain,
sweet-smelling gathered plants, nor the waqf of dirhams
and dinars. But it would be lawful to make waqf of landed
property, moveables, undivided shares, divided property
snares, springs, wells, fruit trees, animals for their milk, wool,
hair and eggs, bull for covering the cows, etc.
HANAF1 LAW.
XL IX. The QudubI
• . . . And the waqf of landed property is valid, and the waq
of what is capable of being moved and what changes in form i
s
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 359
[N.S.]
not valid, except when there is Ta'amul of the people regard-
ing it. And Abu Yusuf has laid down that when a person
makes waqf of land with its cows and cultivators, if they are his
slaves, it is valid. And Muhammad holds that it is valid '
to make waqf of horses and arms.
L. The Jawharat-al-NayyirxVH (//, p. 19, Ed. Lucknou).
" And waqf of landed property {'agar) is valid," because
it is lasting ; ■ ' and waqf of what is capable of being moved and
what is liable to change is not lawful ' ' ; since such property is
not lasting, therefore its waqf is not valid.
Al-Khujandl holds that the waqf of moveables is not valid
except (a) when subsidiary to something else, as when a
person makes a waqf of land with the bulls and serfs for its
purposes ; then they become waqf along with the land as
accessories ; (b) or when the practice ('adah) arises of making
waqf of them, e.g., a spade for digging graves or a bier and the
pall of a bier.
If a person makes a waqf of standing trees it is not valid
according to analogy, but it is valid according to Istihsan . . .
It is stated in the Waqi'at that when a person makes waqf of
a bull in favor of the inhabitants of a village for the purpose of
covering their cows, it is not valid because the waqf of move-
ables are not valid except of such whose waqf is recognized
(Ta'aruf) and there is no recognized practice with respect to
this. But it is valid according to al-Shafi'i.
And Muhammad holds that it is valid to make waqf of
horses and arms, etc., and they say that Abu Yusuf agrees
with him and this is due to Istihsan according to him.
And Muhammad has laid down that the waqf of moveables
wherein there is Ta'amul is valid, e.g., pickaxes, spades, shovels,
saws, a bier and its pall_, cauldrons, copies of the Qur'an and
books. According to Abu Yusuf it is not valid, but the majority
of jurists of all countries follow the view of Muhammad.
Vnd when a waqf is valid, its sale is not valid nor its "transfer,
except when it is Musha' according to Abu Yusuf.
LI.
(pp
Waqf
land), or except when it is recognized in practice. A man
makes waqf of his horse for use as aled-horsein the way of God.
This is valid having regard to recognized practice. And similarly
if he makes waqf of weapons (of war) or horses or of copies of
the Qur'an, or if he makes waqf of land with the right of way
or of implements of husbandry, this is valid.
360 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
■
LII. The Sharh al-Wiqayah (Ed. Cal., pp. 256-257).
It is the opinion of Muhammad that it is valid to make waqf
of such moveables with respect to which there is Ta'amul such
as a pickaxe, a spade, a shovel, a saw, a bier and its pall, a
pot, a cauldron and a copy of the Qur'an. The majority of the
jurists of various countries have accepted his view.
LIII. The Zakhirat-al-'Uqba (ibid.).
Muhammad says, as for those moveables the waqf of which
has been recognized by people, it is valid to make waqf thereof
by way of Istihsan, as in the case of the things mentioned in
the text. Those things the waqf of which has not been
recognized in practice cannot be made waqf of, e.g., clothes, ani-
mals and other household goods. The view of al-Shafi'I, Ahmad
and Malik is that the waqf of moveables independently is valid,
provided that the moveable is something of which use can be
made consistently with the preservation of the original, of what-
ever nature it may be.
They are unanimous that it is not valid to make waqf of
dirhams and dinars. The reason of al-Shafi'Ps view rests on the
analogy of land and war-horses, the quality common to both
being the possibility of making use of them consistently with
the preservation of the substance. But we (Hanafls) say that
this analogy is weak, as it is the analogy of what endures on
what does not endure. Thus it is stated in the Bayaniyyah.
It is gathered from the Mi'rajiyyah that in the case of the two
precious metals, that which is not valid to make waqf of is the
coined dirhams and dinars. But when made into ornaments, it
is valid to make waqf of them, according to Ahmad and al-Shafi'I,
seeing that Haf sah, the daughter of « Umar andfwif e of the Prophet,
bought ornaments for 20,000 dirhams and made waqf of them
for the benefit of the womenfolk of the family of al-Khattab
Hence she paid no poor-rate on them. According to Ahmad, it
is not lawful to make waqf of these even, and he denies the
authority of this tradition. It has been said, if we allow the
hiring of dirhams and dinars as valid, it is equally valid to
make waqf of them. But this is of no weight. Here ends the
quotation from the Dirayah. And it has been said in the
Bazzaziyyah, that if a man makes waqf of dirhams and dinars
. ... it is valid In the Fatawaof QadlKhan, it is stated
from Zufar that a man makes waqf of dirhams . . . itis valid.
But we say that the way to reconcile what has been mentioned in
these two authentic works, viz., that it is lawful to make waqf
of coins and food grains with what has been mentioned in the
commentaries on the Hidayah, w*., that it is not valid, is that the
commentators could not imagine that it is possible to make use
of them consistently with the preservation of the original,
whereas the propounder of the view expressed in these two
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 361
[N.S.]
works does imagine it to be so. But the true answer is that
there is no need to reconcile the two views, as the propounders
of the two views belong to rival schools [i.e., the Hanafi and
the Shafi'I ] as you see ; whereas reconciliation is only necessary
when it is a question of views propounded by people belonging
to the same school. The matter requires critical consideration.
LIV. The Fatawa Khayriyyah (Vol. L p. 132, 2nd Ed.,
Govt. Press , Bulaq, Cairo).
The following question was asked : A man makes waqf
of a moveable in which there is Ta'amul for the benefit of his
minor children and after them for a perpetual charitable object.
He then appoints a testamentary guardian for his above-
mentioned children, and directs him to look after the subject-
matter of the waqf and protect it till one of the children
attains the age of discretion. Then the dedicator dies, and
the testamentary guardian performs his duties and then dies
without specifying the waqf property, and it perishes. Then one
of the children attains the age of discretion. Will the guardian
be held responsible for indemnity realizable from his estate or
will he not ?
*
Answer — You know that this testamentary guardian
was the Mutawalll of the said waqf. Now it is expressly laid
down that in case the Mutawalll dies without specifying the
proceeds of the waqf, he is not liable for indemnity. But in
case he dies without specifying the money of islibdal he will be
liable, and from his liability for money of islibdal it has been
inferred that he will be liable for indemnity also when the sub-
ject-matter of waqf is dinars.
LV. The Tanqih-ai^Hamidiyyah(FoZ. 7, p. 120, Ed n. Cairo).
Question. — It was asked : A woman makes waqf of an
ascertained amount of dirhams for the benefit of two children
of her daughter .... Is such a waqf valid *
Answer. — Yes, the Grand Mufti of the Ottoman
the late 'All Effendi, had given fatwa of its validity,
stated in the Fatawa Qadl Khan amongst the waqf of move-
ables : Zufar was asked about a man making waqf of dirhams
or grain or what is weighable or measurable. He said it is
valid .... A similar statement is to be found in the Durar
And it is
Zufar
the Khulasah
LVI. The Fatawa Qunyah (p. 196, Edn. Calcutta).
A man makes a waqf of 150 dinars for the benefit of the
sick. The gold should be handed over to a man in order to
362 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
make it yield profit by being employed in business (mud-
arabah ] ), the profit being given to the sick--Muhit. The waqf
of dirhams and articles sold by measure and weight is valid
in the same way.
LVII. The Fatawa Bazzaziyyah (MS. in the Calcutta
Madrasah, p. 319).
If a man makes waqf of dirhams and dinars or of food
graiiis or of articles sold by measure or weight, it is valid.
The coins and the price of what is not coin (e.g., articles sold
by measure or weight), after their sale, should be invested
in mudarabah or bida'ah, 1 and the profit arising therefrom
should be spent for the purposes of the waqf.
LV1II. The Waqi'at-al-MuftIn (/>. 74, Cairo Ed.).
It is reported from Zufar that when a person makes a
waqf of dirhams or grain or what is estimated by measure
or weight, it is valid.
Marginal note L— It is laid down in the Fatawa Natifi on
the authority of Muhammad b. 'Abd- Allah al-Ansarl, one of the
companions of Zufar, that the waqf of dirhams and grain and
what is estimated by measure and weight is valid.
LIX. Fatawa Mahdiyyah (Ed. Cairo).
Quest
asked on behalf ot
the agent of the Finance Department : — A native of Mecca
named Ahmad Jalabl is the Mutavvallf of a house which is a
private waqf. The house is acquired by the Government to
include it in the palace of the wife of our late great ruJer; and
as it is a private waqf, the payment of its price lias been with-
held for the purpose of its exchange (istibdal). Now the agent
of the owner of the above-mentioned house lias submitted a
petition to the effect that the remaining portion of the waqf
buildings stands in need of necessary repairs, which would cost
more than 4,000 qirsh, the price of the above-mentioned
house ; and he (the agent) prays for the payment of that price
for the purpose of repairing the above-mentioned places because
of the principle of preserving the waqf at the sacrifice of a
part
Answer. — When
in
its value, neither the price nor the value of the land should be
1 For the technical meaning of mudarabah and bijja'ahda, see th
Chapter on Partnership in the H'idayah or"any other work on Muslim Law.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 363
[N.S.]
spent for repairs, but another piece of land should be purchased
which should be waqf in the stead of the original waqf. The
price of the debris, however, when sold on account of the build-
ing being difficult to restore or through fear of loss of the
debris, may be spent for repairs and the Mutawalll of the waqf
may take the price and then spend it for repairing the rest
of the waqf property. In the Tanqih-al-Hamidiyyah it is laid
down at the beginning of the chapter on waqf after a statement
from the Fatawd-'l- Lvtfi : Its logical conclusion is the validity
of expending the money obtained in exchange, for repairing
the waqf. The matter requires critical consideration. And
exchange (istibdal) and sale are one and the same as regards their
final result, and God knows best. I say that Shaykh Isma'fl
has also answered similarly in his Fatavi, viz , that repairs
should be made out of the money obtained in exchange, and
borrowing should not be resorted to, as it is unnecessary,
seeing that there is money belonging to the waqf. And what
has been stated in the I 'atawd- 7- Lutji is as follows : And
sometimes the .dirhams obtained in exchange are spent in
making necessary repairs of the waqf with the permission of a
Cadi authorized to give it; and they are replaced out of the
profits of the waqf after the repairs in order to purchase with it
something which would be waqf like the original waqf, and it
will not be property belonging to the beneficiaries of the waqf,
nor inheritance. (Vol. II, p. 524).
LX The validity of waqf of Misha' even when
CAPABLE OF DIVISION.
The following question was put on behalf of the Bayt-al-
Mal of Egypt : A woman makes waqf of half of her house in
Cairo for some purpose, and the other half she gives to her
husband what is the order with respect to it ?
Answer. — There is divergence of opinion concerning the
waqf of Musha' ; but the judge may decree its validity relying
on the view of the second Imam, Abu Yusuf. Therefore when
the fact of the woman's having made waqf of half the house is
proved, fulfilling its conditions, the judge is at liberty to decree
the validity of the waqf and its bindingness. (Vol. II, p. 541).
LXI. Question. — A man makes waqf of half a public bath,
which is Musha' , incapable of division, for his own benefit for life,
then for the benefit of his children, etc Answer. — There is
divergence of opinion regarding the waqf of Musha*. If a decree
is obtained in favour of its validity, it is given effect to, as there
are two views with respect to it, both of which are pronounced
correct. Tlus divergence of opinion is with regard to what is
capable of division. As for that which is incapable of division
as in the present case, it is valid unanimously except in the
*
364 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
case
books of the school. (Vol. II, p. 545).
LXII. Question. — Is exchange permissible [in Egypt] when
the dedicator has expressly forbidden it and there is no advan-
tage ?
Answer. — (The Fatwa also includes the names and seals of
Shaykh Khalll-al-Rashidi, Registrar of Fatwas, and Sheikh
Muhammad al-Mansurl, the Hanafite.) There is an old diver-
gence of opinions amongst the Ulemas regarding the exchange
of waqf in the absence of any stipulation to that effect made
by the dedicator. But the practice of the Cadis of Egypt is
not to permit exchange at all without the sanction of the Sultan,
thus acting according to what is known, viz. , their being forbidden
to do so. A Cadi's office demands particular regard to time, place
and the circumstances of the case. A Cadi's order will not
take effect with regard to a question which he is forbidden to
deal with. Thus a Cadi has not the power of making
exchange of the above-mentioned waqf without the sanction of
some one having the authority to do so, specially in the absence
of any advantage and the prohibition of the dedicator to ex-
change it. For verily the stipulation of the dedicator is like the
express ruling of the law. It is not permitted to contravene
his stipulation without any legal ground. (Vol. II, p. 559.)
LXIII.
was asked
Department : — The children of Sheikh ' Ali Khalifa, one of the
Ulema, his wife and an Abyssinian freed woman, have certain
stipends granted to them and a share of t he iltizam land, and they
intend to make waqf of the same and the command of the
sovereign lias been issued to give effect to it. Amongst the
children there are minors. Having regard to the text of the
order is there any legal impediment in the way of making
waqf of the shares of the five adult children of the Shaykh, etc. !
Answer.— _ Making waqf of iltizam lands and stipends from
the Bayt-al-Mal payable to persons to whom they are due is of
the nature of irsad. Therefore it is valid by command of the
person authorized to regulate its expenditure [i.e. the sovereign].
So when the person so authorized permits the person in whose
name is the grant and who is adult, to make waqf of it in the
above-mentioned way, the waqf will take effect in the terms of
Ktr fl-io ooma rkrinnirilp. GO"
overned
knows best. (Vol. II, p. 639)
LXIV.
as
ing question was asked by the officer
Mai:— Muhammad Sadiq died leaving
gs left by
him, a document is found to the effect that he makes waqf of a
quantity of copper 01 copper utensils, etc., for a certain purpose.
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 365
[N.S.]
Now is it lawful to- sell it, or is it waqf, when what is stated
above is proved ?
Answer. — There is divergence of opinion as regards the
validity of the waqf of moveables But the corr< t view
followed by the majority of jurists is the validity of the waqf
of that with regard to which there are Ta'amul and usage
('adah). Therefore of t he articles stated above with respect to
whichever of them there is Ta'amul, it is valid to make waqf of
them; while those with respect to which then' is no Ta'amul,
their waqf is not valid. (Vol. II, p. 655).
LXV. Our most learned master was questioned concerning
a dedicator who had stipulated in his waqf its cancellation or
ratification. This stipulation was called into question and the
person criticizing it wanted to render the waqf null and void on
account of the stipulation, saying that cancellation amounts to
nullification, and thus such a stipulation renders the waqf null
and void ; but the judge decrees the absence of nullification and
declares the waqf valid. Is it permissible after this for another
judge to declare the waqf invalid, or to give a fatwa in favour
of nullification or not ?
He answered* — The above-mentioned waqf is valid, and
such is the actual practice, even though no judge had decreed
its validity. But the stipulation of the dedicator reserving to
himself the power of cancelling and nullifying the waqf, is
an invalid stipulation, according to the accepted view adopted
for fatwa ; and what has been reported from the chapters on
waqf of Hilal and Khas-af to the effect that a waqf is rendered
null by such a stipulation is contrary to the accepted view
adopted for fatwa. This has been clearly stated by the most
learned doctor Qasim b. Qutlubgha and the Shaykh al-TusI in
their collections of Fatawd. And this has been reported by al-
TarsusI from the Tatarkhaniyyah and the Fatawd U-Kubrd.
Furthermore, after a judge had decreed its validity it is not
lawful to give fatwa in favour of its nullification and such a
fatwa will not be acted upon, and God knows best.
The learned have expressly declared that when there is a
difference of opinion amongst the jurists, fatwa will be given
in accordance with that view which is more favourable to the
waqf. And the current practice is the validity of waqf con-
taining such a stipulation; for frequently stipulations like this
are met with in waqfs whose validity is nevertheless main-
tained; the dedication is acted upon but the condition is
ignored. Therefore the view on which reliance ought to be
placed is the view in favour of the validity of waqf. (Vol. II,
753).
LXV I. The following question was asked by the Cadi of
Suyut on the 24th Muhurram, 1292 A.H : — A man owned a mill,
a glass factory, both the sites and the buildings, and certain
3t>6 Journal of the Asiatic Society of tiemjal. [June, 1911.
shares in date- trees planted in Khiraj land on a permanent
basis. He made waqf of the property owned by him as des-
cribed above, a waqf taking effect from the year 1273 A.H. for
the benefit of a mosque which he commenced building ....
• *
Is the above-mentioned waqf valid \
Answer. — Yes, the above-mentioned waqf is valid on
account of existing practice, in addition to their having been
Ta'amul with regard to the waqf of buildings and trees planted
in land taken on a permanent basis without the land. Such is
the case when there is no other impediment. (Vol. II. 754).
LXVII. Answer. — When the waqf buildings fall into ruins
and stand in need of necessarv repairs, the Mutawalll is not al-
lowed to spend anything out of the income, for the benefit of the
beneficiaries, till he has made the necessary repairs, even if the
dedicator made no stipulation to the effect that the Mutawalll
should first of all devote the income of the waqf to repairing it.
For preference is given to this over Ihe beneficiary without
there being any stipulation. If there is any such stipulation, d
fortiori, preference will be given to repairs. Rather when there
is such a stipulation, the Mutawalll is bound to reserve funds
for future repairs, even though the waqf properly may not
stand in need of repairs in the present. Such is t : accepted
view of the jurist Abu-'l-Layth. Thus it is laid down in
the Tanqih al-Hamidiyycth on the authority of the Ashbah,
that when the dedicator stipulates that preference should
be given to repairs and the balance should remain for the
beneficiaries, as is the case with the waqfs of Cairo, it is in-
cumbent on the Mutawalll to reserve an amount sufficient to
meet any future demand for repairs. (Vol. II 80">).
LXVIII. Answer. — There is divergence of opinion regard-
ing the validity of the waqf of buildings and trees without
their sites. But the existing practice is to decree its validity
'sTa'amul and recognized practice concerning it. (Vol.
as
11,822). ° f °
LXIX. The following question was asked by the mayor-
alty on the 24th Jumada I, 1279 :— The benefit of the ruling of
law is sought with respect to the sale of a certain amount of money
which was payable from a certain department of the Bay t-al-Mal
to a woman named the Abyssinian Nasukh, who is dead. The
above-mentioned department had placed the money with the Med-
jidie Co. A man proved himself to be the heir of that woman after
her death by decree of the Cadi. Now a Christian claims to
have bought the amount from the aforesaid heir and demands
the amount and its interest.
Answer. — The proceedings in this case from beginning to
end are not in accordance with the requirements of law; and
the sale by her heir of the amount with the Company and the
Vol. VII, No. 6. J The Waqj oi Moveable*. 367
[N.S.]
Bay t-al-Mal payable to the Abyssinian Nasukh is not valid, under
the circumstances, whether it is dayn or c ayn. But granting
that the amount was the woman's own property, and that
it devolved on her heir by way of inheritance, even then
the sale is bad. The contract of sale should be rescinded, and
its equivalent should be returned to the purchaser, since the
transaction which has taken place is sale. This is the require-
ment of law. But the person to whom the amount with the
Company or the Bayt-al-Mal is due should take delivery of it
himself. (Vol. Ill, p. 163).
LXX. The Ashbah, &e.
Know that in law many questions depend upon a con-
sideration of usage ('Adah)
Urf) . So
much so that they [jurists] have made it a principle [of juris-
prudence] And several questions are concerned with this
rule : — (1) What establishes usage {'Adah) ? There are several
minor questions connected with it : (a) There is difference of
opinion concerning usage as regards menstruation, Abu HanTfah
and Muhammad holding that usage is not established except
by two instances. Abu Yusuf, on the other hand, holds that a
single instance establishes it, and they [jurists] say that the
fatwa is in accordance with this (b) Training a hunting dog
to abstain from devouring its prey so that abstention becomes a
habit ('Adah) with him. This is established by his abstention
from devouring three times (pp. 58-59, Ed. CaL).
LXXI. DURR-AL-MUKHTAR.
The sale of written orders issued by the Dlwan to the
Governors for the payment of certain sums of money is not
valid, unlike the sale of the shares of the Imams [which is valid],
because in this case the money derived from the w r aqf property
exists, while in the other case it is not so. — Ashbah and Qunyah.
The meaning is that it is lawful for the beneficiary to sell his
bread before he takes delivery of it from the supervisor. Com-
ments of the Radd-al Muhtar on the above quotation from
the Durr-al-Mukktar : u Unlike the sale of the shares of the
Imams " : shares, i.e., fixed stipends or rations out of the waqf,
i.e., their sale is valid. This is contrary to what is laid down in
fiyyah
1 1 rds
of a fixed stipend or ration. He answeredin the negative. — Taken
from the margin of the Ashbah. I say that the following is the
text of the Pay ra fiyyah : — He [the author of the Sayn
■fiyy
was
said it is not valid. For either the possessor of the hazz sells
what is stated in it or the hazz (ticket) itself. There is no
ground for the validity of the first as it would be the sale of
something which he does not possess Nor is there any ground
368 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
for the validity of the second, as this much paper has no
legal value, unlike an order on a governor, because that piece
of paper has legal value. (Vol. IV, p. 19).
LXXIA.
(M
legal value (Mutaqawwim), e.g., wine, pigs, etc. A property
having legal value is that from which lawful profit can be
derived in accordance with the Sacred Law. (IV, p. 155).
LXXII. Lawfulness is the original character of things.
(IV, 273).
LXXIII. The usage Vadah) at that time was such. It has
changed , therefore the ruling has changed. Change of usa^e
necessitates change of rule based on tradition, so much so
that were the Prophet alive, he would expressly lay it down.
reco
regard should be had to the practice of the age in question. It is
quite clear that these rules are based on recognized practice .
therefore in every'clime and every age regard should be had to
the practice of the people. (IV, 293.)
LXXIV. A man gives his capital to be employed in
mudarabah to an ignorant person. It is lawful for him to
participate in its profits unless he becomes aware of their being
acquired by unlawful means.
Comments of the Radd-al-Muhtar on "acquired by
INLAWFUL MEANS."
in
This question has been clearly explained in tin- Tatar-
khaniyyah where it is stated : "A man acquires money
by unlawful means and then he purchases something with it.
This may happen in five ways— (1) He delivers those very
dirhams to the vendor first of all and then buys something
him with that money ; (2) or he purchases the article
question before paying the price with that money and does so
afterwards ; (3) or he purchases the article before deli vering that
money and pays other dirhams ; (4) or he purchases without
specifying any money and pays those dirhams ; (5) or lie pur-
chases with other dirhams and pays those dirhams ; Abu Na>r
says that the transaction is good and it is not necessary tor
him to give Sadaqah except in the first case. This is the view
adopted by "the jurist Abu-'l-Lavth. But this is contrary ™
the "Conspicuous Report." For it is laid down in the
J ami' -al- Saghir that if a man usurps a thousand and buys a
slave-girl with it, and sells it for two thousand, the pro™
should be given in charity (Sadaqah). Al- rvarkhi says that the
transaction is not good in "the first and secon<l cases but it is
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 369
[N.S.]
good in the last three. Abu Bakr says that it is not good in
all the cases, but the fatwa nowadays is according to the view
of al-Kharkhl in order to free people from narrow restrictions.
In Walwalijiyyah it is stated that some of the jurists say that
the transaction is not good in all the cases, and that is the
select view, but the fatwa to-day is according to al-Karkhi's
view in order to free people from narrow restrictions, unlawful
gain being very common nowadays. (Vol, IV, 340).
LXXV. But you should accept what is in the Fatawd Qadi
Khan, for verily Qadi Khan belongs to the class of people com-
petent to express opinion concerning accuracy and preference.
(Vol. IV, p. 385).
LXXVI. And this [rule] changes with the change of time and
place, as we see. I say, the ground on which the rule was based
was fear, which is likewise absent on account of merchant
vessels known in our days as steam-boats, because there is
a strong presumption of safety with regard to them, so much
so, that no merchant nowadays feels secure unless he ships his
goods in them. When the ground is no longer existent, the rule
also disappears. For, we have said before, and it will be stated
later on also, that regard should be had to the recognized prac-
tice concerning the protection of deposits. Now that the recog-
nized practice is such, it should be said that there is no
difference between travelling with the deposit by land and
travelling with it by steam-boat. (Vol. II, 334)*
Ibid. (p. 309).
LXXVII. " Al-Shafi'i states absolutely that a creditor
may take what is due to him as regard things not of the same
nature as what he had given his debtor," that is to say, in
either money or commodities; for as regards money, it is
permissible to take it according to our school, as stated previ-
ously. Al-Quhistani says : In this there is an indication that
he may receive payment in things not of the same nature,
similar in the possession of a value. This is when of greater
convenience, so that we may adopt it, although not the opinion
of our school, for, as al-Zahidl says, a man may be excused
if he were to follow this under necessity.
LXXVIIL The Radd-al-Muhtar (///, p. 376).
The substance of all this is that the reason given here on
the authority of al-Hidayah is based on the principle that " all
things are originally lawful." This is the opinion of the
Mu'tazilah.
370 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
Ibid. (p. 377).
To ascribe the original lawfulness of things to the Mu'tazi-
lah is at variance with what is stated in books on the Principles
of Law ; for, in the Tahrir of Ibn-al-Hammam it is stated that
that all things are originally lawful is the authoritative view of
theHanafis and Shafi'ls generally. It is also stated in the com-
mentary on the ' ' Principles' * ( Usui) of al-BazdawI by al- ' Allamat-
al-Akmal : The majority of our doctors as well as the majority
of the Shafi'i doctors say that all tilings which it is permissible
that Law may allow or forbid, are, before the law speaks,
lawful, for lawfulness is the original property of things ; so
that it has been declared permissible for one who has not heard
of the law to that effect to eat whatever he likes. And it is to
this that Muhammad alludes when he treats of compulsion.
He says : " the eating of what is dead and the drinking of wine
have not become unlawful except by the prohibition." So he
makes lawfulness to be the original state of things and unlaw-
fulness only an accident.
LXXIX. The Nur-al- Anwar (p. 221 , Ed. Lucknow).
assem
and the dissent of one is an impediment like the dissent of
the majority, i.e., if at the time of the meeting of the ijma 6
one man expresses his dissent, his dissent will be taken into
consideration and the meeting of the ijma' will not be held
in
ummah (people) will never agree upon an error " embraces
the
Note
and it is said that the least number whereby it (valid ijma')
is held is three and al-Sarakhsi inclines to this view because it
(the number three) is the least number which connotes the idea
of a multitude (jama'ah) : (c) and it is said that it (the number
necessary for a valid ijma') is two, because it (two) con-
notes the idea of plurality ; (d) and it is said that if only
one Mujtahid is to be found his opinion will amount to an ijma'
because the word (ummah) ' people ' becomes applicable to him
when he is the only Mujtahid ; as God said, " Verily Abraham
was an ummah (people) devoted to prayer."
Ibid. (Lucknow Ed., p. 83).
The second kind comprises of the word " three " when
are
ded
by the definite article denoting a class or species. To this class
belongs also what is plural in meaning only, e.g., nation,
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 371
[N.S.]
tribe. The minimum to which these words may be applicable is
"three," because the least number connoting the idea of
plurality is M three " according to the consensus {ijma c ) of the
lexicographers. Therefore if these words are applied to less
than three individuals they would be deprived of their proper
signification. Some of the companions of al-Shafi'l and Malik
have said that the least number implying plurality is two.
Therefore it is the minimum number to which these words may
apply. They rely on the saying of the Prophet, u Two and
upwards make a multitude." The author replies to this by his
statement that the saying of the Prophet, "Two and upwards
make a multitude," applies to questions of inheritance and
wills."
Note. — ' Questions of inheritance,' i.e., not to lexicology
because the Prophet was sent for the purpose of delivering
ordinances and not for the purpose of elucidating lexicology.
Ibid. {p. 243).
Istihsan (liberal construction) is based on (a) tradi-
tion, (b) ijma* , (c) necessity, and (d) latent analogy {qiyas
Khafi). Manifest analogy {qiyas jail) demands something,
and (a) tradition, (tyijma' , (c) necessity, and (d) latent analogy
demand its opposite. Then analogy {qiyas) should be noted
upon, but recourse should be had to istihsan (liberal con-
struction).
Ibid. {Lucknow Edn., p. 37).
The authority of the rule that a change of proprietorship
causes a change of substance constructively is based on the
following tradition : The Prophet visited Barlrah and she
presented to him some dates, but there was a pot full of
meat boiling, and the Prophet said to her, " Won't you let
us have some of the meat ? ' ' She answered , " O Apostle of God,
it is meat which was sent me by way of charity/ ' He said, M It
is charity for you, but present for us." He means, when you
received it from the owner it was charity for you, if you
give it to us it will be a present to us. From this is known
that a change of proprietorship brings about a change of sub-
stance. Many questions are decided on this principle.
LXXX. Document containing a Legal Fatwa from the
Grand MuftI of Egypt.
Fee — Six Piastres.
To
His Excellency the Mufti of Egypt.
What is your opinion concerning the following case ? An
Indian of the Hanafi sect makes waqf of Government securities,
372 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [ June, 1911.
stocks and bonds known amongst Europeans as Rente, or of
shares in trading companies, the practice of which has been
recognized in our time in certain countries. Will such a waqf
be valid and permissible in India if it is recognized in Turkey
for instance, and is it valid to make waqf of pickaxes and
shovels in our time? Hasan bey Fehmy, Secretary
to H.E. Ghazi Mukhtar Pasha.
The Answer.— V raise be to God alone ,_ and peace and
blessing be to the last of the Prophets
own
the Ulema that the subject of waqf must be property having
legal value (mal mutaqawwim), provided it is land or moveable
property with regard to which there is Ta'amul. If, therefore,
the said securities be property having legal value and there has
been a practice of making waqf of them in the country of the
dedicator, their waqf would be valid according to the opinion
of Imam Muhammad, like the waqf of dirhams and dinars the
waqf of which is now recognized . So also is the waqf of pick-
axes and shovels when their waqf independently has been
recognized according to the opinion of the above-mentioned
Imam. This opinion has been adopted by the_ majority of
jurists of various countries as stated in_the Hidayah, and this
is the correct opinion as stated in the Is'af, and it is the dictum
of most doctors as stated in the Zahiriyyah. Thus it is laid
down in the Radd-al-Muhtar and it is expressly laid down in
the commentary on the Burr that the fatwa is in accordance
with this. As to the waqf of moveables accessories to
land, it is valid without any difference of opinion between Abu
Yusuf and Muhammad. The followir~ ~ ; " ' Ua JfnAA.nl.
Muh
"According to this, what is obvious is to take into con-
sideration the practice in some place where, or at some time
when, the practice came to be recognized and not otherwise.
Thus the waqf of dirhams is practised in Turkish countries
and not in our country, and the waqf of axe and spade was
practised in the age of the ancients, but is not heard of in our
time. Therefore it would appear that it is not valid now,
and that if it should be found rarely it should not be taken
- , -i J.- ., • :± u~~u ~i a~ ~4-<,4-nA fhnr. TViimul
more
critical consideration.
Therefore
as .,
use. The matter therefore requires
nized practice or not. Now as to shares in trading companies,
their waqf is of the nature of waqf of musha* ; so if the y * r £
accor
Yusuf and Muhammad if they are not capable of being divided.
But if they are capable of division, then the validity of their
waqf is in accordance with the opinion of Abu Yusuf and no
with that of Muhammad. Both these opinions have been pro-
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 373
[N.8.]
nounced correct by the application of the word fatwa. If they
are shares in moveables their waqf is valid provided that they
are not capable of division and there has been recognized
practice as to making waqf of them. For in the gloss of Ibn
'Abidln on the Bafjr we find the following : " And Muhammad
says — It is valid to make waqf of moveables when recog-
nized in practice, etc." Now that you know that the waqf
of moveables is valid according to the opinion of Muhammad,
you should have regard also to the conditions laid down by
him concerning the waqf of these things, e.g. that they should be
divided, not musha\ when they are capable of division, and
that they should be delivered to a Mutawalli, even though they
do not satisfy the condition of perpetuity (ta'bid)." Finis.
Finally you should know that the language of jurists here show
some leaning towards taking special recognized practice ('urf
khass) into consideration. This is one of the views of the school,
and it is a proper view, since the language of the dedicators is
based on their special practice ( c urf) . ,
Written on the 9th of Muharram, 1326 A.H. Fatwa No. 167.
Official Seal of the
Fativd Department. Seal of the
Grand McttI.
LXXXI. Answer by Muhammad Bakhit al~Mutt'i, the H ana ft
jurist of the University Mosque of al-Azhar, Mufti of
Alexandria :
Praise be to God ... I have perused the above-mentioned
question. As these securities, company shares, pickaxes and
shovels and similar things are all included under the term
moveables, and as the rule applicable to the waqf of move-
ables is to the following effect : — "The waqf of moveables, if
accessories to land, is valid without any difference of opinion
between Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. If the waqf of such
moveables be made independently and not as accessories to
land, Abu Yusuf rejects their waqf, but Muhammad's opinion
is in favour of the validity of waqf of such moveables as regards
which there is Ta'amul. This opinion has been adopted by the
majority of jurists of various countries as stated in the Hidayah,
and this is the correct opinion as stated in the Is'af, and it is the
dictum of most doctors as stated in the Zahiriyyah. Moreover,
it has been stated in the Mujtabd on the authority of the Siyar.
that according to Muhammad it is valid to make waqf of
moveables unrestrictedly and according to Abu Yusuf only
when there is Ta'amul — therefore when a practice has arisen
as to mi king waqf of these securities and shares, their waqf is
valid, specially as they are of the nature of coins, dirhams and
dinars. Now we find in the Manh : As a practice has arisen
in our days in Turkey and other countries of making waqf of
374 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911.
dirhams and dinars, they come under the dictum of Muhammad
in accordance with which is the fatwa as regards moveables in
which there is Ta'amul. So also it is valid to make waqf of
pickaxes and shovels when there is a practice of doing so.
Similarly [is valid the waqf of] all moveables including articles
sold by measure and weight, things having price (qfmf) and
similars (mithll), cauldrons, bier and its pall, copies of the
Qur'an and books. Since the Ta'amul of the Muslims as re-
gards these things is based on the rule of recognized practice
('urf) whereby analogy is disregarded on account of the saying
of the Prophet, ' Whatever is good in the sigh
as
\hmad
That is why it is laid down in the Mab$ut % — ' What is estab-
lished by usage (<urf) is like what is established by express
text/ And God knows best.
(Signed) Muhammad Bakhit al Mutl'I.
LXXXII. Fatwa of Shaykh 'Abd-Allah al-MazandaranI
THE CELEBRATED MUJTATIID OF K AREATA.
Question.— What does the great llujjat-al-Isliim and the
mankind
in conneetion
with this religious point in law that, if several persons form
into a joint stock company and purchase a property at a
fixed price and divide it into a number of shares of equal
value — for instance some purchase 10 shares and some 20
shares, and so on, each having a different number of shares so
that the annual profit may be divided proportionately amongst
the share-holders according to the number of shares they hold
to explain this point more clearly, hundred men purchased a
Bazar the total value of which is divided into 1,000 shares,
of 100 rupees each, so that each share-holder may receive
the annual profit in proportion to the number of shares he
holds; for instance Zayd has got 10 tickets, i.e.. 10 shares,
whether Zayd can make a waqf of his own shares, so that
the principal may remain as it is and the income may be spent
for a specific purpose. Whether such a waqf, according to
the Shrah Law, is valid or not ? It is hoped that your Holi-
ness may write your opinion on this point based upon the
trustworthy writings of the learned predecessors and endorse
it with your seal.
Answer. — In the name of God the Most High. The
Shi'ahs in general and the majority of the Sunnis belong-
ing to the Four Schools and others (with the exception or
a few ordinary men whose views on the subject are out
of the way) hold that musha' waqf is valid. Numerous
authentic traditions from the Imams, peace be on them,
have been handed down, respecting musha* charity (sadaqah)
which clearly lay down that by Sa/aqa is meant either waqt
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 375
[N.S.]
itself or that waqf is the most obvious kind of it . Therefore the
validity of such a waqf on account of its being owned by a
joint stock company cannot be questioned. And as possession
is the condition for validity of a waqf, therefore the donor
must hand over (the property) either to him for whose benefit
the waqf is made, or to the Mutawalli ; [he must give posses-
sion to the Mutawalli, etc.] exactly in the same way as he
would have done to a purchaser to whom he had sold his share.
In the case of waqf he must give possession to the Mutawalli.
If he constitutes himself the Mutawalli, he must act according
to the deed of waqf, and must consider his possession as that
of a Mutawalli and not that of an owner. If he has made
a waqf of musha* property and given possession the waqf
is valid and binding. If he has not given possession, he
may revoke the waqf during his lifetime. If the dedicator
dies before giving possession, the waqf is null and void. God
is the All- knowing.
11th Sha'ban, 1325 A.H.
Seal of the Mujtahid.
"I certify the seal marked A on the margin of this paper
to be that of Shaikh Abdullah Mazindarani, the celebrated
Mujtahid of Najaf, who made the same in my presence this
28th day of September 1907."
Karbala, 28th September, 1907.
(Sd.) M. H. M. . .
British Vice-Consul
APPENDIX I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY SHOWING THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
OF THE WAQF OF MOVEABLES.
The Koran.
I. The Koran. -The first and foremost fountain-head of
Muslim Law, religious and secular, is silent on the point.
Waqf
The HadIth.
II. ' Umdat-alQari. — The celebrated commentary on the
Sahih of al-Bukhari by the great doctor, al-' Ayni (see infra XVI
and XXII). Al-Bukhari is the highest recorder of the tradi-
tions. His collection of the sayings of the Prophet entitled the
Sahih is the most authentic and celebrated. It is second
only to the Koran. (Encyc. Brit., 9th ed.. vol. xvi, p. 594.
Introd. to Morley's Digest of Indian Cases, ccliii. Brockle-
mann, Gesch. der. Arab. Litt., ed. 1901, p. 130).
III. F alh-al- Bari . — Another celebrated commentary on
the Sahih of al-Bukhari by Zayn al-din 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Ahmad, 'the Hanbali, died 795 A. H.— (Haji Khalfa, vol. vh,
p. 997, ed. Leipzig).
Shi'ah Law.
IV. Shara'i' al-Islam.—" It is the chief authority for
Shi'ah Law in India." — Morley, cclxxvii.
V. Masalik-al-Afham.—" A valuable and voluminous com-
mentary on the Shara'i' at-Islam." (Ibid.).
Malik I Law.
VI. The Mukhtatar of Sidl Khalil— -This celebrated com-
pendium of Malik! Law is the Hidayah of the Maliki School.
"The Mukhtasar of Khalil Ibn Ishaq is a work professedly
treating of the law according to the Maliki doctrines
Morley, p. cclxxiv to cclxxv.
VII. The M udawwanah —One of the great original sources
of Maliki Law. " He (Suhnun) held the post of Kadi at Caira-
wan, and on points of doctrine his opinions are of standard
authority in the Maghrib. He is the author of the Mvdawwo-
nah (Digest) containing the doctrines of the Imam Malik ; this
work is the main authority relied on by the people of
Cairawan. Died A.H. 240 (A.D. 845).— Ibn Khallikan s
Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveable. 377
[N.S.]
Biographical Dictionary, vol. ii, p. 131 (Baron De Slane's
Translation).
VIII. Dardir. — A well-known commentary on the Mukhta*
sar of Sidi Khalil.
IX. Dasuql. Another well-known commentary on th<
Mukhtamr of Sidi Khali
Shafi'I Law.
X.
Olmyat
See Supplement to the Catalogue of the Arabic MSS- in the
British Museum by Dr. Rieu, p. 203, No. 318, Ghayat aUBayan
of al-Ramli, " a commentary by Jamal-uddln upon a metrical
Raslan
See Brockelmann, p. 224.
Hanafi Law.
A. Early Authorities.
XI. Quduri, also spelt " Kudury." — The earliest extant
treatise on Hanafi Law, the celebrated Hidayah being only one
of its commentaries. See Morley, p. cclxv.
"Al-Kuduri died in A.H. 428 (AD. 1036).° Ibid.,
|). cclxv.
XII. Qadi
Khan,
&c), author of Fatawd Qaii Klian otherwise called Fataivd
Khaniyyah or simply al-KJianiyyah, d. 592 A.H. (1195 A.D.).
Esteemed of equal authority with the Hidayah. (Morley,
cclxxxv ; Harington's 'Analysis of the Bengal Regulations,'
vol. i, p. 236). Higher than the Hidayah according to —
(1) D'Ohsson's Tableau General de V Empire Ottoman.
(2) Radd-aLMuhtar, vol. i, p. 79, Ed. Constantinople.
Ibid., vol. iv, p. 385.
Frequently quoted and referred to by the author of the
Hidayah himself. As Qadi Khan was himself a Judge (Qadi)
as well as a jurist, his decisions are of great value (Ameer
Ali, vol. i, p. xlviii).
B. The Hidayah Group.
XIII. The Hidayah, the well-known authority on Hanafi
Law by Burhan al-dln 'All, d. 593 A.H. (1196 A.D.). Morley,
cclxvii. Translated into English by Hamilton from a loose
Persian version of the original Arabic.
XIV. The Kifayah
by Imam al-dfn Amir, etc. Morley, cclxix. The date of the
Hidayah
work is 747 A.H. (1346 A.D.).
XV.
Hidayah
km
XVI.
as
Hidayah
Badr al-din b. Ahmad al- c Ayni, d. 855 A.H. (1451 A.D.).
Morley, cclxx, cclxxxvi.
378 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
XVII. Fath-al Qadlr , by Kamal al-din Muhammad al
SiwSsI, commonly called Ibn Hammam (d. 861 A.H. = 1456
A.D.), is the most comprehensive of all the comments on the
Hidayah. Morley, cclxix. Harington, p. 237.
XVIII. Sharh-al-Wiqdyahis a commentary on the Wiqayah
(an introduction to the study of the Hidayah) by Ubayd-
Allah b. Mas'ud (d. 750 A.H. = 1349 A.D.). Morley, cclxx;
Harington,. p. 240.
Dhakhiral-al-' Uqbd, commonly known as the gloss of
dial pi, is the most celebrated super-commentary on the
Wiqayah by Yusuf b. Junayd, commonly called Chalfi.
Harington, p. 239. _ m
XX. Jami'-al-Rumuz, otherwise known as al-Qvhistdm.
It is a most copious and esteemed commentary on the Nikayah,
which is an abridgement of the Wiqayah. The date of the
work is 941 A.H. ( = 1534 A.D.)
C. The Kanz Group.
. The Kanz-al-Daqfr iq, by Hal. al-din al-Nasafl
(710 A.H.), a book of great reputation, principally derived
from the Waft. Morley, cclxx.
XXII. The Ramz-al- H ana' i q , better known as al-'Ayni s
commentary on the Kanz-al-Daqa- 'iq by Badr al-din b. Ahmad
al-'Ayni, d 855 A.H. = 1451 A.D. Morley, cclxx. There is
also a gloss by al-'Ayni on the Kanz-al-Daqa 'iq.
XXIII. Mustakldias-al-Haqa 'iq is a commentary on the
Kanz-al-Daqa' iq by Ibrahim b. Muhammad 906 A.H. — 1500
A. D. Haji Khalfa, vol. vii, p. 988, ed. Leipzig.
XXIV. The Kanzal-Bayan, a commentary on the Kanz-
al-Daqd'iq hy the great doctor, Shaykh Mustafa al-Ta'I.
XXV. Mulla Miskin is a commentary on the Kanz-al-
Daqa'iq by Mulla Miskin .
This work was consulted by Ibn Nujaym, the author oMhe
Ashbdh wa'l Naza'ir. who is also the author of the Bahr-al-Ra iq,
in writing that work. See Ashbdh, p. 3, ed. Cal.
XXVI. Fath-al- Mil' in is a commentary on the Kanz-al-
Daqa 1 iq by the great doctor Mu'in al-din al-Haranl.
XXVII. Bahr-al-Rd'iq, by Ibn al-Nujaym (d. 970 A.H. =
1562 A.D.), is the most famous commentary on the Kanz-aj-
Daqa'iq. It may indeed almost be said to have superseded it
in India. Morley, cclxx. ,
Received as an authority in every city of Islam. Equalled
only by the Fath-al-Qadir , the famous commentary on the
Hidayah. Harington, p. 238.
XXVIII. The Is'af.— The date of the work is 93G A.H. =
1499 A.D. The author Burhan al-din Ibrahim died in 9U
A.H. = 1516 A.D. Haji Khalfa, vol. i, p. 284. The author
was an eminent Hanafi jurist who nourished in Tripoli. This
Vol. VII. No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 379
[N.S.]
work exclusively deals with the law of Waqf and is based on
that of al-Khassgf and al-llilal on tin- same subject. It is
frequently quoted as an authority on the law of Waqf in the
Fatawd 'Alamgin, the Durr-al-Mukh tar, the lla<hlal-M ulnar and
other authoritative works on Muslim Law.
_ E.
XXIX. The Fetifiwd 'Alamgiri, a collection of cases under-
taken by order of the Moghal Emperor Aurangzib, 1656 A.D.
It is not an original work but a mere compilation by a number
of Mawlawls under the supervision of Aurang/Jb.
F. Ottoman Group.
XXXI. The Mvltaqd H-Abhur, by Ibrahim b. al-Halabl
(d. 956 A.H. = 1549 A.D.), one of the most important works
on Hanafi Law.
XXXI. Majmcr al-Anlmr, by ' Abd al-Rahman, com-
monly known as Sheikh Zade, is a commentary on the MvJ-
taqu. It was completed in 1077 A.H.= 1670 A.D. Morley,
celxxiii, Haji Khalfa, vol. vi, p. 105.
XXXII. The Durr aUMuntaqd, by' Ala'al-dln al-Hiskafl,
d. 1071 AH. = 1677 A.D.
XXXIII. The Tantmr td-Absar, by Shams al-dfn al-
Ghazzl. The date of the work is 995 A.H. = 1586 A.D., one of
the most useful books according to Hanafi doctrine. Morley,
cclxxxviii.
XXXIV. The Durr al-Mukhlar, written in A.H. 1071 =
A.D. 1660, is one of the most noted commentaries on the
Tanwir alAbsar and is well known in India. "As high an
authority as Qadi Khan." I. L. R. 8 All., 149, F. B. (1886).
Morlev, cclxxxviii.
z.
XXXV. The Radd-al-Miihlar is a commentary on the
Durr-al-Mukhtar by Ibn 'Abidln of Syria, b. 1198," d. 1252
A.H. =1835 A.D.
XXXVI. Tahtawi, one of the most celebrated commen-
taries on the Durr-al-Mukhtar.
XXXVII. Faidwd Tanqih al-Hdmidiyyah,a, collection of
Fat was by Ibn ■ Abidln.. the author of the Radd-al-Muhtar.
G. Miscellaneous Group.
XXXVIII. Fatawd Qunyah. The Qunyat at-Munyah is a
collection of decisions of considerable authority by al-Zahidf,
d. 658 A.H. = 1259 A.D. Morley, celxxxvi.
XXXIX. Fatawd Bazzaziyyah. Morley, ccxcii.
XL. Fatawd Mahdiyyah (1090 A.H). By the Shaykh
al-Islam and Grand Mufti of Egypt, Shaykh Muhammad al-
'Abbasi (1301 A.H.), the celebrated Hanafi jurist of al-Azhar.
APPENDIX II.
Tanqih al-Hamidiyyah (Vol. I, p. 117, ed. Cairo).
Question. — A man makes a waqf of buffaloes in a place
where their waqf is not recognized in practice, and with respect
to which there has not been any Ta'amul. Will it, or will it
not, be deemed [sufficient to establish] Ta'amul, if such a
waqf is practised by one person or two persons ?
Answer.— [After quoting the Fatawd 'Attabiyyah, the Khu-
lasah, &c, the author says :] (1) The necessary inference
drawn from their (the jurists') expression " if the practice of
making such waqfs prevailed," is that it (i.e. Ta'amul) cannot
be established by the practice of one person or of two persons,
as that cannot be described as a prevalent practice. (2) Accord-
ing to Ibn Hammam, Ta'amul means "the more frequent
in use. 1 '
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 389
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390 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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392 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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394 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 395
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396 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 397
[N.S.]
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398 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 399
[N.S.-]
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400 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 401
[N.S.]
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402 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Wagf of Moveables. 403
[N.S.]
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404 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 405
IN, 8.]
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406 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Wagf of Moveables. 407
[N.S.]
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408 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 409
[N.8.]
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410 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 411
[N.S.]
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412 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 413
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414 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
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Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 415
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^
j*. r . juy rife «fe J~y j, ^ ^'t^t tr- /* rt *** ***
^;^t e^^ y^yV ^ ujy ^^^ «^^ c: ' I ^' , '^^
jj^ij jA>Jt JU iLr?^ cU tit j lsH ^ St ^^f ^^ ^
,t^JU liilW. ^i ^ftUi^j ] **M;*W ^'^ J^' JU "^
* r c^»^i Jb^*" ^^ ^ ^ Jl - ^ xU * j| J
«• • •
LV. fc»A^*^l «**»-'
... ^ v -? ur^ w 1 * r*'^ 1 ' ^ L ^ u< ul ^ *^ * ]j * [ s**( ^^ )
t5
^,, JU r>v Jt axW) aJ^I ^ ^^ i/«j (** ( v'^' )
416 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.
LVII. r I ") **U"* a*^ i£\y ^-jUi
<*ajJI
* **JLc w-a5j U ^Jl J^lsJi ^
*jy^
f J& trt***Jl e,l»J»U <**^
yj V U^| ^ ^jUoiJfi aU| *m ^ ^ ; ^x^ ^ JtioMi] ^/i* <y
* ci>>^ 3 J^ f J c 1 *^' j r*lW' *-* S J J** 4 * J
M
$J\
LIX. [art* <*=*.«*> ^ilDt jj)^J| . iijj..j! ^U&l ]
igy&jltfj AJjtfci ^ftt Uij J^M *) ^^ J^l -xiJl ^Aj **,
..h. ^U
I
*».»,* 8;Uc g r) J) Oij)\ JU* ,-»* ^1 ^ >/*♦>! JJipT y^rsja in one, and ^t^T^I ^T^
in one, 5pn3ifRnT
in one,
stance.
posi
to
When
ed with such words as "a^r fy ** "wnj ^ n "sgftl
^1
'J C.
99 <>
*W*t
the commentator to support the text. Such verses may be
long to other authors or other works of Aryadeva, but not to
the text. The verses introduced with such words as "cj^jjji-
Wffi*r, ? ' "our HJisaT," 4 *33i^n*Tsj $:snTfwr, ,f and "chjtjrt
j^Sf" are undoubtedly quotations from known works. But
when a verse is introduced with such words as 4<
m «
^TW ^i^r/* ^ becomes difficult to say whether they
belong to the text or to some other work. But when any one
of such verses is accompanied by a long commentary, it is most
probably a part of the text. Taking the number to be about
30, this fragment contains 59 x 30 verses of the original text.
434 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
We have found, however, that 118 verses have been commented
on. But some of them are undoubtedly outside the text.
In the first eight chapters of this work, the commentator
often illustrated philosophical ideas by short stories which are
charmingly beautiful, and throw a flood of light on the man-
ners and customs of the people and may contribute to the
already rich folk-lore of India. I will give only four in-
stances :
(1) To illustrate the fact that custom (^ff
than law (y£r), he gives the story of ^-f^-^f^,^ or marry-
ing a daughter. A certain person went to the country of the
Yavanas. He found a Yavana light a fire, and by his magical
power made the fire speak. The fire said, "Your daughter
will be your wife." The man had a handsome daughter at
home. He thought of manying the daughter. He implored
the Yavana to give him the magical power. Armed with the
magical power he went home and lit a fire. But the fire said,
"You cannot marry your daughter: that is not the custom of
your country."
(2) To illustrate the doctrine that things seen in the pro-
per light appear ugly and uninteresting, he gives the story of a
friar in Kamboja. A Buddhist Bhiksu went to Kamboja for
mendicancy. A man came to him arid said, " Begging here is
regarded as a very low occupation. So do not utter a word
asking for anything. The Bhiksu went on with the alms-bowl in
hand without speaking a word. The people there never saw a
Bhiksu : they were experts in making machines. They thought
that some expert machine-maker sent them a curious machine
which can open and close its eyes like a man And he has
done so to overmatch them. They in their turn prepared a
similar machine and sent it to him. lie saw the fun of it. He
came out and asked the Bhiksu to speak. The Bhiksu spoke,
"Let there be no disease." The people of Kamboja werestruck
with wonder and said that they had not the skill to make the
machine speak. If they knew that he was reallv a Bhiksu,
they would have treated him with contempt.
(3) To illustrate that Buddhas are never inactive aim
even their very breath is for the benefit of the animated world,.
a Stnrrr ia nixrart nf o RUM™. f__ • .1 1 _r „ P1r>l-
inactive and
_ %/ o — — — ""»U" OUJUUI unit' 111 W1C I1UUOC v* «■» —
sara or a machine-maker. A Bhiksu went to the house of a
machine-maker for alms. The macliine-maker invited him to
He gave the Bhiksu
season
his food. When the Bhiksu wanted to go after four months,
the man paid a sum of money for the purchase of mona-tio
robe, and also wanted to pay his wages. The Bhiksu refused
-^ »v,v C pi any wages, as
The man nrrinfarl /-»„«• *i
Vol. VII, No. 7.] The newly- found MS. of Chatuhsatika. 435
[N.S.]
there was a machine which worked constantly by the pressure
of his body as he moved about, and produced blades of knife,
and that he was a great gainer by the sale of these. Just as
every motion of the Bhiksu was for the benefit of the owner of
the machine, so every motion of the Buddhas was for the bene-
fit of the three worlds.
(4) The Brahmanas say that the man who dies in battle
goes to heaven, because he sacrifices the dearest thing in the
world, his life, for glory. Says the commentator, this is not
proper. And to illustrate it, lie gives the story of a milkmaid
who offered her person to her father-in-law. The son of an old
milkman was away. His wife treated the old man very
badly, insulted him and gave him scanty food. On the return
of the son, the father complained of her conduct, and he
scolded his wife and ordered her to do everything to make his
father comfortable, and to do even the hardest thing to please
him. When the son was again away the daughter-in-law
served her father-in-law with great attention and care. At night
she made a nice bed for him, washed his feet with tepid water
and prepared to lie on the bed with him. The old man said,
" What are you doing ? ' ' She said, ' ' Your son has ordered me
to do the hardest tiling to please you ; and nothing is harder
for a woman than to offer her person." The old man greatly
annoyed left the house. The son on his return enquired about
his father, and the wife gave him the whole story, not omitting
the offer of her person. The son drove her away and entreated
the father to come and live with him. She made a great sacri-
fice, but nobody praised her for it. So if you die only for
glory, you do not do the right thing.
The work, a fragment though it is, throws a good deal of
light on the life in ancient India : (1) It often speaks of
curious machines as in the stories given above. (2) It speaks
of the unreal nature of the caste-system ; it speaks of people
of other castes and other countries being regarded as Khsatri-
yas on account of their Ksattriya occupation. (3) It scouts
the idea of purity on which the whole Brahminic system is
based. (4) It gives expression to the extreme democratic idea
that the king is only a servant of the mass, who pay the
sixth part of their income as his wages. (5) It ridicules the
monks who secretly drank wine at night. (6) It presupposes
the existence of a literature in the Kavya style and quotes
many verses, of which later Sanskrit poets might well be proud.
(7) It brings out, in bold relief, the antagonism which existed
between the Buddhists and Brahmanas in the story of Acarya
Sanghasena and his pupil. Acarya Sanghasena asked his pupil
to become an Upasaka. But he demurred. But after a few
days he came back and said, M O Acarya, I have become an
Upasaka, because whenever I meet a Brahmana, I wish to kill
him."
436 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.]
The philosophical ideas embodied in this fragment are
characterized by boldness which is rare even in works that are
already published, of the Mahayana school. The soul, the senses
and the object of senses are all declared to be phenomenal :
and then all phenomena are declared to be unreal. What the
reality is can not be gathered from this fragment. Aryadeva
is reputed to be pupil of Nagarjuna, the author of the Madhya-
maka or the Sunyavada theory. In this work, however, Arya-
deva though refuting the Vaibhasikas does not seem to say
anything against the Madhyamkas; yet the work is called
Bodhisattva-yogacara. And the probability is that he is a
teacher of Yogacara or the Vijnana-vada theory. That the
Aupanisadas
Aryade
rowed largely from
This book, therefore, is ex-
tremely valuable as one of the earliest works on the tran-
scendental school of thought in India.
Though Nanjio speaks of the translations of nine works
by Aryadevas in Chinese, the Catuhsatakas is not one of them.
It is said to have a Tibetan translation. The fragment, there-
fore, is that of a unique work, both as regards the text and the
commentary.
Aryad
and published in J.A.S.B. n 1898. I could not find the name
of the work. But Professor Bendall wrote to me to say that
its name was Cittavisuddhiprakarana. A tentative translation
of the work appeared in the Evangelical Review. That book
is also characterized by the boldness of its conceptions, its anti-
Brahminic tendencies, and by its att mpts to whitewash the
blemishes of monastic life.
On the last day of his stay in Calcutta, I showed this MS. to
Professor Schervetzky, and he was convinced of the genuineness
of the work. He pronounced it to be a ^ reat discovery. He said
that European scholars would be anxious to gel it, and asked me
to go to press at once. Little did he think at the time that the
owner, by effacing the old page marks, had put even this small
fragment of this work into great confusion. Dr. Ross tells me
that Professor Schervetsky regarded the finding of this work as
the greatest sensation during his stay in India.
it is not out of place to mention here that though 1 have
paid great attention in transcribing and trying to understand
the work, the difficulty of understanding a unique work in a
fragmentary condition is such that my readers should accept
my findings as tentative till the work is subjected to a more
careful examination.
29. Folk-songs and Folk-lore of the Gehara (Kanjars),
Bv W. Kjrkpatrjck.
Gehdrd, as I have stated in a previous paper, is the inter-
tribal appellation of an endogamous section of Kanjars.
It will be noticed that in the following few verses prom-
inence is given to the name of one Mdnd, each line or verse
beginning and ending with this name— apparently by way of
invocation. Mdnd l is seemingly a sort of deified ancestor
common to various Kanjar tribes, and among the Gehdrds is
sometimes known as M and Guru.
A well-known legend — confirmed with some slight varia-
tion by Mr. Crooke— is that Mdnd was attached to the Court
of Delhi as a maker of khas-khas tatties (Crooke's version is
that he was a brush-maker ; hunch band). The King of Delhi
had two famous wrestlers {pehlwdn) Maid and Dana -Crooke
gives the names M Kdllu and Mallu 7 — who were champions
of the world." Anyhow Maid and Dana were noted as
athletes (Crooke: "for their skill in swinging the athlete's
chain bow"; lezdm). Mdnd apparently did not take these
two pehlwdn seriously and suggested an exchange of occupa-
tions. Crooke says: "Mana happened to pass by and
"taking the bow plunged it so deep into the ground that no
"one could withdraw it." The Emperor hearing of Maud's
prowess and ambitions sent for him and made him wrestle
with Mala and Dana. Needless to say Mdnd was victorious.
The version of the story as given to me continues that Maid
and Dana both fought Mdnd at the same time, but quickly
seeing themselves outmatched they took a mean advantage
Dana seized Mdnd's choti 3 or chuttid from behind while Mold
1 Mr. Nesfield says: " The man-god whom the Kanjars worship is
fc * Mana — a name which does not appear in any of the lists of the Hindu
•'divinities. While he lived amongst men (the italics are mine W K.)
"he was the model fighter, the ereat hunter, the wise artificer and the
i4 unconquered chief. He was not only the teacher and guide but aUo
11 the founder and ancestor of the tribe."
Col. Phillott has suggested to me that this use of M&n&'s name at
the beginning and end of a song or verse i- in conformity with a com-
mon practice in Oriental poesy and would identify Mana as the 'writer
and composer.'
* Ibbetson's Punjab Ethnography in describing the Sdnsia (a tribe
closely allied to the Kanjars — W. K.) divides them into two tribes known
is K'Hlcd and Mull >. The Bawdries also have a section called K'ilkamalid,
not to be confused with ihe Sansis or Kanjars however ; KdlkamaliA
with the Bawarias meaning simply " Black blankets."
B The propriety of continuing to wear the choti or chuttid by Hindu
438 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
made a feint in front.
Mala
Mdnd
eventually threw them both, " dsmdn dakhdia ] — but the loss
of his choti deprived him for ever after of his virtue as
a
Hindu, 2 and in no small degree of his renown as an ancestor!
A fable of this sort affords an irresistible opportunity to a
tribe for explaining away their present or recently past non-
Hindu state, and an excuse to hark back to an imaginary
Hindu origin. In fact we here have Maud's claim to pos-
thumous fame being denied him by his own people; striv-
ing as they are with the rest of the casteless millions of
India to obtain a footing, even though it be on the lowest
rung of the Hindu social ladder. 8 And so it comes about
that Mdnd is at the present day looked upon by the Kanjar
community, certainly the Geharas, rather in the light of a
necessary evil — so much so, if I have been able to correctly
gauge their thought, that he is disreputable enough to require
propitiation, that his name may not to be mentioned except as
we see it in use — as an invocation. One of my informants, a
well-known Gehara shikari, was hic;hly amused at my expecting
him to pronounce the name in ordinary tones. Ho had no
objection to repeating the name M Mdnd" but only in a sort
of drone or chant— " 0h\ Ma-d-d-nd ! "
Mdnd had a wife called Nathiy
Mdnd
with
the Great Mother or Mother Great Queen, the female and
supreme deity known as Mdri* or Mdhdrnni or Data Mdhd-
rdni. b Mdhdrdni is the principal Kanjar deity, and her male
converts to ( hristianity has recently been the subject of some discussion
in Missionary circles in India.
1 Ashman or " asmdn dakhdiyd" = "showed him the sky." I
referred this expression to Mr. C. A. W. Sands of the U.P- Police
(C.I.D.u *&e authority on Indian Kilshti or wrestling, and he has very
kindly given me the following interesting note : — " There is a custom in
•• parts of the Punjab (chiefly I believe in the South) of regarding **
as a fall (chit) for a man to be supine — to 068 the sky. This is not
"generally recognized among Indian wrestlers as a fall. The ordinary
"fall is the <donon shdw'n Ice kushtV— that of both shoulder blades
u touching the ground. This is the 'chit ' generally recognized through-
out India." °
* This is interesting, as Crooke in " Tribes and Castes," III, p. MJi
saya:^"T-e Kunchbands sometimes offer the hair of an infant to
Mana." The Gehards are a section of the Kunchband Kanjars.
M * ^ s Sir Herbert Risley puts it, "that course of development b>
^ which a non-Aryan tribe transforms itself into a full-blown caste
claiming definite rank in the Krahmanical system." . .
♦Crooke. Vol. IV, p. 74, in description of Nats, says: "Man is
worshipped when cholera appears in the village." The Kolhatcs of
Bombay worship among others the cholera goddess Muia— Bombay
Uazette, XX, 186 sq. c
Tovri S l e J oca |> ll,ap y of PA * Boli or Argot of Kunchband Kanjars-
Joum. As. Soc. Benq., vol. vii, no. 6, p. 277
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Folk-songs, etc., of the Gehara (Kanjars). 439
[N.S.]
companion is known as Khetrpdl, 1 who is however of no great
consequence, and, I imagine, has been introduced to the Gehara
Kanjars by contact with allied tribes. Khetrpal is the same as
Bhumiyd (Bhewdni f), and in another form Sdim or Sdydm.
Still it is interesting to note that when on rare occasions he
has to be propitiated he has a special form of puja. A small
square space is cleared and plastered over with cow-dung, and
on this seven
ndoor. 1 Betel
and wine are then dispensed and the huc/d handed round.
Khetrpdl is said to have a particular shrine somewhere near
Calcutta, under an Imli (tamarind) tree.
Mdhardni Dai or Ddiyd has a shrine at Mirdnpore (Maha-
ranpore?), near Allahabad, also under a tamarind tree. The
Imli, it has been impressed upon me, is the Kanjar's faodar or
special sacred tree. This shrine at Allahabad is periodically
visited by all the Kunchband and other Kanjars from the
districts of the United Prov-
l by Delhi Kanjars for over
Western
inces
fifty years. It wi
Q
> >
Another legend connects Mdnd with Ddnd—the wrestler
who deprived Mdnd of his ch6ti~;\s his brother. This I think,
however, is only a convenient excuse for introducing some more
Aim flam to show Hindu origin. Mdnd and Bund it is said
were both Koli or Juldhds, and had " huqa pdni" relation-
1 Khetr — earth, place ; pal— protector or owner. See Ibbetson's
Census report, account of the Aheris, or Thoris or Heris who " worship
"specially Babaji or Kohmand in Jodhpore and Khetrpal of Jodh-
"porj>."
ins
Kumaon. .
« Saindur — the red lead which is used by so many castes and
tribes in India, in one of the most binding pnrts of the marriage
i- >remony— the bridegroom rubs saindur on the bride's head ; the
parting in the hair painted red is a sign of the married state.
s In confirmation of this, Mr. Geoffrey Clarke, I.CS., Postmaster-
General, U.P., while at Allahabad this year very kindly obtained and
sent me the following note :— •• Miranpur is a village on the banks
" of the Jumna on the Allahabad city side of the Jumna Bridge
•and under a small Imli tree about ten years old ia the Mand.r ot
" the goddess Dharand Mai : she is placed on a small kutcha platform
« and rests against a small wall. She is about a foot m height. The
-land on which the shrine stands was the property of Mahamdu, and
«' some time back was purchased by Jhun ri Kanjar, resident of Colone -
•« gunge, Allahabad. Jhungri is still alive, and appears to be the ofhciat-
"inK -priest.' The Mandir is well know, to and frequented by
*' Kaniars, Nutts and Badiya*.
called
"though he is the owner of the deoghar. It is well known to local
" Pandus that D^lhi and Punjabi Kanjars pay visits of pilgrimage to th«
"Bhrine and venerate the Imli tree. Ther appears 10 be no fixed
«* season for the worship of the goddess. Fowls, goats and pigs ar
fc< sacrificed and sweetmeats are offered and distributed by Jhungri
' Kanjar."
440 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
r>
with all Sudras ; but one day unknowingly Mdnd partook of
some food off a leaf plate which had been left by Dana as hit;
jhutd. Dana thereupon outcasted Mdnd, and this following
upon the loss of his choti was the last straw ! M ana's wife, as
I have said, was Nathiyd ; she died before Hand's d
and this is why it is explained all married Geharas when they
die are cremated, while the unmarried are buried— in a lying
posture, face upwards— head to the north and feet to the south.
When the Chowdhri or Naik of a camp dies and time and
money permits he is buried in a sitting posture. I was never
able to get a very definite confirmation of this practice, but it
is a custom known to the Geharas and in fact claimed by them,
and I mention it as it is common to many of these wandering
tribes.
As an example of how difficult it is to make too definite
statements with regard to the folk-lore or origin of these
hitherto casteless tribes, particularly now that they are so
rapidly coming under Hindu influence, I had a reputable old
Chowdhri of the Delhi gang disclaiming all knowledge of Mana:
he said his pir was "Earn Dijai whose shrine is at Ronecha
nearPokerji m-ridsat Jodlipore," and I believe this is all it
was— Ram Dijai is his own particular saint. In a generation
or two the luckless Mana will be wiped off the Gehara pantheon
and Ram Dijai will reign supreme. This old disc i pie of the
usurper Ram Dijai insisted that Maharani committed sati on
Ram Dijai's pyre, and that Ram Dijai was an incarnation of
the feu fi poet Kabir.' This is the sort of story one has to
''sift out," but nevertheless there is some interest attaching to
the relationship claimed with Kabir. Captain Richardson in
Jus much-quoted article on Nats or Bazeegars mentions Kabir
as the bard of the Nats.
The first song, inculcating endogamy, is perhaps the only
one of interest from an ethnological * | >oint of view. The
uenaras are an endogamous section divided up again into
several distinct exogamous septs mostly of totemistic origin,
l Have only been able to discover one song, or as 1 should more
™nif Z<i des , cri 7 be ifc > a Proverb, with an exoga.nic allusion.
Oh! Sohnra, leas me nd tknd" = «« Oh Sohnra, do not swim in
tne rushes! Sohnra' is the title of an eponvmous exogani-
ous sept of the Gehdrds, the founder being one Sohnrd who
once when journeying came to a river in full flood, and as
lie could not cross over, he laid him down to sleep among
the leas or feathery rushes on the bank. At midnight he
awoke
wind
oriein^niTv. ^ Ku * >eer - a ^ell-known Debt and Sufi poet of humble
• SoW f0Und ° ° f the 86Ct known « Kabirpant.
«oh r^ZVs\™™™ y Wel1 be an invention, a nickname in fact;
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Folk-songs, etc., of the Gehara (Kanjars). 441
[N.S.]
ing grasses had the appearance of flowing waters. Under the
delusion that the river had overflowed its banks and that
he was surrounded by water, he struck out to save himself,
going through the actions of swimming. Hence M kds me
a, savin it annlied to anvone. so to speak, erovel-
' •) 5
tirna is now
ling in the dari
nd
tirnd, may well be used, and I believe it is applied as
against marriage outside one's own sept.
1. Song inculcating Endogamy.
Oh, JIdndl Gehdri karsl tho ndo chdh
na
Oh, Mana! (invocation) :
(If you) take unto yourself a Gehdri then (your) name will
continue.
And (but) if you take {kar si = do it with) a Kdjri (out-
cirlof mivrmn nnf, n. fifth ATI ^. (Vonr C\T 0\\r\ name Will not
continue.
2. In Sickness.
Deo merd rothero U jdi Mdndi ke re,
Jin pakre thu ne b6)th ab ne chale third Mane — bhai re !
Goddess! for the sake of Mdnd take away my troubles
(pain)
Which you have (thought fit) to give me. Now you remove
them— To vou M&n&l — Oh brother !
3. In Worship (Thanksgiving).
Dai, Ma* rani barro gad-si pakhdro
Sond lai gadldro-jhtnch
Magge
dl Mid Tar-bar ! Jaggo Magge choln
Katsi
Oh Mother! Great Queen ! (invocation) :
Go (thou) and bring a real (well made) spear
And bring golden cymbals.
(And) awake! and like a thread (which breaks) (your
troubles) will be cut away.
And proclaim Lalmia 1 victorious.
fin the sense that Lalmia will prevail).
1 Chalba-bro. This is a fanciful inflection (instead of chalsi in the
first line) to meet the requirements of the chant. C haU i- chain* to go.
a Lalmia — The red or " beautiful one " — a heroic title for Mdna
442 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.]
4. Ordinary Worship, Propitiation in a Spirit
of Humility.
/
Mdnd theri rdhene gujargdi Mdnd i
Theri ddin Kdlkd, bain Purbeni
Simar he chailo ! Mdnd !
Mana ! (invocation) :
Your stay (addressed as to oneself) is fleeting (literally
* ' has expired " ) .
Q
Kdlkd ,
And (supported by these) you (we) should go forward,
or continue, in (our) life with proper humility — Oh
Mdnd\ (invocation).
Mdnd
I read it as being an invocation, and not that the warning
conveyed is addressed to Mdnd. It is, I believe, the suppliant
who feels that his protestations will not carry weight unless
he propitiates Mana by using his name.
30. The Stambhesvari.
By B. C. Mazumdar, B.L., M.R.A.S.
Communicated with a note by R. D. Banerji, M.A., M.R.A.S.,
Indian Museum, Calcutta.
NOTE.
Mr. Mazumdar
antiquarian. I have nothing to say about the ethnological
part of the paper, but I believe Mr. Mazumdar is right in his
conclusions, as he has resided in the Sambalpur district for
more than a quarter of a century and knows the Orissa Feuda-
tory States very intimately. The modern vernacular_ for a
pillar, the Sanskrit stambha, is khambha in Hindi, ihama in
Bengali, and khambd in Oriya. So a goddess, whose name in
Sanskrit is Stambhesvari, would be called •Khambhesvari.
During the lifetime of the late Dr. Bloch I had the good
fortune of examining the Puri plates of Kulastambhadeva, and
I think Mr. Monmohan Chakravarti's transcript cannot be
improved. 1
I believe Mr. Chakravarti is right in assuming that the
king Kulastambhadeva is descended from the Calukyas. In a
copperplate grant which I have recently received through the
Superintendent, Orissa Feudatory States, from the Chief of
Talcher, Kulastambhadeva is described as an ornament of the
Sulki dvnasty, who were famed in the Three Worlds :
i renavah svasti tribhuvana-vidite Sulki-raja-vamsa-
— dabja %
bhusana-raja.
Obverse, 1. 2.
Now Sulki seems to be the equivalent of Sblahki, which is
ertainly derived from Calukya or Caulukya. The antiquity
of the name Stambhesvari is apparent from this plate also. In
the ninth line it is mentioned that the king Ranastambhadeva
obtained a boon from the Goddess Stambhf vari :
&rhStambhewari'labdJM-vara-prabh«vo mahdnubhdvah Para-
ma-mahe&va-
10. — ro mdta-pitr-pdddnudhydyi samadhigata-panca-mahd-
6abdo Ma-
1 1 . — harajadh imp
—Obverse, 11. 9-11.
1 J.A.S.B., Pt. I, pp. 123-27.
444 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
It appears from another copperplate belonging to the
Raja of Baudh, which also I have received from the same
source, that the Goddess StambheSvarl was also worshipped
by the Bhaiija kings :
16. — Samadhigata-pancamahasabda mahasamanta-vandi-
ta Stambhesvarl
17. — labdha-vara-prasada Ranaka S'ri Raiiabhanjadeva
ku&ali
These plates will be published in the Epigraphia Indica.
R. D. B.
iur stands
pillar which is known to be the pillar of StambheSvari Devi.
The word stambha means a pillar. When was it that this
pillar was raised is not known to the people. The Maharaja of
Sonpur has informed me that it is believed by the people that
his ancestor Raj Singh Deo, father of Achala Singh Deo and
great-great-grandson of Raja Madangopal, the first Chief,
brought this pillar to light, while removing a very big heap of
old ruins. A slab of stone bearing an inscription of no great
importance was also unearthed at that time. This inscription
gives no clue whatever to the pillar or to any king who got the
inscription engraved. Another account is, that the wife of Raj
Singh Deo brought a little toy pillar of Khambesvarl from the
house of her father, a Raja of Kimidi. Raja Raj Sing then
built a temple for Khambesvarl to honour the goddess of his
wife's forebears.
The tradition that it is a Stambhe&varl pillar is of im-
portance ; for the Goddess Stambhesvarl or Khambesvarl, as
popularly called, is not worshipped by the Briihmans and
The homa e that is now paid to tins
pillar is for the fact that an old pillar once consecrated to some
god or goddess has been found out in the debris of old buildings-
Khambes vari (Stambhesvarl ) is now found in the Sambal-
iur
m the western
The
Mahals, to be the tutelary goddess of the Dumal people.
Kandhs who live on the south-eastern border of Sonpur and in
the State of Boad adjoining this border, do also regard Kham-
besvarl to be their tribal goddess. The Dumals are Hindus,
and the Brahmans drink water fetched by them. Both the
Dumal 3 and the Kandhs set up wooden posts in their villages
to represent the Goddess KhambeSvari.
The Dumals say that they originally came Irom Odsinga>
which is in the Feudatory State of Athmallik which borders on
the State of Boad to the south, and which almost touches the
north-eastern border of the State of Sonpur, where this State
adjoins the State of Rehrakhol. The geographical name
Udsmga is of importance. For we find this name mentioned
Vol. VII, No. 7.] The Stambhesvari. 445
[N.S.]
in the copperplates of the Trikalinga Guptas. In one charter
of Mahabhava Gupta Deva it has been mentioned that a
Brahman family which came from Odayasrnga (OdSinga) was
granted a village in the Patna State (E.I., viii, pp. 138-43).
I have also been informed that some Dumals say that
they came originally from Khemri or Khemidi in Ganjam.
My informer Pandit Kasinatha Dani gave me a couplet in
Oriya, which, he says, the Dumals gave him in narrating their
history. I have not yet been able to get the statement
properly verified by any Dumal. The couplet spoken of is as
follows :
Khemandi rajya nija stha?ia
Deda lakslia Dumba kala btiiyawi
The meaning is — Khemidi was the original home which
created or gave rise to the Dumbas or Dumals to the extent of
one lakh- and- a-half in number. If this is a genuine tradition
amongst the Dumals, I am inclined to believe that it was Raj
Sing's wife of Kimidi Raj family who introduced the goddess
in the State of Sonpur.
The Dumals set up their Goddess Khambesvarl by putting
two posts of black wood in the earth. The Dumals never wear
any cloth or ornament which is black in colour. They always
wear dhutis and saris having red border, and it is only red lac
churis which they wear It is also to be noted that their
women never put the mark of sindur or vermilion on their
forehead as all the Hindu married women do. Usually in the
Oriya villages the walls of the houses are painted dark with
sticky ash-coloured earth; but the Dumals invariably paint
their house walls with brown- coloured geri mati. They say
that as their Goddess Khambesvarl is black, they do not wear
anything which is black in colour.
The Dumal women do not wear any ornament about their
feet or ankles, as usually women of other castes do. They
only bore their left nostril to wear a nosering, and perforate the
lobes of the ear for similar purpose But they religiously
avoid perforating the other parts of the nose and the ear. I
notice these customs so that in future some clue may be
tracin
customs.
The Dumfds worship their tribal Goddess Khambesvarl in
the month of Asvin when the Durga Puja is celebrated by the
Hindus. In the month of Asvin they worship Khambesvarl
under the spreading branches of a mahua fbassia latifolia) tree.
It ia significant to note that the god or goddess who has
his or her seat under the shade of a tree, is called dimli in the
Sambalpur tract. May it not be the case that the name Dumal
has its origin in dimli owing to the fact that these people
worship a dimli goddess ?
446 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
There is a caste in the Sambalpur tract called Sudh. This
term is supposed to be a contraction either of the term S'udra
or of the word Suddha (pure). There are two sections of the
Sudh people, namely, the Butka Sudhs and the Bad Sudhs.
The Butka Sudhs are treated still as an aboriginal tribe and
are not touched by the high class Hindus. But the Bad (big)
Sudhs are allowed to offer water to the Brahmans. The
Dumals interdine with the Bad Sudhs, but the Sudhs and the
Dumals do not intermarry, this shows that the Dumals and
the Sudhs are akin to each other, while the Sudhs must be
supposed to have once belonged to the tribe of the Butka
Sudhs, who are considered to be of low origin.
Even where the Dumals have their temples (called by the
Telugu name gvdi by all the Hindus of the Sambalpur tract)
for their goddess, they fix in the earl h two pieces of wood, one
to represent Khamsiri or Ivhamh svari <md the other to
represent Parmasiri or Paramesvari. For the Paramesyari a
piece of rohinl wood is obtained The word rohinl is in the
feminine gender, and it means red-coloured goddr-s. The
wood rohinl is Indian red wood which is known to the
Botanists as soymida febrifuga. The Br&hman priest wor-
ships the Parame^varl for the Dumlls, while the Dumals
themselves worship their Khambe&vari.
It is difficult to say whether the Khambesvari has come
over to the Dumals from the home of the Kandhs. The
Aryan form of the name point- to a time of Hitida or Hin-
duized influence both over the Dumals and the Kandhs,
at least in the translation of the name of the goddess. The
sacrificial post of the Kandhs is also known to be of black
wood. Regarding this, however, I have not trot yet very
satisfactory information.
I now relate another account of Khambe4\;ui , I hough I
asser
?
has any connection or not with the goddess of the Dumals.
The Goddess Stambhesvaii is found to have been the tribal or
family goddess of some Rajas whose copperplate grants were
published by Babu Manomohan Chakravarti in the " Journal ol
the Asiatic Society of Bengal" (Ixiv, 1895, pp. 123-27).
It is rather unfortunate that the original plates have not
been published in the Journal. The editor of the Journa
has also remarked that the text published in the Journal
is that given by the author, and that the plates were not avail-
able for comparison. Since Biibu Manoniohan Chakravarti is
not himself sure whether his reading is correct all throughout,
it is difficult to rely much upon the text. Line 8 of Plate A
gives us one half foot and one full foot of the Indravajra verse.
Lines 11 to 13 contain two feet of Basantatilaka. If the text
could be carefully read in the light of those meters, reconstruc-
99
Vol. VII, No. 7.] The Stambhesvari . 447
[N.S.]
tion of some portion of the text could be attempted in spite of
wrong spelling and bad grammar.
That Stambhesvari was the family goddess of the grantor
is clear from the fourth line of Plate A. Whatever may be the
form of the names of men, it cannot be said that the grantor
belonged to Southern India, The inference of my friend Babu
Manomohan Chakravarti that the grantor belonged to Calukya
line cannot easily be accepted. Wrong spelling of words in
the plates cannot justify us in changing Sulki into Calukya.
On reference to the wrong spellings it can only be said that the
plates were engraved at a time when the vowel "r" was pro-
nounced both as "ri" and "ru" in Orissa. In the plates of
the Trikalinga Guptas we get from the wrong spelling the
northern " ri " sound only of **T." But in the plates of
Kulastambha Deva " 6atru " has been misspelt as "Satr
(line 19, Plate A front), and again " paficariSaya " (line 4,
reverse) has been engraved for "pancarsaya." The reading
of the text by Babu M. M. Chakravarti is "ya£ca" for
" panca." Though the original plates cannot be obtained now
for comparison, it can be easily said that " ya " could be
misread for " pa" and "Sea" for "fica." This only shows
that the southern influence in Orissa only commenced, and
the northern linguistic influence did not till then die out.
This leads us to fix the date of the plates after the time of
Mahabhava Gupta and his successors.
Then again the concluding lines of the charter are the
same as we get in the charters of the Trikalinga Guptas (Epi-
graphia Indica, Vol. Ill, pp. 323 et seq.). In the light of the
text of the plates of the Trikalinga Guptas I am inclined to
think that the Kayastha officer mentioned in the plates was a
Bengali Kayastha like Kailasa Ghosa, Ballava Ghosa, Charu
Datta, etc., of the plates of the Trikalinga Guptas.
Be that as it may, since no definite information can be
obtained regarding the grantor who had Stambhesvari for the
family goddess, it is safe not to make any inference at all
regarding his original home and origin.
Thus far is certain, that some time after the reigns of
Mahabhava Gupta and his successors, who assumed the title
Trikalingadhipati, a Raja made a grant of lands in Kalinga or
Orissa and this Raja had Stambhesvarl for family goddess.
Referring to the Epigraphic records of Assam we find that
once by about the eleventh century or a little earlier, the
Rajas Salastambha, Bigrahastambha, Palakastambha, Bijaya-
stambha and others established a kingdom in Assam. This
Salastambha has been spoken of as a great chief of "the
Mlecchas" (Gait's " History of Assam/ 9 p. 27). Who can say
that the Saiva Kulastambha was not Mleccha to begin with,
and did not belong to the Mlecclia clan of Orissa tradition,
which possessed Orissa for some time ?
31 . Persian letters from Jahan Ara, daughter of Shah
Jahan, king of Dehli, to Raja Budh Parkash of Sirmur,
Communicated by Mr. H. A. Rose.
1.
••
b 1 e, 1 ^
2.
/A>a oi;) P^° ****** j*l u«*»j^ J^^ ^ cAm^ J* 3 «**IsU»j
gl >.^ ^15 js A ^U. aU ji^i ^i f*^ ^^V
* «MJ> .iji-
450 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911 .
3.
Ijf cA*
y>
^ji\ u+*j)l >JJf p~J
*k u'b'M **j* ;-*^° cr^y **>.5 *aJ^yi U**/y^*j »W> j ^>*^
* iULy *i*tj*j iuj^ ^ a!J( j; _ fey ,M ^**\ Jj
u»y» i a «u <yiiji £, ; ^ ^ o^ ^i*
4.
O
^
*1 «JUl
'/o 1 ^
-\J
*4Uy^j 31 ^ ^ ^^^ jLs ^ ( ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^x, ^y!^
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahan Ard. 451
[N.S.]
jxAw .>>;*• *>" jj\ A*~ly UA *>.>>? ^jf *** iJ \) i^j'y ^^ o£±f
; ^Lu| jf 9 - ^^ ; *A|^ £*. $*f ^t^^J Aj£ *<*[^ ^Mfj 3 or** 3 **7*
llrt^J W** 3 5-^ * r *" *Afj».i 0^- ^teij f^** j*M lT* J
5.
^» l
o
>j
y£\M\
13 ^ iJLi* ^I^Ij a*« a< ^iifj A-y - <*i\±> t^i ^|*H ^^t i
jiu_, c^l ^^ a».^ ^j ; v «e**t<5* ^^ *^ JS f *y^jW
j-v
^ li u-A r 1 *^- ^^ j<r r I ^; Uj| t** U*" 3
452 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [July, 1911
6.
Jt* i*
u
J1
tfl aUi
aJUlf AxJLc
u-e&"° * f -A^;*" J ,Ai4X !) l?^" J ^s*-** j' ^* -> li *l C^ **-*->?
- *u>j ijiji ^ (sb p Im *m* »^ u^ * r &b>*y° % )* ] *
* it '
rr &* {j** * l * (*** 3 ^-^ M)^ ^ l^
Vol. VII , No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahan Ard. 453
[N
1.
In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate.
The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of
favour and kindness, Raja Budh Parkash may know that his
'arzdasht together with several animals and a basket of pome-
granates have been received and shown to us by the women of
our holy threshold. As to his requesting us to recommend
him to His Majesty, the lord of the earth and the age, master of
the house and of the dweller thereof, and the means of comfort to
the world, he is informed that as His Majesty, the protector of
kings, is at Akbarabad, the seat of the Caliphate, and we are
here, we cannot comply with his wishes at present. He may
know that we shall always attend to his affairs. Dated 16th
Jumada II, the 13th year of the Julus.
2.
The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of
favour and kindness, submissive to Islam, Raja Budh Parkash
may know that his 'arzdasht together with myrobalans, some
pomegranates, zedoary, a golden- winged bird, and musk have
been received and shown to us by the women of our high house-
A A J __■_„_ — _ I I J
hold. We
onferred
will shortly reach him. He may know that we shall always
attend to his affairs. Dated 11th Shawwal, the 14th year of
the Julus.
3.
In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate.
The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of
favour and kindness, submissive to Islam, Raja Budh Par-
kash may know that his 'arzdasht together with some pods of
musk and a flapper {chanwar) have been received and shown to
us by the women of our great household. The presents have met
with our approval. He writes about the misconduct of Sondha-
and others of his tahwildars saying, that the zamindars of the
varganahs of Sadhora at first stood'sureties for them, but after-
wards helped them run away with cash and property ; and re-
ouestins us to send illustriousT/arman* to Ruhu-1-lah Kb .in,
an, Faujdar of Sahrand, and
Ali Akbar, Amin-i-faujdar of the parganah of Sadhora, ordering
them to arrest the tahwildars and zamindars. In our opinion
the addressee was wrong in trusting the zamindars. As we do
not interfere in such matters, he had better write an 'arzdasht
454 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
to His Majesty, the protector of kings, on the subject. Ruhu-1-
lah Khan and others will not take any action until His Majesty
is informed of the affair. Dated 21st Rabi TI, the 18th year of
the Julus.
4.
God is Great.
The best of his equals and contemporaries Raja Budh Par-
kash, while expecting favour from us, may know that his
several 'arzdashts together with two boxes of snow have been
received and shown to us. He writes that the snow belongs to
the Royal store and that it was sent by Sayyid Shafi and
^
*
Bhori. We
The
snow was very dirty and a large portion of it was melted.
From this it appears that the snow was not taken from our
store. The zamindar of Garhwal writes to say that it is he who
sent the snow. God knows who really sent it. As to the
addressee requesting us to ask His Majesty to do justice in the
dispute between him and the Raja of Garhwal, we spoke to His
Majesty on the subject. Accordingly His Majesty repeatedly
ordered the Bakhshis to write a hasbu-l-hukm to the effect that
whoever was aggressive, would be severely punished. The
zamindar of Garhwal states that he has never been aggressive,
that the land under dispute has been in the possession of his
family from ancient times, that it was taken from him by force,
and that now that he has got an opportunity, he has recovered
it. How different his version of the case is from that of the
addressee ! Until His Majesty deputes an Amin to inquire into
the case and is informed of the true facts thereof, he will not
consent to troops being sent to settle it. Moreover, as it is
necessary to send expeditions towards (he Deccan and Kabul,
we do not think that troops can be spared for any other pur-
pose. Dated 7th Jumadal. the 2 1st vear of the Julus.
5.
God is Great.
The best
favour and k:
raries
deserving of
'arzdasht together with some pods of musk and a basket of
pomegranates have been received and shown to us by the
women of our high household : we were extremely pleased
with the musk that he first sent us. We therefore desire him
to procure some more and send it to us. He should see
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jdhan Ard. 455
\N.S.)
that the article is genuine and not imitation. We assure him
that we shall always attend to his affairs. Dated 21st Rama-
za?i, the 21st year of the Julus.
6.
God is Great.
The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of
favour and kindness. Raja Budh Parkash may know that his
s » 'arzdasht together with a falcon and some honey have been re-
^ \ ceived and shown to us. As the falcon was too young, we
exchanged it for an (older) one. The honey met with our ap-
proval. As to the turbulent zamindar of Srinagar between
whom and the addressee there is always war, the addressee has
done well to bring the matter to the notice of the high and
Nholy Presence. We have understood what he says regarding
w the quantity of the snowfall there, the dilatoriness of Abdu-r-
Rahman, the Daroghah, in collecting snow and the wages of the
labourers. An illustrious farman has consequently been sent
to the said DarogMh ordering him to collect snow diligently and
telling him that the wages of the labourers will be paid accord-
ing to the agreement, and that if he is remiss in collecting
snow, as he was last year, he shall suffer the consequences.
Dated 25th Muharram, the 23rd year of the Julus^
456
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911 t
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7th Jam
adi ub
Awwal
21
Jahanara,
daughter
of Shah
Jahan,
Eaja
Budh
Prakash,
7
25th
Muharram
43
do.
do.
Subject.
of
Received two boxes
snow. The snow
is not good. The Za-
mindar of Garhwal
says that he sent them.
God alone knows who
sent them. Your com-
plaint against the ag-
gressions of the Za-
mindar of Garhwal
was brought to the
notice of the emperor.
His Majesty eays that
the aggressors will
surely be punished. He
says that his ancestral
property was seized
and hence getting a
suitable opportunity
he has recovered it.
So long as a special
Amin is not sent th
emperor cannot form an
opinion. The army is
required for active ser-
vice in Kabul and the
Dec can in these days,
and hence it iR difficult
to send an army any-
where else.
Your application
with peshkash. hawk
and honey duly receiv-
ed. The hawk was
young and hence ex-
changed. The honey
is also liked. You
speak of the aggres-
sionsof the Zamindar of
Srinagar,but it appears
there is a long-stand-
ing enmity between
you and him . He does
not mend his ways.
Vou'have acted rightly
in bringing the case
to the notice of • the
Emperor. We have
CO
US
a
-
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahdn Ard
[N.8.]
." tit^
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go
Subject.
■-■—
come to know about
the fall of snow and
the laziness of Abdul
Rahman in collecting
Bnow and paying re-
muneration to labour-
ers. He has been
informed that he
Bhould collect snow
largely and continue
to send it to us. If he
lazily like last
year, it will be not
well for him.
2
16th Ja
madi-us
Sani.
13
Jehanara,
daughter
of Shah
Jehan.
Raja
Budha
Prakash.
3
11th
Shaw-wal
14
do
do.
6
21st Ram
z5n, 41.
do
do.
acts
Acknowledges the re-
ceipt of some animnls,
pom rranates, etc.
Informs him that the
Emperor is at Akbara-
bad and his requests
therefore could not be
brought to His Ma-
jesty's notice.
Acknowledges the
receipt of yellow my-
robolnn, sour pome-
granates, zedoary (a
spicy plant), white
cock and musk : and in-
forms him that a Khil-
lat of honor has been
granted him. Directs
him to send another
white * cock. (* The
original hasZHrin. It
may mean white or
golden).
Acknowledges the
receipt of musk and
pomegranates. Orders
him to send genuine
and first-class musk.
457
V.
P5
458
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [July, 1911.]
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21st
Rabi-us-
sani, 18.
1
14th
Zul-Hij
12
Jahanara,
daughter
of Shah
Jahan.
Raja
Budh
Prakash.
Subject.
Acknowledges the
receipt of mask and
ohauri. ' It
appears
from your letter that
Sondha, etc., with the
help of the zamindars
of Sadhaura have
absconded. We can
not interfere in such
imperial matters. You
had better write to the
Emperor. So long as
the Emperor's orders
are not issued on the
subject, Rub Allah
Khan and others will
never arrest them.'
* We cannot go to the
Darbnr owing to ill-
ness. Your applica-
tion has been sent to
Jafar Khan Madar-ul-
Mnham for disposal.
Poittns will be sent
during the winter. 1
-
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32. Errata, etc., in the A.S.B. Edition of Abu Turab's
History of Gujarat, Calcutta 1909.
By H. Beveridge.
Dr. Denison Ross lias conferred a boon on all who are
interested in Indian history by his edition of Abu Turab's
work. It is quite a new source for the history of Gujarat.
Apparently the British Museum MS. Or. 1818, Rieu, Cat. III.
967, is unique. It is one of the many manuscripts that we owe
to that devoted scholar Sir Henry Elliot, the tablet to whose
memory is one of the ornaments of Winchester Cathedral.
Dr. Denison Ross's edition has been prepared from a copy of
the B.M. MS. made for him by Hajf 'Abdul Majld of Baghdad.
The copyist was evidently a good scholar, but as he had
only one manuscript to work from, and that not free from worm-
holes, some mistake have occurred. Possibly too there are
some printer's errors in the edition. As I regard Abu Turab's
work as of much importance, I have collated the imprint
with the B.M. MS., and have here set down all the misreadings
which are likely to embarrass a reader or a translator. I have
also made a few remarks on what seemed to be obscure
passages.
Page 2, 1. 3. For 0J1U read cutis. Page 5, 1. 4. In the
first line of couplet, for &* Ui^ *l£ read &(g,&U», The copyist has
mistaken the hamzaiox a nun, and Dr. Ross has justly remarked
on the obscurity of the couplet. When we read, however,
as we should do, Shddiabad
quite
intelligible. It was composed in praise of Bahadur Gujarati's
father Sultan Mozaffar II, and celebrates his generosity in
Kh
oned
This couplet may be translated
afflicted
Whate'er thou takest, thou restorest.
The chronogram which precedes, yields 929 A.H., which
corresponds to 1523. There is a much more difficult couplet
at p. 25. The copy, however . is correct : it is only the
enigmatic meaning which is obscure. It seems that Ikhtiyar
Khan, Bahadur's governor of Champanir, had a reputation for
making versified riddles. This one he is said to have made
when Humayun offered him his choice between taking service
460 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July 1911.
under him, or of returning to Bahadur. The Mirat Sikandari,
see Fazl Ullah's translation, p. 196, gives a different account
of the circumstances under which the enigma was composed,
but both it and Abu Turab's work agree that the couplet
contains an allusion to Humayun's name, and perhaps to its
numerical value according to dbjad. But neither of these works,
nor the translator Fazl Ullah, explains how the abjad is effected,
and I have failed to understand the point. I can only suppose
that Mah " the Moon" in the second line is an anagram of
"Huma" which is the essential part of Humayun's name.
This view is corroborated by another specimen of Ikhtiyar-
Shan's enigmas which is given at p. 195 of Fazl Ullah's
translation. (Page 252 of the Bombay ed. of the Persian text of
the ' ' Mirat S.") There the enigma seems to consist of a bad pun
on the name Jamal. Garcin de Tassy in his work on " Oriental
Rhetoric and Prosody," 2nd ed., Paris 1873, remarks on the
obscurity of the department of orental prosody which relates
to Mu'amma, riddles.
Page 12, 1. 21 ; see p. 74, three 11. from foot— ^ Base.
This is the Vasha of Bates' Hindi dictionary, p. 661 , col. 2, and
the Vasa of Sanskrit dictionaries. It means a woman, and
A&jjui a'»/i
i.e. weak, or subdued.
Page 13, 6 11. from foot— *i**. Chaghta. Dr. Ross remarks
that this word has the appearance of incorrectness. But it has
been correctly copied. See infra.
Page 14, 10 11. from foot— sahsalah chapar n\z yaft. These
words occur also in the B M. MS and are unintelligible. Dr. Ross
chapa
a
bran,
tands
for chhappar "a thatch," and would translate" grass three
years old from thatches." Neither explanation seems quite
satisfactory. Possibly gah-i- sahsalah (there is an izafat after
gah) should be gah~i-sipahsalar
Commande
• nu- TiT y™«-*'o*-pwi.su,i,ur uie straw tor the uommanuei-
in-Uiief, _or, what I think is more likely, the proper reading
may be aahe-sah salak u rhhstmnr,*. „i7~ *.zu 4-1^4. ,•« "af.ra.w
chhappar chiz yaft
three years old, and that from thatches were precious." But
it is all very doubtful. See infra.
Farghall
it is the Arabic form of Parghali. He was Humayun's Pir and
is frequently mentioned in the Akbarnama and the Tarikh
Kasjjidi. He was drowned at Chausa. See Akbarnama, text,
1. 166, where there is also the reading Pir 'All.
Page 17, 1. 8. A line has been accidentally omitted here.
After as^ Chitorke there should be inserted ; tir *s~o jt J l ^ J '
(etc. gU) | ;j) | aij ^UC AM*, ^ j* ^ ^iUa-i etc.," Chitor,
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Errata in Abu Turab's History of Gujarat. 461
[N.S.]
which has just been freed from the infidels, should be given to
him in order that we may go (and bring him to terms).
Page 18, 6 11. from foot. For ^&;jf read ^)j Uzbegl,
"an Uzbeg" ; compare Akbarnama I, translation, p. 305.
Page 18, 3 11. from foot. For ±£ read **£.
Page 18, 2 11. from foot. After Sultan insert b.
Page 19, 1. 3. For ** read o " two.
3 t
Page 19, 4 11. from foot. For j*£ & read l^f atishha. It
refers to Humayun's ordering that the burning of the houses
in Champanlr should be stopped.
Page 20, 1. 11. For ^j^ read ufji^i M an old woman."
Page 20, last line. For iilS read <u^ gashta sirha. It means
" in a confused state " : see Vullers II, 283 col. b, and 282 col. b.
Page 27, 1. 3. >AJ
variant
for vsjU, san, a well-known word for a review of troops. See
Vullers II, 194a, and P. De Courteille's Diet. 341, and
Babur's Memoirs, Ilminsky ed., p. 127, 9 11. from foot. The
Hyd. ed , p. 103b, line 7, has as the word for a review dim,
face
or vim. Jferhaps d%m is the Persian
kurdilar might mean "a seeing of fj , _, OT »
tion. Sun occurs again in Abu Turab, p. 44, 1. 4.
Page 33, 1. 7. For & read Jjyi.
Page 33, last line. For jj|>j read jy
Page 35, 1. 3. For^£* read )j£*.
Page 39, 3 11. from foot. For e>ji read e>f •
Page 40, top line. Insert conjunction 3 before alhal
Page 40. 4 11. from foot. Insert
hamza after *t>Jo*» saped
and delete conjunction j. The passage is obscure. I do not know
what bad saped means here.
Page 43, 1. 4. For f*U*A.< read ^ Ui .
Page 49, 1. 3. &\sf*)& unintelligible. Dr. Ross has also
noted passage. Perhaps it should be aJL-^ kasala " causing
affliction." The expression occurs again p. 85, 1. 11.
Page 50, 1. 9. *■*& *U«« unintelli
-
Page 50, 4 11. from foot. Here the copyist has deviated from
his original which has quite clearly iJ&ȣ gostash, which I take
to be for ^fix&^t " his flesh." The passage is, I think, goshtash
ba yaz kandand, c< They tore his flesh with thorns."
Page 53, 1. 7 from foot. For ^ **tf should apparently be
read ft* *<*> 13 tasa sham, the wretched (Mirzas).
462 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.
Page 54, last line. For ^y\ read ^y>, that is, Ba Wali-al-
Haqq ; the tashdid has been wrongly made into the dots of a ta,
Page 60, 1. 14. For ^ii*» read ^*i-~j Istld. Compare Istada
just above. The passage means, " Dont you stand."
Page 64, 1. 8. Though Man Sen agrees with original, it
should be Man Singh.
Page 75 , last line, $j£\
l
lAi v*t+*
Page 83, 1. 3. For ( j^^.)^ read ^va. jl$a.. The mistake
is important for it makes a remark of A. T.'s unintelligible.
What he says is that he was convinced that the siege of
Ahmadabad by the rebels would be unsuccessful, for there were
four discordant parties among the besiegers, viz. 1st, Ikhtiyarti-1-
Mulk and all the Gujaratis; 2nd, the Mlrzas (Moghuls) ; 3rd, the
Afghans ; 4th the Abyssinians.
Page 83, 1. 13. For tjJLb read dj^jlf. Also delete word
after dashtand.
Page 34, 1. 3. For <+iy read ^jy.
Page 84, 6 11. from foot. Is an important passage as it gives
us the name of 'Umar Khan LodI the father of the famous
Daulat Khan whom A. T. calls the Vakil of 'Aziz Koka. See
Blochmann 502, 'Umar Khan then was the grandfather of
the still more famous Khan Jahan LodI of Jahar
Jahan's time.
Page 99, top line. For i w read <»rr*.
Page 99, 1. 3. For *uf read *mT .
Page 99, 1. 10. For **tf read ijif .
Page 103, 1. 6. For A-y read *^t.
Page 108, last line. Apparently the word basababahar is,
as suggested by Dr. Ross, a mistake for baslha " woman."
Addenda.
Page 32, line 16. My friend Mr. White way has shown me
a passage in a book on Portuguese ships in the 15th and 16th
centuries in which, at p. 11, a distinction is drawn between the
two Portuguese words barca and barcha. The latter is clearly
the barsha of Abu Turab. The book is by a Portuguese naval
officer named Lopes de Mondonea and is entitled: " Estudos
sobre Navios Port, ' ' etc.
Page 13, 1 18— aI**.. This word has been correctly copied,
and is, I think, right. It means, apparently, that the man
Vol. VII, No. 7.] Errata in Abu TuraVs History of Gujarat, 463
[N.S.]
called Khurasan Khan was a native of Chaghatai or Jagatai
in Khurasan. I find that in Colonel Stewart's map of
Khunlsan published in the Royal Geographical Society's Journal
for 1881, and reproduced, on a reduced scale, in li Through
Persia in disguise,' * 1911, Jaghata is the name of a village
in northern Khurasan, and that also there is a range of
mountains called the Jaghatai mountains.
Page 14, 1. 14. It seems not improbable that Dr. Denison
Ross's suggestion of chapri ,4 bran" is the right one, for I see
that Dr. Aitchison in his account of the Botany of the Afghan
border, Transactions of the Linnean Society, 1887, says p. 5,
"The fodder supplied to us for our cattle consisted of the
crushed straw of wheat and barley, and of the stems of
millet.' 1 Chn/pri might represent " Crushed straw." But the
passage is still somewhat of a riddle.
.
33« Corchorus capnularis var. oocarpus — a new variety
of the common jute plant*
By I. H. Burkill, and R. S. Finlow.
•
On the left is the fruit of the variety here described : on the right
fruit of the type for comparison. Both natural size.
We
,,v, describe here a variety of the common jute plant,
which was detected by one of us (R. S. P.) a year ago (1910),
among the jute crops of south-eastern Mymensingh, and which
ha?, since then, been studied in cultivation. Its local name is
Baupdt and it differs from' the type in the elongation of its
fruit, as figured above. It does not differ in other respects ;
even' having the same number of seeds as has the type. It
appears to be about midway between early and late ' as regards
its time of ripening, being, in the latter respect, as well as
in size and colour, rather similar to the races Barapat and
Parbatya of Mymensingh. The cultivators seem to keep it pure
and they regard it as the best race for cultivation on higher
lands, which are not deeply inundated during the rainy season.
One authority has held a that Corchorus capsulans so varies
in fruit as to render its distinctness from the long-fruited
C. olitorius doubtful. To that statement our work lends no
support • the two species we hold are conspicuously different m
fruit, as well as in flower and foliage; and though var. oocarpus
I Vide our " Races of Jute," in the Agricultural Ledger, No. 6 of
190 t Watt, "Commercial Prod uds of India , 1908, p. 406; and in Journal
of the Royal Society of Arts, lvi, 1908. p. 264.
466 Journal of the Asiatic Society oj Bengal. [August, 1911.]
has a distinctly longer fruit than is usual, we do not claim it
to be in any way an intermediate.
The requisite Latin diagnosis is appended.
Cokchorus capsularis, Linn. , var. oocarpus. Capsula
obovoidea, 16 mm. longa, 10 mm. diametro. Varietas. haec in
distrietu Mymensingh colitur.
34* The Polarity of the Bulbils of Dtoscorea bulb if era,
Linn,
By I. H. Burkill.
The following brief note embodies two series of observations
made to ascertain if the bulbils of Dioscorea bulbifera put out
shoots with equal facility from any part of their surface, or
possess a polarity in this respect. For the purpose a quantity
of bulbils collected on the outskirts of Calcutta in November,
1910, were kept dry in a bag in my office until the end of
March, 1911, when for observation they were spread upon a
laboratory table.
First series of Observations.
About thirty- five bulbils were left spread on the table with-
out water, and without any interference, exposed to the damp
atmosphere of Calcutta, where they sprouted. On May 12th,
1911, they were examined and the position of the shoots deter-
mined with regard to the two poles— the adaxillary pole whereby
the bulbil had been attached, and the abaxillary or apical
pole. Six belts were delineated on the bulbils thus :
(1) the pole surrounding the scar where the bulbil had
been attached in the parent axil, — adaxillary pole,
(2) a belt next to that pole,
(3) a belt above the equator,
(4) a belt below the equator,
(5) a belt next to the abaxillary or apical pole,
(6) the abaxillary or apical pole — the pole containing the
apex of the organ transformed into a bulbil.
On May 12th , twenty-eight of the bulbils had germinated,
468
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
five producing two shoots. The distribution of the shoots was
found to be as in the following diagram : —
Diagram of bulbil, giving the position of the shoote, adaxillary
pole uppermost.
The single shoot in the fifth belt was the second shoot on a
tuber which had produced a shoot near the adaxillary pole,
and so also was one of the two in the fourth belt.
Second series of Observations.
On March 29th, 1911, twenty-six of the bulbils were cut
transversely at the equator into approximately equal halves,
and the halves were put, the cut surface downwards, onto a
porous tile standing in a little water.
On the 12th of May, eighteen of the halved bulbils had
started to grow, nine of them from both halves and nine from
one half only.
The 8 bulbils which had not grown at all, were among the
smallest; and some of them had undoubtedly suffered from par-
tial dessication. Of the nine which had produced shoots from
one half only, 7 had produced them from the adaxillary half,
and 2 from the abaxillary half.
u- J 1 . B jj°° fcs in al1 had 'been produced by the 27 half bulbil*
which had started to grow, i.e., some had produced more than
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Bulbils of Dioscorea bulbifera, Linn. 469
[N.S.]
one shoot, 3 in the case of one adaxillary half, two in the case
of another adaxillary half, and 2 in the case of one abaxillary
half.
Thus there were : —
20 shoots from adaxillary halves,
11 shoots from the abaxillary halves*
The adaxillary halves had put out shoots more freely than
the abaxillary halves.
Dividing the bulbils into belts as before, the distribution of
the shoots may be represented diagrammatically thus :
Diagram of halved bulbils, giving the position where the shoots arose,
adaxillary pole uppermost.
The reader will notice how freely on the lower half the
surface
As a
I
matter of fact they were generally very close to the cut.
have conducted no experiments to determine how far the
moisture of the tile was responsible for this, and how far we
have in it a wound stimulus. But it is evident that the bulbil
has a tendency to put out new shoots from the adaxillary half,
just as the terrestrial tuber of Dioscorea bulbifera, when start-
ing its new year's growth, similarly puts forth its shoots close
to the pole whereby it was attached to its parent.
35* Translation of an Historical Poem of the
Emperor Shah 'Alam II*
By Professor M. Hid ay at Husain.
The following poem was written by the Emperor Shah
'Alam II of Dehli (takhallus Ajtab) after he had been deprived
of sight by the treacherous Rohila Chief Ghulam Qadir Khan,
son of Zabit Khan, and grandson of Najib ad-Dawla. After
extorting all the sums he could from his royal master, the
traitor ordered his Rohilas to pluck out the impoverished
Emperor's eyes. This tragic event took place on the 7th of
Zl'l Qa'da, a.h. 1292 (a.d. 1788). He then placed on the
throne Bidar Bakht, son of Ahmad Shah, and grandson of
Muhammad Shah.
Translation.
1. A storm of misfortune arose for my humiliation,
And scattered to the winds all my sovereignty.
2. I was the sun in the sky of royal sublimity,
But my black deeds alas ! have brought it to the dusk of
decline.
3. Good it is that the Sky has plucked out my eyes,
So that I do not see another ruling in my place.
4. A son of an Afghan gave to the winds the grandeur of my
sovereignty.
Who but the Holy One can lend me a helping hand
5. The golden wealth of this world was to me as a life-
consuming malady,
But through the Grace of God this malady has been cast
from me.
6. I must have sinned grievously to have thus been punished,
But it is l known that Heaven will pardon all sinning.
7. He that destroyed me, had been my minister for thirty
years ,
Swiftly have my wrongs to others reaped their reward.
8. Promises and oaths made my friends, but treacherously
they acted.
Well indeed have my friends shown their sincerity.
9. I gave milk to and nurtured the young of a snake ;
In the end it girt itself to suck my blood.
2
A This refers to the promise of salvati
those who suffer for their sins in this world.
12.
472 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bew/al. [August, 1911.
10. Of my provision for my children, gathered by thirty
years' toil,
I was plundered and stripped — of all I possessed.
11. Mughal and Afghan, one and all, tricked me.
Did they not suffer me to be taken into captivity.
This beggar's son from Hamadan (surelv will he go to
Hell)—
He it was who broke my heart by his cruelties.
13. Gul Muhammad, a Marwan l in wickedness,
Was the instrument that brought affliction upon me.
14. Also Ilahyar, Sulaiman, and Bad a] Beg the damned,
All three girt up their loins t<» cast me into captivity.
15. Ah! may Timur,* who is of my blood,
Hasten soon to my assistance!
16. MadhujI Sindhia, my " farznwl-i-jif/a*
son),
Is busy righting the wrongs done to me.
17. Asafad-Daw* mmm
Would it be <<
ed
a and the English are my counsellors;
WOlK Of IT rJif»\r nnn-.ii +r\ m *f naaiafntipo l
18. Rajas, Raos, and Zamlndfirs, all, rich an i poor.
r»V V6re ini( * uit y did the y not f eel ray griefo.
*»• Of the beauties of my court, my foiid companions,
20 ? j° n - e * a , Ve Mal?al 8 Mn,mrak has s*a} d to serve ine -
p ^ b " » To-day I have seen misfortune from the Sk
-Perhaps to-morrow God may restore me my sovereignty
L ^ is)**-*- &> ^~^y. t^sSmjM 1.
[ ~ K isM eM JLf-»)j* 4»-»H *»4
f-i**-*. CS-* 1 -^ ^-^», yjXi^—^ 2
)
L* ^ *x_^ ,T Jly. A
r v_-. ;<S tj-j
•
[ -" c*; 1 — * »*-i ^fl J_^ 3. ^_^
( A D 1 ftwS fu £ name is Marwan bin al ftakam, and he dM io a.h. 65
deeds. ,S notor,oua »• Islamic literature tor his treacherous
« «uJ h - r ° ferS to - ,5h TImfir < son ° f Shlh \bdali, brother-in-law
of Shah 'Alam. and ruler of Kabul.
8 This was the title of the ch f wife of Shah 'Alam.
Vol. VII, No. 8.J A Poem of the Emperor Shah ' Alam II. 473
[N.S.]
pi*i> i^—iiy*
iS
cs
ur
*■
r
iwy
I— /o ^l£^i£ &sJL-£\j *5 ^j
*.<,
•js
A
j>L>j z]& \jq ** &9L- &> J'-* 3 e5^ l^*3> — ^
K
LS)
&
*d
<jJSt*Ui *-itU y^
l_i^ aJ^J *^ ^L* A/ ^L-x-j^ ^
Lx3 #c;bt-ij <^^-^ v^ - ^ ^1-^=^/0
• »
J > i^-rf 3' >r^
r^
" Lsh
*J OjiU
*;,>!.> ,*\l-i **a ^_ *it ^ a*1
vC
V
• t
I
KSi J
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• ■
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I
- c^'j' C*
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.?
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^~ ujic « ^
6.
7.
s
9
10
11
HsJ /^ ia»%U6 *j e^'jjT" 3 ^ ^♦^^ LP 13.
14.
*3|U 15.
I
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I ^/o (^Jojl^ **jy uajk^
<^
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I—* C5^
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*jf ^* p—Lm* *S±-»/i\ j *)j^J:«-fi— ef
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C5J
(&i>A> *ju>t—
jaj
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r>v^-
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4>— il **>* '<-V i l — !
16
17
18.
tf t5^ o 1 ^ 19.
^ j^t uu-i* jt a-yf 20.
\
t
36. The Ghagrahati (Kotwalipara) Grant and Three
other Copper-Plate Grants.
By F. E. Pargiter, MA.
Babu Rakhal Das Banerji has published in this Journal
(Vol. VI, No. 8 for 1910, p. 429) an interesting description and
reading of a copper- plate grant, which is dated in the reign of
a king named Samacaradeva, and which was found in mauza
Ghagrahati in the south-west corner of the Faridpur district
in 1908. Dr. Bloch brought the grant to the notice of Dr.
Hoernle and me towards the end of that year, when I was at
Dr. Hoernle' s request editing three copper-plate grants found
in the same district some years previously ; and we were
informed that it would be published in the Indian Archaeologi-
cal Report. A photograph of it was sent me by the kindness
of a friend in 1909, and I read it then for the purpose of ob-
taining information that might elucidate the three earlier
~ — v — —
grants. My article on those grants was published in 1910. ]
The fourth grant has now been published in a fine copy and
has been edited by Babu R. D. Banerji in this Journal as
mentioned above a — an event that I have awaited with much
interest, as it enables me to comply with the Society's desire
that I should write a paper dealing with these grants. The
three other grants are marked A, B and C in my article and
will be oited by those marks in this paper. I may express my
regret that this grant has been styled the fl Kotwalipara
Grant," because Kotwalipara is some two or three miles
distant from where it was found. It is better to name it the
11 Ghagrahati Grant," because it was found in Ghagrahati, and
presumably relates to land there as will appear further on.
I may begin by giving my reading and a translation of
this fourth grant, because he has marked several words in his
transcript as doubtful, and has not given us the benefit of a
translation of it as he reads it. The plate published with his
article and his reading of it have enabled me to correct my
reading in three words, Pavittruko (1. 5), cam (1. 10) and krtya
(1. 16), and the plate has enabled me to reconsider three diffi-
cult words, vothya (1. 3), and samsmriya and bhavya (1. 13) ;
but in all other respects the reading that I made two years ago
has not needed alteration, because the photograph sent me
was an excellent one. As he makes no reference to my
article on the three other grants, it seems he had not seen it
1 Indian Antiquary, vol. XXXIX, 1910, p. 193.
* It has als > been published subsequently in the Rep. A.S.I, for
1907-8; see postscript.
476 Journal of the Asiatic Soci> ty of Remjal. [August, 1911.
when he published his article on this fourth grant. I had the
advantage of seeing the photograph of thifl grant before I
published my article, and a comparison of all the grants is
almost essential to an understanding of this grant.
It will be most convenient then, if I first give my reading
of this grant with remarks explanatory of my reading, and a
translation of the grant with notes explaining its meaning and
object, and afterwards consider the validity of this grant with
reference to the scrutiny which he has made of it, comparing
throughout all matters in the four grants that bear upon and
elucidate one another. I will give my transliteration of this
grant in Roman characters, because they are more convenient
than Devanagan letters, inasmuch as they permit of the words
being separated and thus exhibited more clearly than i
possible with the latter. Letters and marks cm closed in round
brackets in the transcript are particulars, that have been
omitted in the grant and should he added to make i correct.
Tint.
& ide
1
Svasty-Asyam- prthivvam apratirathc Xrga-N'ahusa-
Yayaty-Amvarisa-s.nl*-
2 dhrtau Maharaj dhiraja-SrI-Samfio§radeve prata-
paty^etac-carana-karala-'
3 yugal-'iradhan-oufift t-NavynvakHsikayiihi suvanuia-
vothy-adhikrt-antara-
4 nga Uparika'-Jfvadatt;is T ; ul-anumo<litaka-Varaka-
mandale visaya-
5 pati-Pavittruico Yato f)s\ vyavaharatah Sttpratl-
kasvami,,,, j v ith-adhi-
6 karanika-Damuka-pi imnkham adhiknraimni risayar
mahattara-Vatsa-
kunda-mahattara-S.^palita-mnhatlara-Vilutniihosa-
»varada( '.)-
8 mahattara-1 iyadatta -rnahattar ■ .1 .nfmldanakuncl-
adayah anye oa
9 vahavah pradhan! wavaha(i i I na*=ca vijnapta B lech*
my^aham bhavata(ih) prasa-
s " ~ '-kh Ha. Miii .Hmr.dnln.kaih vali-caru-
7
10
irovasanna
sattra-pravarttaniva
11 vrahman-opayogaya ca tamra-patf f-krt va bad^arbatW
prasada(m) ka(r)ttu-
U m=iti Yata enad abhvarthanam upalabhya Sanitn-
oparilikhit-a i
• • • •
i \\Zi ka,, ' ala - *R *P* *****
b >1 ', lplfl *" "I probaJ.lv cir -a "'"»•
Some al rag are obliterat. ,1 her probal.lv two.
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahali (Kotwalipara) Grant. ill
[N.S.]
Second Side.
13 nyair=vyavaharibhih samsmrtya Sa sata 6vapadair=
justa rajno bhavy-artha-nisphala
14 vatsa bhogyl-krta bhumir-nrpasy-aiv-artha-dharm-
ma-kr(t) Tad-asmai vrahmana(ya) dayatam J ^i-
15 ty-avadhrtya karanika-Nayanaga-Ke£av-adin-kula-
varan=prakalpya prak=tamra-pattl-
16 krtya* ksettra-kulya-vapa-ttrayarbm 3 =apasya Vya-
. ghra-corako 4 yac=chesam tac-catuh^sima-
17 linga 6 -nirddistarii krtvasya Supratikasvaminah tam-
ra-pattl-krtya pratipadita(m)
18 Slma-lingani c-attrah 6 Purvvasyarh pi6aca-parkkatti
Daksinena Vidya-
19 dhara-jotika PaScimayam Candracampa-kota-kenah
Uttarena 7 Go-
20 pendra-coraka 8 grama-sima c-eti || Bhavanti c-attra
Slokah Sastim=varsa-saha-
• • • • • —
21 srani svarge modati bhumi-dah Aksepta c-anumanta
ca 9 tany=eva narake vaset I
22 Sva-da(t)tam=para-dattam~va yo hareta vasundha-
rarii sva-visthaya(m) krmi(r) bhutva pitrbhi(h)
23 saha pacyate [j Samvatsa 10 4 Kartti di 1.
Remarks on the reading of the Text.
I will now discuss the points in which my reading differs
from Babu R. D. Banerji's.
In the first place, this inscription makes no distinction
between 6 and v 9 but has v in every case. He transcribes the
v sometimes as b and sometimes as v ; thus for instance, he tran-
scribes the word vahavak (L 9) as bahavdh as it should be in
correct Sanskrit. It is always desirable that a transcript
should be accurate, but apart from that, this point is of some
importance. The use of the character for v in all cases
(whether the proper sound should be b or whether it should be
v in correct Sanskrit), even in the word vrahmana (11. 11 and
14) shews that (subject to the qualification mentioned below)
no distinction was ordinarily observed between these two letters,
as
iuntry
tion was composed. Hence it appears that two opposite
changes had taken place, namely, the sound of v disappeared
and was replaced by b, and the character for 6 disappeared
1 Read dlyatanu
2 Krta- would make better grammar, but the meaning is clear.
3 Read ttrayam. 4 Read corake. * Read linga-.
6 Read c-dttra. 7 Read uttarena. 8 Read corako.
9 Read ca, or perhaps va.
478
»/ Bengal. [August, 1911.
and was replaced by that for v. These changes characterize
Bengali at the present day, for it has not got the sound of v
nor the character for b, and the sound of b is expressed by the
character for v. This peculiarity then must be observed in
transcribing this inscription ; but this conclusion must be
qualified by considering the value of the character for v when
it is the last member of a compound consonant in a single
word. I do not refer to cases, where v beginning a word
follows a word ending in m and the two appear as mv in the
plate, as in adhikaranamvisaya (1. 6), because there the con-
clusion would not be affected. Where v is compounded with a
labial or r, as in Amvarisa (1. 1), purwasyam (1. 18) and
samvatsa (1. 23), it had no doubt the sound of b; but when
compounded with a dental, as in krtva (1. 17), or with a sibilant,
as in svamin (11. 5 and 17) and hvapadair (1. 13), it could hardly
have been pronounced as b and had probably the sound of w as
in Sanskrit, for it could not have then acquired the indistinct
sound which it has now in such compounds in Bengali. Thus
it appears that in no position did the character for v have the
sound of v, but was always pronounced as b except in certain
compounds where it had the sound of w probably.
The other grants differ in this respect The character for
b is used in grant A in labdha (1. 2), bappa (1. 6) and brahman-
asya{\. 8); and injrant B in Ambarisa (11. 1—2), brahman*
(1. 11) and brahmana (1. 20). in grant C very much has been
destroyed by corrosion, yet perhaps b occurs in labdha (1. 2).
The letter b was therefore distinguished in grants A and B, and
perhaps in C ; yet the above changes were developing then,
because v is substituted for 6 in grant A in Amvarisa (1. 1) and
pravandhena (1. 12) ; and in grant C in Amvarisa (1*. 1)- They
had become completely established at the time of this grant.
In the next place it mav be mentioned that Babu R. D-
Banerji does not always transcribe as double the letters that
are doubled in the inscription, for instance, the words PaviUruko
(1. 5), sattra (1. 10), kseltra and ttrayam (I. 16), and cdttrah
(1. 18) appear in his transcript with the t single. In this con-
nexion I may notice suvarnna in 1. 3. He transcribes it as
suvarna, but reads it really 'as suvarnda (p. 431), remarking
there that da (that is, da) has two forms' when occurring in the
compound nda, namely, one form in suvarnda and mandaU
(1. 4), and the other in {V atsa-)kun da (1. 7) and Janarddana-
kunda i (1. 8). This seems to me to' be a mistake, for the d in
the last three words is the same (though not exactly identi-
cal, because no two written letters are ever exactly alike, and
even the n is not identical in those three words), whereas
in the first word there are unmistakable traces of a second »
1 He writes Janarddaka ; probably a clerical error.
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati (Kot wall para) Grant. 479
[N.S.]
written under the main n t so that the letter is really rnna.
He rightly conjectures that this is what is meant (p. 434).
remarks may be made
as
clearly shown in grants A and B. Babu R. D. Banerji writes
it dhrtam, but there is a stroke to the left above the letter t y and
as it is no part of dh or t it must be meant for a vowel mark,
being written flat because there was hardly room to write it in
its proper shape without running into the letter stya above it.
The whole aksara then looks like to with a dot over it, and the
dot is not, I think, anusvara but represents the third stroke
which goes to form the vowel au, for the following reasons.
There is much laxity in the way in which vowel marks are
written in this plate. The sign which denotes a is written in
various ways, and its chief modifications may be seen by com-
paring it ii^ the words svadatam (1. 22), ja in raja (1. 2), dma
(1. 20), °opatta (I. 3), kundddayah (1. 8), purwasyam (1. 18),
navya° (1. 3), and varan (1. 15) ; but in one instance dacciro
(1. 10) it is reduced to what is practically a dot. There is a
tendency, where a vowel sign consists of more than one stroke,
to reduce one of the strokes to a dot. Accordingly the a
stroke which constitutes part of the vowel sign o is reduced
practically to a dot in Pavittruko (1. 5), coralco (]. 16) and kota
(I. 19). Similarly the curl of the wowel sign % is replaced by "a
dot in almost every case, as is clearly seen in Supratika (1. 5),
slmd (1. 20) and KeSavadln (1. 15). It would be quite in ac-
cordance with this tendency then to turn one of the three
strokes of au into a dot, and especially in dhrtau since there
was hardly room to make the middle stroke properly because
of the closeness of the letter stya above it.
I will now notice the other differences between my reading
and Babu R. D. Banerji 's line by line.
Line 1. He writes prthivyam pratirathe, but the text has
prthivyam apratirathe clearly.
Line 3. He reads va£ya°, but the vowel sign over v con-
sists of two strokes and cannot be a. It seems to be meant
for o, the stroke which should be turned to the left being turned
here to the right, because there was hardly room to write it
properly because of the closeness of the letter tye above it.
The main part of the second aksara is th and not 6, as will be
seen by a comparison of th in_prthivyam (1. 1), artha (1. 15), etc.,
with 6 in 8V% (1. 2), katikayam (1. 3), etc. The word appears
therefore to be vothya°. At the end of the line he has
omitted ra.
Line 4 The letter ka between anumodita and Vdraka is
the termination of the former word. Many instances in which
ka is added to verbal participles will be found in inscriptions,
and Varaka is the province ; see p. 487 below.
Line 5. He reads vyavaharaiah, but the h has no vowel
480 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
mark a and the word is vyavaharatah. It is however probably
amistake for vyavaharatah.
Line 7. He reads frurada; the first letter however is not
6u which occurs in S'ucipaliia in this line, but is &va as is seen
in ivapadair (1. 13) ; though perhaps it may be intended for
Sea which we find in vyavaha{ri)na&-ca (1. 9) and pa&cimayam
(1. 19). The second letter resembles ra, but appears to have
two dots on its left which suggest that it may be some other
consonant unfinished ; and further it seems to have some in-
distinct vowel marks above it. The third letter is much
blurred; so much as is clear suggests da, but it may be some
other consonant and seems to have r or m written over it. I
transcribe it as svarada, but feel certain it is really something
different, though I cannot suggest any emendation.
Line 8. Babu R. D. Banerji reads Priyadatta, but the d
has the vowel a, and the word is really Priyadatta, though it
should no doubt be Priyadatta. He reads kundadaya, but
there is a visarga after it, and the reading is kundadayah.
Line 9. I agree with him that vyavahanaS is a mistake for
vyavaharinaS. It is merely a clerical error such as is common
in grants.
Line 10. The reading is not khandalaka but khandalakam,
because there is an anusvara above and a little to the right of
the k. He reads pravarttaniya, but the word written is pra-
varttaniya, for the n is dental and its vowel is i and not * as
will be seen on comparing these vowels in other words. The
word should be pravarttaniya.
Line 11. The reading is not brahmanopaya gayaca but
vrahmanopayogaya ca, for the first y has clearly above it a
leftward stroke which with the a stroke forms o, though its
significance is somewhat marred in that it joins the bottom of
the letter nna in the line above. He reads tad arham [ya]tha>
but the words are tad arhatha, for the h has only a superscript
r and not an anusvara in addition, and the th has no vowel 5.
Arhatha is the second person plural of the present tense of arh.
He reads the last word as katra, but it is kattu. The difference
between conjunct r and the vowel u is seen on comparing sattra
(1. 10) with anumodilaka (1. 4) and catuh (1. 16), but the full
curve of the u in kattu is marred because it is on the edge ol
the plate. The whole word (if we complete it by reading on
into 1. 12) is kattum iti, which is an error for karttum iti. There
must be an infinitive here after the verb arhatha. .,
Line 12. The reading is not yata dhanad but yata enad 9 an
and e being much alike. Enad. is the accusative case singular ot
etad in the neuter. He reads sam tho, but the word is iamtno ,
the sibilant being clearly i. This must be read with the
following letters as &amthoparilikhita\ that is, iamtha + upan-
likhita\ At the end of the line came some word, which began
with a (so as to produce °likhitu° by Sandhi), and had probably
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati {Kotwalipara) Grant. 481
[N.S.]
two aksaras which have been obliterated, and finished with
nyair in 1. 13.
Line 13. This is the most difficult of all the lines as Babu
R. D. Banerji has noted. The first two aksaras are more than
nya vya° as he reads, for fch* nya has vowel marks above it and
the vya appears to have a superscript r. The reading must be
nyair vya° ; and nyair is the final syllable of the word which
has become obliterated at the end of 1. 12, and which is in the
instrumental case plural agreeing with vyavaharibhih. Still if
we read nya, it would be compounded with vyavaharibhih, and
the meaning would be the same.
Next comes a difficult word which he reads as samantya,
but the main portion of the second aksara in it is the same as
the first, that is s in both cases. The third aksara is either
tya or nya but has not enough strokes to be ntya. It appears
to be tya if we compare it with tya at the beginning of line 15
and thr shape of / in tac ca (1. 16). These inferences combined
give sasatya. It will be seen from the subsequent remarks on
the grammatical construction of II. 13 and 14, that this word
must be an indeclinable past participle, and the termination
ya shews that the root must be a compound one. The only
preposition possible in this word is sam. Now the right limb
of the fir^t s is continued above the top of the letter into a
small knob, which appears to represent anusvara ; hence the
fiist aksara is sam. En the middle of the second s is a thin
perpendicular line which suggests that a compound consonant is
intended, and if so, that can only be sm, and we may conjec-
ture t!»at the engraver erroneously incised only s instead of 6W,
and the mistake was corrected afterwards by inserting that
middle line in order to make the character look as nearly like
sm as was possible. Further under this sm there seems to be
a faint trace as of the vowel r\ but, whether that is real or
not, there can be little doubt that the word intended was
samsmrtya. In support of this rendering it may be pointed
out thai no other indeclinable past participle (as far as I am
aware) can be suggested waich will satisfy both the script and
the sen e of this passage.
The remainder of this line and the greater part of 1. 14 con-
tain many d fficulties, and the key to unlock them is found in
tin- fact that the words between samsmrtya (1. 13) and tad
a-smai (1. 14) compose a Sloka.
He reads the first three aksaras of the sloka as sapati, but
the last is /a, and the form of 1i is seen in patti (11. 11, 15 and
17). The second is not like any p in this inscription, for it
has a bar along the whole of its top, whereas the general form
of p is shown in the next word Svapadair. This aks.ira must,
it seems, be meant for sa y the middle horizontal bar of which
has been carelessly blended with the wedge-shaped top and so
gives the appearance of a continuous though not clean-cut
482 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
line along the top. Something of such carelessness may be
seen in visaya (1. 6) and especially in chesam (1. 16). I read
these three aksaras then as sa sata> and in explanation of
sata would suggest that it is an irregular instrumental case of
the numeral sas, 'six/ declined in the singular after the ana-
logy of the higher numerals. The correct instrumental sadbhih
would suit the metre perfectly, but might have been beyond
the learning of the person who composed this grant, for the
Sanskrit contains many errors. This suggestion has its diffi-
culties, yet in support of it I may add that no other reading of
the second character yields any sense. I may also point out
that a similar irregular formation occurs in grant A in anaih
(1. 22), which is probably meant for ebhih; and, as the correct
word was apparently beyond the composer's learning, he
coined anaih from anena after the analogy of Hvena and Hvai^
The next three words are clearly 6vapadair justa rajno.
The remainder of this line consists of three words of which the
last two are certainly artha-nisphala, though the last two
aksaras are somewhat blurred. The first word which consists of
two aksaras is difficult. The first letter is certainly a soft con-
sonant (because rajnah has become rajno before it) and appears
to be dh or bh with a faint indication of the vowel a. The
second is a double consonant, but peculiar. Babu R. D. Baner-
ji read it as rmma, but it is not like m and there is no a ; yet if
so taken it can only be rmma. It seems to me however to be
vya ; compare it with the v in °vdriha (1. 14). The two aksaras
would therefore be dharmma as his reading would stand then,
or bhavya as I take them. This word and the next then read
dharmmartha or bhavy-artha. In favour of his reading it may
be noted that dharmmartha (or rather dharmmartha, as it would
have to be amended, and as he amends it) would correspond
to arthadharmma in the second half of the Sloka in 1. 14; but
against it are the arguments (1) that the first aksara has traces
of a and the second has none, and (2) that there 'is no instance
here in which m as the second member of a compound con-
sonant is written incompletely as a subscribed character, for its
right limb is always carried up to the top as in dharmma and
asmai (1. 14). On the other hand bhavy-artha satisfies the con-
ditions, for it has a in the first aksara, and y as the second
member of a compound consonant is sometimes written wholly
as a subscript character; compare samsmrtya (1. 13), bhogy*
(1. 14) and prakalpya (1. 15), in all which words he agrees that
there is a subscript y; and further it is not necessary there
should be precise parallelism regarding dharma and artha in
lines 13 and H. The reading therefore appears to be bhavy-
artha-nisphald.
b*+- Li Zl U n He reads the firsfc six aksaras as icchato vya^.)-
f£ a k J\ 18 P uzzlin g, but the others are tsorbhogy^kfta,
tor the second has no c in it but is t with a subscripts
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ohdgrdhdti {Kotwili/nrd) Grant. 483
[N.S.]
the third is bho, the rounded left limb being characteristic of
bh as in bhavatd(m) (1. 9) vyavahdribhih (1. 13), etc.; and the
fourth is gyi, as shewn by comparing g in nrga (1. 1), °yogaya
(1. 11), ndga (1. 15), etc., and the vowel i in KeSavddin (1. 15),
strrid (1. 20), etc. The first aksara is not i nor i, for it is
different from i in icchdmi (I. 10), and neither of those vowels
can with tsa form an intelligible word ; and the word must be
intelligible because it occurs in a 61 oka quoted. It resembles
no particular letter, and the letters which it suggests, namely,
p, I and s, produce no intelligible word. We must therefore
see what word is possible in this 6loka, which contrasts well-
cultivated land with land infested by wild animals. Now there
are only two letters which with tsa make a word, namely, ma
and va. Matsa is inadmissible ; it is a rare form of matsya and
makes nonsense of this passage. Vatsa therefore is the only
possible word, and it yields a good and striking meaning. It
must be admitted that the character is not va not even ba, and
I can only suggest that the engraver has bungled the letter.
Bungled letters will be found in grant B ; see my Article,
p. 199.
The next word is bhumir and not bhumim, for there is no
anusvara over the mi, and there is an r above the following
nr. The succeeding words are nrpasyaivartha-dharmma-hr.
Here the &lok a ends, and the following words tad asmai y etc.,
introduce a new sentence. Kr cannot end a word, and it is
obvious that the word intended is krt, and that the final t has
been forgotten coming as it does in connexion with the follow-
ing tad.
The sloka then stands thus :
Sa sata &vapadair justa rajno bhavy-artha-nisphala
Vatsa- bhogyi-krta bhumir nrpasyaivartha-dharma-krt.
where (as I conjecture) sata stands for an original sadbhih.
In the remainder of this line vrahmana is a mistake for
vrahmanaya, and dayatdm for diyatdm. The declension of brahr
mana appears to have puzzled some of the local scholars, for
in grant B the dative is brahmand in 1. 20, as it is here, and
brahmaixe in 1. 11. This suggests that in ordinary parlance the
final a had disappeared, and the word was pronounced brahman
and was sometimes treated as a base ending in an. The sug-
gestion is supported by a converse process that we find,
Sanskrit bases ending in in are treated sometimes as if they
had a final a, thus grant A has svdminasya and adhydyinasya
(1. 19) as genitives. Hence it seems a lair inference that the
final Sanskrit a was generally dropped in the ordinary language,
as it is at the present day.
Line 15, The reading is not kulacdrdn but Jcula-vdrdn, the
third letter being a v as in the preceding KeSavadin.
Line 16. The second word is not ksitra but kqettra, the
vowel being an e. The third word is rightly read as kulya.
484 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [August, 1911.
The next words are vapa- ttrayamm apdsya, the t being doubled
with the r as is generally done here and in the other grants, and
a superfluous anusvara being wrongly placed over the ya. The
remaining letters are not vyaghracora koyacchi patacca bhuhsima
but vydghra-corako yac chesam tac catuk-stma- ; the vowel over
the cck is e and not i ; the next letter is a badly formed sa and
not pa 9 for p has no bar at the top of its right limb ; and over
this sa is an anusvara which is slightly displaced to the left
because the aksara Ipya in the preceding line prevents its
being placed in its proper position. What he reads as bhu is
tu formed rather carelessly, for the left limb has the curve
that t always has in this inscription (see for instance the t in
tac ca immediately preceding), whereas that limb in bh is
always curved the other way (see remarks above on L 14).
His conjecture therefore about patacca (p. 434) is unnecessary.
Line 17. The reading is Supratika-svaminak, and not
Supratika-svaminah % though this is probably a printer's error.
Line 19. He reads jogika, but the word is jotika for the
second letter has not the bar at the bottom of its left limb
that g always has ; and similarly his reading koga further on
should be kota. He reads candravarmma , but there is no r
over the last aksara, and the third aksara seems to be ca, for
it is far more like the ca in the preceding candra and in cdttrah
and piSaca (1. 18) than the va in purvvasyam and Vidyd (L 18),
This word is in my opinion Candracampa. His reading
uttarena, though correct Sanskrit, is not what the plate has,
for it has uttarena plainly.
Line 20. The reading is not candra but cdttra ; it is the
same word as cdttrah in 1. 18. His reading sasthi should be
sasti, for the second aksara is st and not sth, the form of which
is shown in visthdyd(m) in I. 22.
Line 21. He reads va after cdnumantd, but it is ca like
the cd in that word. It is no doubt a mistake for ca or perhaps
va. The last word is vaset and not vaseta, for there is under
the t a line which is evidently a virama. At the end the plate
shows a single bar clearly, so that a double one has not to be
supplied.
Line 22. The first word is not sva-datlam but sva-datdrn,
as the / is not double ; this is an error of course. His reading
vasundhardm should be vasundhardm , for the s has not only its
right limb extended downwards to denote u, as in Supraiika
(U. 5 and 17), but al^o a curve added thereto which makes the
long u. This of course is another error The reading «*
vi$thaya[m) and not vistaya[m) ; see remarks above on 1. 20.
He places a bar at the end of this line, but there is none in the
original, and there can be none because the Sloka does not
end here.
Line 23. The reading is pacyate and not pacya*i, the
vowel mark being e rather than i. He reads samvat, but tne
etc.
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahdii {Kot wait para) Grant. 485
[N.S.]
third aksara is not a single t nor has it a virama, but it con-
tains three well-marked downward strokes which can only
denote a doubled t, as in pravarltaniya (1. 10), Jivadattas (1. 4),
etc., or the consonants ts. The true reading therefore is either
samvatta or samvatsa. The former is inadmissible, hence the
word must be samvatsa, and in fact there are traces of lines at
the bottom of the aksara which indicate that the word is
samvatsa, short for samvatsare, the final syllable being omit-
ted as in Kartti and di. This ts may be compared with ts in
vatsa (1. 14).
The first numeral is not 30 as he reads it, but 10 as I take
it and as Dr. Hoernle and Dr. Bloch also read it. It is formed
like the letter la with a hook (like the vowel sign r) beneath it.
The sign for 30, when made like la, has no hook beneath it;
whereas the sign for 10 was sometimes made like la or la and
then had the hook beneath it The difference is clearly shown
in Biihler's Indische Palceographie, Table IX, where the various
signs for 10 and 30 are given ; and this sign for 10 is figured
twice in col. xiii, once in col. xvi, and again in col. xix. Pre-
cisely the same sign occurs also at the end of grant C. The
reading is therefore samvatsa(re) 10 4, that is, 14. The word
samvatsara shews that the year does not belong to any era,
but means the regnal year of Samacaradeva. The date is
given similarly in grants A and C.
Translation.
Welfare! While the supreme king of great kings, S'rl-
Samacaradeva. who is without rival on this earth and who is
equal in steadfastness to Nrga, Nahusa, Yayati and Ambarlsa,
is glowing in majesty, the Uparika Jivadatta is the privy
minister appointed over the suvarna-vothya 1 in New Avaka-
sika, which he obtained through paying court to the pair of
lotus-like feet of this monarch. Pavittruka is the lord of the
district in Varaka province, which is caused to rejoice by that
Uparika.
Whereas, according to this lord's practice, 2 Supratika-
svamin informed the district government, wherein the oldest
official Damuka is the chief, and the leading man of the
district Vatsa-kunda, the leading man Suci-palita, the leading
man Vihita-ghosa, and the local (?) 3 leading man Priya-datta,
the leading man Janardana-kunda and other leading men, and
many other principal men of business, thus — "I wish through
your honours' favour for a piece of waste land which has long
1 See remarks, p. 487 below,
* I read the emendation ruavahxxratah ; but vyavaharatah of the
text would give the meaning " while he is conducting the business of
goxrnment.**
3 As regards trarada (?), see p. 488 below.
486 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
lain neglected 1 ; and do ye deign to do me that as a favour,
after making a copper- plate grant of it to me for my employ-
ment as a brahman to be engaged in offering the bali, the cam,
and sacrifices."
Wherefore
2 of Santha, having entertained this request,
and having called to mind the verse—' 1 That land, which is
revelled in by the six kinds of wild beasts, 8 is unprofitable as
regards the wealth that should accrue to the king : land, when
made enjoyable by young animals, 4 produces wealth and
righteousness indeed to the king;" and having decided,
"hence let it be given to this brahman"; and having consti-
tuted the karanikas Naya-naga, Kesava and others the arbi-
trators 5 ; and having put aside the three kulya-sowing-areas of
cultivated land which have been previously granted away by a
copper-plate 6 ; and having defined the four boundary-indica-
tions of the remaining land which is in the 'Tiger's char,' 1
have bestowed it on this Supratika-svamin by executing a
copper-plate grant.
And the boundary-indications are these. On the east, the
gobWn-haunted parkattl 3 tree; on the south, Vidyadhara's
cultivating-tenure 9 ; on the west, Candracampa's hut-tent 10 ;
1 According to the emendation cirdvasanna.
* I cannot suggest any word which will fit the blank where the
letters are obliterated at the end of line 12.
5 Perhaps tigers, leopards, hyamas, bears, wild boar and buffaloes.
The verse is a general statement.
* The idea is that the land should be so safe that no danger could
befall anything young.
6 Or referees. This word kulavara is discussed in my article on the
three other grants (p. 205).
6 This is the literal translation if we read krta instead of krtya at
the beginning of 1. 16 ; and if we retain krtya, the meaning is the same,
though the construction is less elegant.
1 This is the translation if we read corake in 1. 16; but, if we
retain corako, the translation is •• the four boundary-indications of what
is the remainder, namely, the 'Tiger's char' "—which does not ?ay
what it is the remainder of.
* The waved-leaf fig-tree, Fieus infectoria. ,
» JoHka. This is not Sanskrit. It is obviously a word formed
trom jo fa, and I am inclined to read jota as equivalent to the modern
word^or, «' the land-tenure belonging to* a cultivating raiyat," though
the t s are different. Some such meaning seems obviously required
here. .int. no if «o »....;*<..-.„ i i « ■• /<» u a- la nlso
here,
written
a.iv "I'leient. some such meaning seems obviously requ«*"-
Jot, as it is written and pronounced in Bengali (though it is also
i yot and pronounced jot), is a word of doubtful derivation,
oume derive it from the Sanskrit root yu or yuj, though the connexion
in meaning is difficult. The Bengali dictionary, Prakritibad Abhidhan,
says xt 1S a foreign word (Persian or such like), but this seems erroneous.
« is probably an indigenous term ; and as an indigenous t wavered
n 9i e ou ansk , rit • and ' < see Beames' Comparative Grammar, vol. 1,
oWinlj J? 06 ," 11 ?'! 0ra ™™*r of the Gaudian languages, pp. 8-10) the
modem l°J d T 8 H ap P ear M *>*« wh ™ Sanskritized here or as jot in
abound S ^ nde ! d * have heard the word jot pronounced with
)oT 0/ ' ™ ediate bet *'een t and t.
•° means a ' h «t-' There is no Sanskrit word kena, but there
Vol. VII. No. 8.] The QhagrahVn (Kotwalipara) Grant. 487
[A.N.J
on the north, Gopendra's char and the boundary of the
village.
And here apply the verses 1 — "Whoever confiscates land
that has been granted away by himself or granted away by
another, he becoming a worm in his own* ordure rots along
with his ancestors."
In the regnal year 14; the first day of Karttika.
Notes on the Translation.
The mavdala or province was Varaka in all tho grants,
and in addition to what has been said about Varendra in my
article (p. 209), I may mention that Varendra was sometimes
regarded as a part of Gauda-deSa, for at the end of the descrip-
tion of the Purdna-sarvasva MSS. , numbered 143-4 in Aufrecht's
Bodleian Catalogue, a notice of its author is inserted which
begins thus (p. 87) — Gaude S'rividite Varendra-visaye, etc.
The capital of the province was New Avakasika as men-
tioned in that article (p. 211), and it is this grant which makes
it clear, because the references to it in grants B and C leave
uncertain what is meant by the term. At this time Jivadatta
was the Uparika and ruler of the province and resided in New
\vakaSika, being a successor of the Uparika Xagadeva men-
tioned in grants B and C, for 1 agree with Babu R. D. Banerji (as
will be shown later) in placing this grant later than the three
others. He conducted a special branch of the administration,
for he is called "the antaranga appointed over the suvarna-
vothya in New Avak ika." Antar-anga means "an inner
member " and appears to denote a member of the inner council
of the king. Suvarna-vothya seems to me, not a place because
it was in New Avakasika, but some branch of the administra-
tion, as will be seen on comparing the corresponding passages
in grants B and C. In both of those the Uparika Nagadeva
had the office of "chief warden of the gate," and in C he had
been also appointed principal minister of trade (pp. 201, 205).
Suvarna means gold, but vothya is nob Sanskrit and must be
some Prakrit or indigenous term Sanskritized. I cannot
explain it, and can only suggest that it may mean something
like Exchequer,' and, if so, that the Uparika had charge of
the Revenues or Finances.
Within the Varaka province were a number of visayas or
districts, and Pavitrnka was the lord or governor (pati) of the
is a word ten AS, a *tent,' and it is an obvious formation from a
simpler word such as kena. Kota-kena therefore means a ' hut-like tent *
or ' tent-like hut/ such as is used to this day by low wandering castes.
1 Plural, but only one verse is cited.
* The more usual reading is sa or eva- instead of sva-. With sa
the meaning is— "he becoming a worm in ordure" : and with Ira-
te
becoming
svarada
488 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
district in which this grant was made, as Jajava was in grant
A (p. 195). It appears that under him the local administra-
tion continued to be, as in grants B and C, conducted by a
Board of officials, in which the chief was the oldest official
named Damuka
The mahattaras were the local leading men, as explained in
my article (p. 213), and this title with the word vara added,
that is, mahattaravara, is I conjecture the term from which has
been derived the word matabbar or matabar, the title now given
in Chittagong and East Bengal to the headmen of a village
(p. 213, note). The expression which I read tentatively as
in 1. 7 seems to imply a distinction from the word
visaya in 1. 6. The latter word is prefixed to the three
mahattaras Vatsakunda, Sucipalita and Vihitaghosa, while
Svarada (?) is prefixed to the mahattaras Priyadatta and Janar-
danakunda. If one may venture a conjecture on this appar-
ent distinction, it may be suggested that perhaps there were
two classes of leading men, visaya-mahattaras and SvaradaC 1 .)-
mahattaras, the latter having a more local status than the
former.
This copper-plate was found, as stated by Mr. Stapleton
in his Prefatory note to Babu R D. Banerji's article, in the
mauza of Ghagrahati, which adjoins Pinjuri on the south-west
and borders on the river Ghagar, in the south-west corner of
the Faridpur district. Some interesting inferences may be
drawn by studying the local allusions in this grant with the
aid of the Revenue Survey map of this region (on the scale of
one inch to a mile).
The names of most significance are Vyaghra-coraka and
Gopendra-coraka. The word coraka in them is an interesting
one
means
. It is clearly not Sanskrit, for the Sanskrit word coraka
ins only " a thief ; a kind of plant ; a kind of perfume" ; and
none of those meanings are appropriate here. There can be no
doubt that it is the Sanskritized form of the common Bengali
word w, which is well known in its Anglicized form ' char
or < chur,' any • alluvial formation thrown up in or at the side
of a river-bed.' Such chars are common in all rivers of any
character
x , „,„^ .unj, llL oi^b aim cuaracter iruui a- niuv o r -~ -
unproductive sand to an extensive deposit of riuh and fertile
soil. The rivers of Bengal have always carried down large
quantities of silt, and have always shifted their beds, the silt
being deposited and forming chars wherever the current is
*lack. These chars are so important a feature of the riverine
tracts that they must have had a name from the earliest times,
and there can be no doubt that in coraka we have the Sanskrit
iorm of the then vernacular word for 'char.' Chars, if of
considerable siz* a™ „«^^^ ~„j iL . * n^oA in
(in Bengali Ttanr *?r or TT*r
bee
Vol. VII, Xo. 8.J The Ohagrahati (Koiicalipara) Grant. 489
[N.S.]
"Gopendra's char." This "Tiger's char" was a large one,
tivated land had been made out of it, and by this grant the
remainder was given to Supratika svamin. In the article on
the other grants the meaning of a " kulya sowing area M has
been discussed, and reasons have been adduced for estimating
it at about an acre or three standard bighas (pp. 214 — 6).
Hence the "Tiger's char" was more than thrice that size and
presumably contained a good deal more than nine bighas. A
char of this size could only be formed in a rather large river ;
hence this char and Gopendra's char were on the side of a
rather large river, which corresponded therefore to the modern
Ghagar. The map shows no trace at present that the Ghagar
was connected northwards with the Ganges, yet it may have
been so in early times, because the configuration of the Ghagar
and the other water-ways near it favours this view, and it is
well known that river-beds have been completely silted up
and obliterated.
Samtha or Santha is not a Sanskrit word, and can only,
it seems, be the name of the place where this grant was made.
It is stated the land was given by the vyavaha 'rins or men of
business who (as I read the passage) belonged to Santha This
word pyavaharin deserves notice, for nothing is said about
villagers, and it suggests that Santha was not an ordinary
agricultural village, but was rather a business place. As the
chars were alongside it, it was evidently in close proximity to
the river Ghagar. Hence it seems a fair' inference, that Santha
was a trading centre for ships and boats, and that the vyavaha-
rins were the local merchants. I do not find any name
resembling Santha in the map, but, as this copper-plate was
found in Ghagrahati, one may reasonably presume it was
found in its original site and that Ghagrahati is the modern
name of the old Santha. This is supported by some further
considerations; hence it appears that this grant should
properly be called the Ghagrahati grant,
Ghagrahati means "the village (or locality) of the hat
(mart) on the Ghagar," and proves that there was once a hat
or mart at tins place, though it has apparently long ceased to
exist ; and thejact, that the village took its name from the hat
and not the hat from the village, shows that a trading mart
as
that the village
grew up from it. This accords well with the predominance
assi
was
A mart so situated
was
of the (Faridpur) district. It
fine water-way in the R. Madhumati and the Haringhkta
estuary, and the small ships of those days could have reached
it readily. Such ships penetrated further inland for thev are
in
-
490 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
The existing hats are situated more northward. The
present Ghagarhat, "the hat on the Ghagar," is some three
miles to the north ; and there are besides Pinjurl-hat about a
mile to the north-east, and Parkuna-hat about four miles to
the north. The noteworthy point here is that " the hat on
the Ghagar" has been shifted northwards. It was originally
in Ghagrahati as the name testifies, and although this mauza
still retains its name, the hat which gave it its name has been
moved to the north. What was the reason for the removal ?
I venture to suggest the following explanation.
The map shows that all the country adjoining Ghagrahati
on the south and south-west is now bil or " marsh." It is not
likely that the ancient hat on the Ghagar would have been
placed in proximity to a marsh, when excellent sites were
available a little further northward. Elsewhere ' I have ad-
duced reasons to show that there have been local subsidences
of the land in the northern middle portion of the Sundarban
region, sufficient to turn land that was of ordinary elevation
into marsh, and it is highly probable that some such sub-
sidence took place in the southern tract of the Ghagar, because
a large area south and south-west of Ghagrahati is now marsh.
It may be inferred therefore that, when the hat was estab-
lished in Ghagrahati, all the country around it was of good
elevation, and that when the land subsided, the hat with the
same name Ghagra-hat was moved northwards to a better
situation, while the village around the old site remained with
the name Ghagrahati. If this explanation is valid, one can
well understand that this copper-plate might have been aban-
doned, where it has been found, as being no longer of any
value ; and that it was really a Ghagrahati grant.
Further, from the considerations put forward in my article
on the other grants (p. 209) and from what is known of the
course of Sundarban forest reclamation, 2 it is very probable
that the Sundarban forest could not have been very far from
this spot at the time of this grant ; and this is supported by
the pointed reference to wild beasts in lines 13 and 14. Hence
it seems that Santha could hardly have been a town, but was
presumably something like what Morelganj, which is further
south, was 60 or 70 years ago.
Character of the Grant.
terefore being an outlying mart was not one
of position would particularly choose to settle
„ *i T « m ^ ", Reven «e History of the Sundarbans " and in an article
on the Sundarbans in the Calcutta Review in or about 1889. I caon°*
IZIVQ IlinfA nronioft » n ( n _ «i « . . . i _ *,4« wnA.
give more precise references as those publications are n<
bee my - Revenue History of the Sundarbans/ '
not beside me.
Vol VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati {Kotwalipara) Grant. 491
[N.8.]
in. Supratika-svamin does not appear to have been a brahman
of position, for nothing is said about his lineage or attainments,
such as we find in the other grants. In A the grantee Candra-
svfunin was of the lineage of Bharadvaja, was a Vajasaneya
and studied the six Angas. In B and C the grantees Soma-
svamin and Gomidatta-svamin were of the lineage of Kanva,
were Vajasaneyas, are styled Lauhityas and are commended as
virtuous. It appears from the tenor of this grant, that
Supratika-svamin had come to this place and was willing, if he
could get some land, to settle in it and perform religious rites.
The matter was transacted between him and the vyavaharins
who resided here. Nothing is said about the villagers taking
any part in it. Information of the proposed transaction had
to be given to the adhikarana and the mahattaras, as has been
noticed in my article (p. 214), but it is stated clearly that it
was the vyavaharins who accepted his proposal and gave him
the land. The arrangement therefore was one entirely between
him and them. There was no grantor who bought the land
and bestowed it on a grantee as in the three other plates ; but
he asked for some land as a consideration for his undertaking as
a brahman to offer the bali, caru and sacrifices, and they ac-
cepted his proposal. It was no case of purchase, but a free
gift by the vyavaharins on condition that he should perform
priestly functions. The general terms used imply that he was
to become priest to them generally, and that there was no
other brahman in the place. Here then we have an instance
of the way in which brahmans moved onwards and settled as
priests in new places which had reached a position to need
their services.
has
igement was made with the cognizance of the
adhikarana and in the presence of the mahattaras, and the seal
of the adhikarana would have been affixed to this plate as it
was to the other grants. The curved shape of the left-hand
margin of the inscription in all the grants shows, that this
plate was made to receive a round seal fastened on its front as
the other grants still have, and that the triangular hole, which
Babu R. D. Banerji comments on (p. 434), was made to enable
the seal to be soldered through the hole on to the back of the
plate. The fastening has decayed and the seal
Supratika-svamin asked for a piece of waste land, and
what was given him was the remainder of the " Tiger's char."
As it was not bought from any one, but the vyavaharins
gave it, it must have been the common property of the vyava-
harins, if not of the whole village; and was therefore land
somewhat similar to that in grant A, as explained in my
article (p. 214). It was waste char and therefore land of recent
formation ; hence no reference was apparently necessary to the
record-keeper as in the other grants (p. 213). As there was
no purchase but the remainder of the char was given, it was
492 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
unnecessary to measure the area as in those grants (p. 213).
It was presumably covered with jungle in which tigers and
other dangerous animals could lurk, for so much is implied by
the citation of the verse, which contrasts the benefit that
accrues to the king, when land is perfectly reclaimed, with
what he loses when it is infested by wild beasts. It may also
be inferred from that citation that the area was considerable,
because the verse would not be significant, if the area was only
a small patch insufficient to offer harbour to wild animals. It
seems probable therefore that the remainder, which was given
to Supratika-svamin, could hardly have been much less than
what had been granted away previously.
Validity of the Grant.
Babu R. D. Banerji pronounces the grant spurious and
bases his decision on three grounds, (1) that the forger betrayed
himself by introducing archaic and obsolete letters in the
script, (2) that the grant does not follow the formula of a
regular grant as found iu the majority of copper-plate inscrip-
tions, and (3) that its purport is irregular, obscure, ambiguous
and in parts unintelligible. I do not see the cogency of these
grounds to his conclusion, and for the following reasons. He
reads the date as the year 34 and, assigning it to the Sarsa
Era, equates it with A.D. H40-1 ; and the gist of his criticisms
on its script is to place its real period in about the last quarter
of the 7th century (p. 432), that is, only some 40 or 50 years
later than its professed date. If a former wanted to make the
grant appear to be only 40 or 50 yearsolder than it really was,
it was surely unnecessary for him to introduce obsolete letters
and endanger his object by rendering its purport uncertain.
This remark touches his first and third grounds, and the
second will be considered later. See also postscript.
ine true date however is the 14th regnal year of the
monarch Samacaradeva. As nothing is known of him, his
regnal year is no clue towards fixing the date of the grant.
We must therefore estimate its period on other grounds ; but
before attempting that, I must first consider whether the three
grounds mentioned above are really sound.
Babu R. D. Banerji says (p. 432), " the characters used in
this copper-plate inscription were collected from alphabets in
use in three different centuries," namely, the alphabets of (1)
the 3rd and the first half of the 4th century A.D., (2) the last
nail of the oth century and the first half of the 6th century of
mrth Eastern India, and (3) the 6th century which came into
general use in North- Eastern India in the early part of the 7th
the wZ' f ° W *J i8 wel1 know,i ^at old habits persist in out-of-
ininoTtL? I l0ng after the y have disappeared from more
important an d progressive places. Hence we ought to expect
Vol. VII, Xo. 8.] The Ohagrahati ( Kotwalipara) Grant. 493
[A T .,S.]
that a document executed in this outlying region should show
older styles of writing than would be found in contemporane-
ous inscriptions at Bodh Gaya and Ganjarn with which he
compares this grant. An interesting illustration of this diver-
gence is found in grant C In the body of that deed the letter
8 is always written in its eastern form but on the Government
seal attached thereto it has the western form. The western
variety therefore had been introduced at head-quarters while
the eastern variety was in general use among the people.
I will now consider the remarks which Babu R. D. Banerji
makes regarding various letters in proof of his conclusion
stated above.
The first letter he discusses is h (p. 430). When uncom-
pounded h is always (except in one instance) written here in
early western Gupta form shown by Biihler in his Indische
Patceogiaphie, Table IV, cols, viii to xviii, which prevailed
from about A.D 500 to 675, and even earlier in the later
Brahmi alphabet: see his Table III. The one exception is in
sahasrani (11. 20-21), which Babu R. D. Banerji has over-
to the left. It has
turned
vrahmana (11. 11 and 14). The early western shape is used in
the Bodh Gaya insciption of Mahanaman which is dated in
A.D. 588-9 (FGI. p. 274), and is found in this Faridpur district
even earlier, for it occurs in grant A which belongs to about
the year 531. Babu R. D. Banerji savs— "In a previous
numb, r of the Journal I have tried to establish that the
Eastern variety of the early Gupta alphabet was dying out in
the early decades ot the fifth century" (pp. 430-1); but that
proposition must be revised in the light of the three grants
edited by me. In grant A of 531 A.D. both forms of h are
used, the eastern 9 times and the western 6 times, and it
appears they were used indifferently, because both are used in
the same words maharaja (1. 2), anugraha (11. 18 and 19) and
Himasena (11. 23 and 25), and both occur in line 4 and again in
t> \ T j er6 km a PP ears in fche eastern form (1. 8). In grant
B, the date of which is 567 at the latest, only the western form
is used throughout, even in hm (11. 9 and 20). But in grant
C, which is some 20 years later, the eastern form is used
throughout and the western form does not appear at all
m the portions that are legible. Those grants show clearly
that the two forms were in use side by side in this region
during the 6th century, and the eastern form at least a century
nd a half later than he estimates, and that even then the
western form had attained no ascendancy over the east -rn
I he fact then that in this grant the western form is used
generally and the eastern once uncompounded and twice in hm
is in full agreement with the other grants, and is no indication
of falsity but rather a local characteristic of genuineness
494 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
The next letter he notices is long £ (p. 431). I have dis-
cussed its shape partially above (p. 479), and may here point
out that it tended to vary considerably. Its various forms in
grant A may be seen on comparing (to give only salient
instances) S'ila (L 24), °padaniya° (1. 22), kriya (1. 8), vikriya
(1. 11), irl (1. 2), grhitva (1. 8) and ktrtti (1. 14). The copy of
grant B on plate II does not show all details quite clearly, yet
the shapes of % may be noticed in sima (1. 21), 6rl (L 2),
parkkrati (1. 21) and vikriya (1. 14). Grant C is so badly
corroded on its obverse that there is not the same opportunity
of scrutinizing details, yet the form of % may be seen m
vikkritam (1. 20), £ila and sima (1. 23), sima (11. 22-3) and pratlta
(1. 19). There was a tendency to reduce the size of the inner
curl of this vowel sign, and in these last two words and in
vikriya (grant B, 1. 14) it has practically degenerated into a dot
connected with the outer curve. To separate the dot and the
curve would be a natural modification, as we find in this grant;
and here the i sign always consists of a dot or small stroke, and
a curve on its right, except in Supratika(l. 17) where their posi-
tion is reversed. The form of % then in this grant is no
indication that it is spurious.
His third point relates to initial i (p. 431).
only once, in icchami (1. 9) ; and his reading of ice!
untenable as explained above (p. 483). The i in icchami con-
sists of two dots, one above the other, and a perpendicular
stroke on their right. There is nothing suspicious in this
form, because it is used in the same word in grant A (1. 7). I*
occurs in inscriptions of the fourth and fifth centuries (see
Biihler's Table IV, cols, i and v), and persisted later in this
outlying region.
This occurs
to m and the bipartite y. The m's in this grant are like those
in grants B and C and are not open to distrust. I have dis-
cussed the forms of y in my article (pp. 206-7), and the form
which it has in this plate is always of the third and latest style
which has been figured there. The instances here present three
stages in its formation. In the earliest of these the left per-
pendicular reaches the bottom horizontal stroke, as shown u»
the second y of Yayali (1. 1), visaya (1. 4) and °yogaya (1. H)j
and this shape constitutes a connecting link with the second
form figured in my article. The second stage is exhibited in
pa&eimayam
grant C in the words A^'
(1. 24). This grant is there
fore closely like C as regards bipartite y, and differs from it f
no longer usinjr ihft Aari;» t~ — a j i „„ <-v^ e^ond.
form figured bv me
it thus appears that as regards both m and y there is no ground
tor suspicion m this grant. He adds—" Th« hiW.ite va looks
He adds—' « The bipartite ya
ha
in
Vol. VII, No. 8.] The QhagrahaU (Kotwalipara) Grant. 495
[NJS.]
which no acute angle can be traced 5 ' ; but my scrutiny of this
grant does not support this statement, and letters like these
in shape are found in grant C. I need not dilate on this
statement.
Its form here is
He deals next with the letter la (p. i6i).
the later western shape, and it is also found in grant B, where
for instance we may compare laddha (1. 3), kale (1. 4), Gopala
(1. 5), etc. The earlier western shape is more prevalent in
grant C, in which the left limb of I is not carried to the top of
the line, as we see in hula (1. 18), fila (1. 19), nalena (1. 19),
lingani (1. 21), etc. ; yet even there I occurs once in Dhruvilaty
(1. 22) like Jin this grant. In grant A all the forms of I are
used indifferently; thus the eastern form appears in labdha
(1. 2),hala (1. 5), labhah (1. 13), abhilasa (1. 14), samkalpabhi
(1. 14) and Slla (1. 24) ; the earlier western form in Kula (1. 4) ;
and a shape nearly approaching the later western form in
mandate (1. 3), likhita (1. 20) and lingani (1. 23). It thus
appears that both the eastern and the western forms of I were
in use in this region in 531 the date of grant A, and, though
the former does not occur in grants B and C, yet it may have
lingered on in this remote locality, so that its use in this grant
is no certain ground for disparagement.
The sixth point (p. 431) concerns the letter da (that is, da)
and has been discussed above (p. 478).
Seventhly, Babu R. D. Banerji refers (p. 432) to the word
parkkatti (1. 18). He objects to the form of the pa as peculiar,
and says, it " does not resemble the remaining ones, which are
usually rectangular in form, seldom showing an acute angle."
lape as that in pravarttaniya
as
(1. 10), nrpasya (1. 14) and plhaca (1. 18) ; and p ir
varies from the rectangular shape, in prasada (1. 11), pari
(1. 12), Supratlka and paifi (1. 17) and pitrbhi (1. 22). He adds,
found
inscriptions
led shape is found in the Bodh
but
of Mahanaman of 588-9 (FGI. p. 274), and is figured as earlier
by Biihler in his Table IV, col. ix. Most stress however is laid
second aksara rkka 9 which he savs " consists of two
looped
looped as shown
but the upper k is not
only the second is looped. Precisely this form of doubled k is
found in the Bodh Gava inscription of 588-9 : and therefor* his
last quarte
ka
ot tne seventh century A.JJ. and afterwards ' (p.
432) needs modification. There is nothing objectionable there-
pa
I have now considered all his criticisms on the script in
this grant, and have shown that the features which he dis-
trusts are to be found in other almost contemporaneous
msc
496 Journal of the Asiatic Society oj Bengal. [August, 1911.
tions which are genuine ; so that as regards the script there is
nothing suspicious in this grant.
In stating his second ground for discrediting this grant he
points out that it differs from the formula found in the
majority of copper-plate inscriptions (p. 432). I need not
examine the formula, because he refers to grants in which the
donor is a royal person; whereas this grant is, as explained
above (p. 491), not a royal grant but a grant by the business-
men of Santha of a part of the common land of their village.
Hence that formula can have no application here, and the
procedure was quite different. What the formalities on such
occasions were has been discussed in my article (p. 214) and
noticed abo^e (p. 491), and the same procedure was observed
in this grant as in the three others. Hence his strictures on
its form (p. 433) are misplaced.
One important point must be kept in mind in construing
ancient grants. It is a fact well known to all Revenue Officers,
that, when gifts of land were made in old times, they might be
granted either subject to the land-tax due to the sovereign, or
exempt therefrom ; that is, they might be (in modern Revenue
language) either ■ revenue-paying' or ■ revenue-free.' It was
no doubt to guard the royal revenues from being endangered
that the parties to a grant were required to give notice to the
Government. Neither the king nor his high officials could
attend every small grant such as these were, and it would seem
that the mahattaras attended as representatives of the local
administration at the transaction.
Babu R. D. Banerji points out that grants might be
forged, and cites an instance mentioned in the. Madhuban
Plate of Harsa (Epig. Ind. VII, 155). Certainly grants were
sometimes forged, but the particulars and circumstances of
that case and this grant are altogether different. In that case
the brahman, who held the kuta^asana, claimed a whole
village under it. What
He did not
dispossess the inhabitants and cultivators of the village (for he
could not cultivate the lands himself and certainly did Dot
depopulate it) and they remained, but he imposed himself
upon them as lord of the village. All that he would have
claimed from them was the various taxes and dues payable by
them and, as they were bound to pay those, he would not have
interfered with their life and ways more than the sovereign s
own officers who levied those demands, unless he exacted more.
The position of the villagers therefore remained unaffected, and
the person who suffered was the king, because the whole, or at
least a part, of the revenue might have been intercepted by
the false grantee. It was therefore for the king to annul the
falso grant, and not for the villagers to contest it.
Ihe particulars and circumstances of this grant however
were altogether different, as has been alreadv explained. It l3
Vol. VII, So. S.j TheOhagrdhati (Kotwalipara) Grant. 497
[N.8.]
incredible that a poor brahman of no position, who wanted
only a parrel of waste land for his personal occupation, could
have i ted himself into this village by forging a copper-plate
giant for b piece of char land as having been given to him by
the business-men of the village. If he attempted such a fraud,
he would lmve set the whole village up in arms against himself,
and his claim would have been in-tantly disproved by the
inhabitant- and the mahattnras Further, such a deed, if forged
forty or fifty yean after its alleged date to support a claim
to this piece of land, would have been wholly futile, because it
wou
have known, thai he had not been in possession of the land
during those years. In fact, this grant was a natural agree-
ment between the people and the brahman for their mutual
benefit, and its very pettiness shews it cannot be spurious.
Moreover it is expressly said that the cultivation of waste land
increases the king's revenue.
Babu R. D. Banerji's third ground deals with the meaning
of this grant. He says the wording " is very ambiguous "
(p. 433), and "The contents of lines 12 and 13 are quite unin-
telligible. Here and there words of Sanskritic origin are to be
found mixed up with what seems to be unintelligible gib-
berish" (pp. 433-4). I venture to think that my reading and
translation redeem the grant from this condemnation, and
render it not oily clear and intelligible but also remarkably
vivid in its local references; and that they shew that the word
»t: vj_ • __ - i i ,\ . ■ . ...
tamrapaUa la not open to the stricture which he passes on
it (p. 434).
I here are certainly some words which are not proper
Sanskrit, but their use, so far from being suspicious, is only
what might be expected when local conditions peculiar to this
outlying region had to be put into Sanskrit dress. There
could not be Sanskrit equivalents for every vernacular term,
and the only course open was to Sanskritize those terms'.
Further, it would have been surprising, if a good scholar had
been found in this remote spot, and suspicious if this petty
grant had been drawn up in correct Sanskrit. The peculiar
words here are vothyi (1. 3), kvaradal (1 7), satu (1. 13), coraka
(11. 16 and 20), johka and keria (1. 19). As regards ivarada (?)
no explanation can be attempted, because (as already men-
tioned, p. 480) it is doubtful what word was written; still a
meaning has been suggested which seems possible. K?na has a
corresponding secondary form in Sanskrit. For sain an expla-
nation ha been put forward which is based upon substantial
.'rounds and is appropriate. Coraka is a vernacular word
Sanskritized, and bo 1 think is jotikn, and probably vothyfi also •
and for these three words meaning- have been suggested which
are perfectly suitable.
Peculiar words are also found in the three other grants.
408 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
Thus grant A has sadhanika 1 (11. 7, 15), sal (1. 19) and kseni
(1. 25); B has karardaya (1. 5) and dandaka (1. 23) and probably
the local title mridlwb Sanskritized (see my article, p. 202, note
18); C has apparently vyaparardya (1. 3): and apavinchya
occurs in all of them (A, 1. 16; B'/l. 19; C, 1. 19).
All the grounds on which Babu R. D. Banerji has pro-
nounced this grant to be spurious have been examined, and it
appears that the particulars which he considers open to dis-
trust are not really suspicious, and that the grant has all the
marks of genuineness in the character of its script, the form
in which it is drawn up, and its purport. I am therefore of
opinion that it is not spurious but perfectly genuine and valid.
Date of the Grant.
There are some data to enable us to fix approximately the
period in which this grant was made and in which the king
Samacaradeva reigned.
First, we have the shapes of the letters k, y and s, and
the disappearance of the character for b.
The disappearance of this character, which is used in
grants A and B and perhaps in C, has been discussed above
B and probably later than C also.
must
mentioned
ui
4/ ^ 1 WW |_ — w
the age of writings from the fifth to the seventh century A.D.
Its shape in this grant is the third of the three kinds discussed
in my article (p. 206) and is similar to that in grant C ; but this
grant is later than C, because (1) the second kind of y which
appears in C does not occur here, and (2) the third form has
almost reached its full development here.
In the body of all the other grants the letter s is written
in the eastern form, but in the government seal attached to C
it has the western form as already mentioned (p. 493). The
corresponding seals on A and B are too much corroded to
permit of its shape being ascertained. The people therefore
used the eastern form, though the western had been introduced
at head-quarters, and some time would be required before the
latter would oust the former Irom general use. In this grant
we have a Liter stage because only the western form is used.
On these three grounds therefore this grant is later than
C, and the date of C is 586 at the latest and mav be five or
ten years earlier.
The first inscription in which the looped form of k was
may
» I hive to th-ink Bahu K. O. Bunerji for pointing out that sadhanika
occur* also in other grants in the forms Dausadhanika, Damadhasadha-
mka, eto.
Vol. VII, No. 8.]
[N.S.]
Grant. 499
used in Eastern India is, I believe, the Bodh Gay a inscription
of Mahanaman of 588-9 (FGI, p. 274), and some time must
have elapsed before it reached this outlying region since it does
not appear in the other grants.
These four considerations suggest that this grant must be
later than 5S6 and 588-9 A.B. The question, how much later
it was, depends on what may be considered a sufficient interval
to permit of all these modifications establishing themselves in
this remote locality. I do not think we can estimate a shorter
period than some thirty years, and if so, this grant might
be assigned to the latter part of the first quarter of the
seventh century.
Next, we may consider the reference to the king Samacara-
deva. Though nothing is known of him, there seems to be no
good reason to doubt the genuineness of the name, because the
grant is genuine; and even if it were spurious, no forger would
be so foolish as to date it in the reign of a king who never
existed, especially if (according to Babu R. D. Bancrji's ar<m-
ments) it was fabricated no very long time after its professed
date The name moreover is a possible one, being analogous
to the royal names Dharmaditya and Siladitya and personal
names such as Gunadeva
The description of Samacaradeva suggests certain in-
ferences. The earlier emperor Dharmaditya in grant A
though styled only maharajadhiraja (1. 2), is yet alluded to ai
m-
parama'
title and also bhaUaraka (1. 2) In grant C Gopacandra, who
may have be™ a descendant of the Guptas as suggested in mv
arncle (p. 208), received I the same two titles, and he reigned
nhS^H ,* *" ,nde P ende rL t monarch after the dissolution of
Dharm d.tyas empire. Here Samacaradeva is styled only
ordinate to the emperor Dha madityT In grant B.S
:.?IL' S _ the , , local . monarch, and no one is mentioned as hi.
S P Be r ngal *™* * '"-" "»* he was an mdepende n rki n g
the whole of RpnnnT * ^utroi as suzerain over
dom of Kama^upf or e A™am indT "Vl di8ta ' lt kin 8-
full sovereign authority ™£' . J° have P«««>ed
(V Sm,th,IL*; 2 „d y ed p 7m "ft f, ° entra i Be ''? al "
established Ins supremacy in thb > «.V " C °"' d not '""*
after h,s -essio/andX^'KubduK '^TS
500 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
India, that is, probably nob until about 620 or even 625.
The date might be even later, because he continued fighting
for many years and was engaged in a campaign against
Ganjam as late as 643 {ibid., p. 313). His empire lasted till
his death in 646-7. l After his decease it fell to pieces. M After
his death the local Rajas no doubt asserted their indepen*
dence" and very little is known concerning the history of
Bengal for nearly a century (ibid., p. 366).
There were independent kings therefore in Bengal before
Harsa extended his supremacy over it, and again after his
death ; and Samacarade va must be placed either in the first quar-
ter of the seventh century before Hnrsa's conquest, or in the
third or fourth quarter after his empire decayed. The latter
alternative is not piobable, because of the character of the
script in this grant. It has been pointed out that tins grant
exhibits the eastern forms of certain letters, which, though
ousted by the western forms generally, yet remained in use
in this remote locality. They might have continued till th<
first quarter of that century as shewn above (p 499), but
could hardly have persisted about half a century longer (till
the fourteenth year of a new king after the dissolution ot the
empire), because Haisa's supremacy over Bengal would have
facilitated the predominance of the western forms and hastened
the disuse of the eastern forms. It may be reasonably in-
ferred therefore, that Samacarade va reigned in the first quarter
of the seventh century.
There is another consideration which supports this infer-
ence The king of Pundravardhana, that is Bengal, whose
kingdom was more or less subject to Har-a, belonged to the
brahman caste, as Mr. V. Smith says (History, p. ;^29) 2 now
this (Faridpur) district would have appertained to Pundra-
vardhana, and the termination deva in names often designated
brahmans. In the name Samacfuadeva deva in not a separate
word or title as it often is in royal appellations, but forms a
real compound with samdcara. Hence it seems probable that
Samacaradeva was a brahman, and was a king of the Pundra-
vardhana dynasty which was reigning when Harsa conquered
Bengal.
The conclusions then which seem fairly established are,
(1) that this grant was later than C which was executed in fc he
year 586 (at the latest), and (2) that it was prior to Hana s
subjugation of Bengal, which may be assigned to about the
1 Mr. V. Smith tells me that this year is the correct date of Harsa's
death, and not 647 8.
* Mr. V. Smith tells me he is unable at present to cite the authority
for this statement Possibly therefore an m g nraent may not be hasea
confidently on it, yet the existence of a Samacarml-va. king of Hen ^f
or Pundravardhana, probably at this very time, su »*« that
dynasty did belong to the brahman caste.
Vol. VII. No. 8.] The QhSgrahati (Kotwalipara) Grant. 501
[N.S.]
years 620 — 5, or perhaps later. These conclusions coupled
with the inference drawn from the script, that the grant
belongs probably to the latter part of the first quarter of the
seventh century, lead me to assign it to about the years 615—20
A.D. Between the two dates 586 (at the latest) and 620~5
there is room for two or three independent kings in Bengal
after the death of Gopacandra, whose nineteenth year was the
former of those dates; and it seems probahle that Slmacara-
deva was one of them, possibly the immediate predecessor of
the Pundravardhana king who was Harsa's visual, and that
the commencement of his reign may be placed approximately
in the years 601—5 A.D.
Names in the Grants.
Some interesting conclusions may apparently be drawn
from the names mentioned in all these grants.
The names of the mahattaras in this inscription do not
appear to be genuine compound words in which the component
parts depend on one another, such as Dharmaditya, Sthanu-
datta and Kulacandra in grant A (II 2—4), but seem to consist
merely of two separate words in juxtaposition. Hence we
may with full propriety write them as Vatsa Kunda, S'uci
Pal'ita, Vihita Ghosa, Priya Datta and Janardana Kunda; and
perhaps Jiva Datta may be so treated. Hence it appears that
in these names we have four of the caste-sunn m s which are
common in Bengal now, namely, Kunda (modern Kundu),
, Ghosh and Datt. A caste-name karanika l< mentioned
(1. 15). Karavika ia not classical Sanskrit, but is evidently a
word formed from karaua which was the name of a mixed cast
that had the occupation of writing, accounts, etc. (I >iet v .) :
hence karanika apparently meant a member of this caste This
caste was presumably either the same as, or closely akin to,
the kayastha caste The position of senior member of the
Board was in grants B and C held by the then oldest kayastha
named Naya Sena. As this grant is later than those, it is
worthy of note that, whereas the modern name kayastha i*
mentioned in grants B and C, the name used in this later grant
is karanika, a title which is not used now. Where a person s
case of the karanikas, for, while one is named Naya Naga
(Nag is another modern surname), the other is called simply
Kesava (1. 15). It seems a fair inference that the second parts
of these names were established as caste-surnames at the time
of this inscription.
But in the other grants this feature is not so clear. Many
persons are mentioned in A, but none can be resolved into a
clear personal name and surname except Vi[na]ya Sena and
Hima Sena. Sen is a well-known caste-surname in Bengal
502
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.]
now. In grant B few names are mentioned, and there is not
much scope for scrutiny, yet two can be resolved, Naya Sena
and Soma Ghosa. Grant C is so much corroded that, though
apparently many names were mentioned, few can be deci-
phered now; yet two are divisible, the same Naya Sena and
Visaya Kunda (?). This grant therefore shows a greater
development of the caste-surname than the three earlier grants,
and if that method of naming was fairly prevalent in this
outlying district, it was presumably in more general vogue in
the central part of the province. It seems therefore probable
that the use of caste-surnames, which is universal at the
present day in Bengal, was becoming generally adopted in
the early part of the seventh century.
O Tl "•*• -*-s-*-^» m.m*u 'UUVJV. UMU
incription baffled him; for instance, he
Postscript.
After this article was in the press another reading of this
Ghagrahati grant was published in the Report of the Archaeo-
logical Survey of India for 1907-8, p. 255. It is by the late
Dr. T. Bloch, arid he pronounced the grant to be a forgery,
although it appears from his article that a great deal of the
'-"- , , ... says (p. 256) -"The
grammar of the inscription, especially the syntax, is in such a
bad state of confusion, that it wou'd be impossible to attempt
anything like a connected and literal translation of the text."
Accordingly, while offering a transliteration of the text, he
has not attempted a translation. All or nearly all his criti-
cisms will be f und practically answered in this my article. I
cannot extend this article, already long, by further discussions,
but a comparison of his and my articles will remove all the
difficulties that he found. My article on the three other grants
was published last year, and he wo dd ao doubt have entirely
revised his article if he had lived to see that.
I will only add as a general remark that it is hardly sound
to pronounce anything that is not readily intelligible to be a
forgery be ause even forgeries are meant to be quite intelli-
gible, otherwise they would fail in their object.
37- A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs.
Capt
Arabic-speaking races, like other Orientals, are extremely
fond of pro verbs , and it is probable that their language con-
tains a greater number of them than any other. A large
collection of Arabic sayings generally was made by the writer
• luring a stay of six months in Damascus; but in order to
bring the list down to the limits of this article only those
proverbs have been included which are actually current in
Syria at the present day. Common ones, such as have already
found their way into print, as well as those which might be
considered either enigmatical or pornographic, have been
omitted. It has been considered advisable to give trans-
lations of the Arabic proverbs rather than their equivalents, so
as to preserve their national character as far as possible.
Damascus contains a larger Arabic-speaking population
than any other city in the world. In fact the percentage of its
270,000 persons who do not speak Arabic is almost negligible.
Since the days when Straight Street wa<< thronged with Sun-
worshippers, its inhabitants have loved proverbs. The strange
thing is that, in a city of such extraordinary antiquity, any-
thing should become obsolete. Yet many of the proverbs which
one meets with in the Damascus libraries and bookshop, one
never hears used by the people nowadays. Only a few of these
proverbs are also current in Egypt. Many of them, if a little
obscure, are certainly curious. The collection may, therefore,
prove an interesting one. My thanks are due to Abdo Effendi
Kahil and Al-Anisah L. Kahil, of Damascus, and also to
Mr. R. F. Azoo. of Calcutta . for their valuable assistance
504 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
1. Let that profession die that does not show itself on its
2.
30
owner.
self :— " What
to
? 1
3. If women were told that a wedding was taking place in
Heaven, they would rise up and put ladders against
the skies.
4. The writer has no mercy on the reader.
5. Some people write what God alone can explain.
6. A man's paradise is his home.
7. After dinner rest awhile, after supper walk a mile.
8. He who plays with the cat must expect a scratching.
9. Live for forty days with a tribe, and you will be in it
and of it.
10. A son was born to a blind couple, and they blinded his
eyes by touching them.
11. If you see a blind man push him; why should you be
more merciful to him than his Creator ? '
12. Do no good and you will meet no evil.
13. Turn the jar over on its mouth, the girl grows like her
mother.
14. A sparrow in the hand is worth ten in the tree.
15. A loaf for a loaf ; don't let your neighbour go to bed
hungry.
16. He who lightens his head tires his feet.
17. Can't dance and says the ground is crooked.
18. Rise, O Man, and I will rise too.
19. The drum beats, and away goes the foolish girl on the
wings of impatience.
20. The cat and the mouse agreed to ruin the house
21. If the mice agreed they would soon ruin the Greengrocer's
shop.
22. They said to a mule, -'Who is your Father?" He
• re P lied » ' ' % Uncle is a horse. ' '
a. The girl without hair boasts about that of her cousin.
-4. I am talking to you, Oh! My daughter-in-law., for your
edification, Oh ! My neighbour !
2o. There was a great funeral, and the corpse was that of a
dog.
26. He is behind and he only walks where there an -tones.
27. Every rising has a falling.
28. Wish good to your neighbour and you will find it in your
own house.
29. Whilst I am on this mat it is not too long and not too
short.
According to the length of your carpet stretch your feet.
«. Hie horse you have just got off let the people ride
1 A very curious proverb.— (J. M.
Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 505
[N.8.]
# ,Uj» ^k*. ft->lj JVfc j-/Jl jUxJi y^ r
iu)t *JJf ^j ajUJJi ^u ^U ^i *
# 15*+?) 45*3*3 ^Wj c^*-* v
# (j^^Jb *^££ l^nJi ^x^ ^^»*U »l». f ♦
* g^uiJl ^ gy^ Jfj ^itj ; y*^ |^
•
* (^Uja £l ; U ^Ujjfj *-«i c y *-a^; » 6
* Jul*.) s-**Jl *—U ot£^. c ,* j «)
* ^ ufc* Jj*- J O^y o *^ u c5 Ja J»
•VI * I ••
*
* tfijfuo *}JU ^fc U fy3 f A
* J'a^l ^ v^ ; llJ ' J* 31 ,if r '
•*'
* w-ir ovi, * 1 -* 1 ^ S) 15 *^ '*
* gt^Ji ^ Hi v **j U, ; ^< r i
#
iijj,. l t J A»lJr J^ rv
• £Jjfa <y sift's £l l»J y^'i >>j ; r a
* l^j r yJi ^ l^ c i_>ij ^iJt ^yJl r t
506 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
32. Let him who has no mother pitch a tent in the grave-
yard.
33. Leave your spare money for a black day.
34. An olive stone will keep a jar of a hundred rottles ] from
wobbling.
35. He beat me and wept, and then went about and accused
me.
36. He who has treated you like himself has not misused
you.
37. A promise without fulfilment is enmity without reason.
38. Low ground drinks its own water and other water as
well.
39. Many trades, few paras.^
40. Every age plays with its own age.
41. By continual use the rope cuts the curbstone of the well.
42. Food left about teaches the people to steal.
43. A cockroach looked at her daughter on the wall. So
she said : c< How nice is the blackness of my daughter
on the white wall! M
44. Live, Oh ! Mule, till the grass grows.
45. I will water you with promises, Oh ! Kamoon ! 8
46. One more hole in a strainer won't make any difference.
47. The eye of the lover is blind.
48. Writing is two- thirds of seeing.
49. The worms in vinegar are in it and of it.
50. God g ; ves almonds to those who do not know how to
crack them.
51. Your tongue is (like) your horse; if you take care of it,
it will take care of you ; if you ill-treat it, it will ill-
treat you.
52. Every cock crows on his own dust-heap.
53. He who makes his mouthful too big, gets choked.
54. He who carries a pack-needle will prick himself. 4
55. Smart clothes and empty pocket.
56. A mistress and two servants to fry two eggs.
57. A bald girl with two combs; and a one-eyed one with
two phials of collyrium.
58. The fly knows the face of the milkman.
59. A man is a blessing in a house even though he be a
negro. .
60. Who is afraid for the cat in the larder lest the mice should
eat her ears ?
1 The Damascus Jiij =5 lb.
* The v«th of a piastre.
S A plant of the fennel kind.
4 Pack-needles are often carried, and used as goads
Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modem Arabic Proverbs. 507
[N.8.]
# £^UajJ XylaL ai-3 *y r! j *;>> r^
#
* -|*/| ij^k I&U } \jU\ £* J^Jt F|
** LS'
* kx±J|^ljj
* -^uiaJi o^i.j ^^ uri^Li ji^e pp
^^rij **yu ij^a^i ^
# ^ tjyifj <^*U 3,Ul ^fcj *U|
#
508 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
61. Take girls from the breasts of their aunts.
62. You are fit for me and I for you ; the times have made
us successful.
63. Look to high birth even though there be poverty.
64. Accept hospitality from the man who once had wealth,
and not from the man who has acquired it recently.
65. Give the dough to the baker even if he eats half of it.
66. If you want peace, say of everything you see: <f It is
good."
67. A beggar, and makes conditions !
68. He killed the dead and then went to the funeral.
69. From want of men they called the cock Abu Ali.
70. From lack of horses they put saddles on dogs.
71. I love you, Oh! My bracelet, but not as much as my
wrist.
72. Better an agreement in the harvest- field than a quarrel
on the threshing-floor.
73. Train your dog, and he will bite you (all the same).
74. A running stream, and not a dry river.
75. They threw a pailful of leban 1 over a Jew, and he said:
"Bymy Religion, I like it!"
76. The son of a dog is a pup, and that of a lion a whelp.
77. A one-eyed man is a king amongst the blind.
78. Don't live near an ignorant divine.
79. The dread of a calamity is worse than the calamity
itself.
80. He who catches a fox is more cunning than it.
81. If the prayers of clogs were heard the heavens would
rain bones.
82. Two dogs fight over a bone, whilst a third one carries it
off and runs away.
83. A man's value is the value of what he possesses.
84. He who does not place himself above the ignorant.
places the ignorant above him.
85. Time creates and time destroys.
86. The bride is at the dressmaker's, and the bridegroom is
at the jeweller's. Why are the people talking?
87. If a thief gets no chance of stealing, he begins to think
himself virtuous.
88. The longer the friendship J the stronger. ..
89. If the pitcher falls on a 'stone, woe to the pitcher ; ii a
stone falls on the pitcher, woe to the pitcher; what-
ever happens, woe to the pitcher.
90. Curse a man for his errors.
91. Ask the man of experience, and not the man of learn-
ing.
1 Roiled milk curdled.
Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 509
[N.S.]
* oU*Jl ))** ^yo &[\J) \j*i* t f
*
AJ jU ^U ^ Jf Uy jJ ^ Ja ^ ^ if*
# *j)tt% ^J ; U^ Jj&Jl Jit ^a
•
« lit 1 * cJ l *»*'l c -iJ y-cVI VV
J»U v *3 w/ ^fc-S I va
• A* .s 3 ^ jZ jU 1 £>y V 1
*
• A
• *sJW 0\ **M oJli UV A A
# j^JU Jij ,>* U t J ^ »»Jo»
#
/• >
»
* ^iw Jl-J^ <~>/P* J l -I 1 >
610
94.
95.
96.
97.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.
92. Don't fatten your dog lest he should eat you.
93. Hope is only extinguished by death.
__ , dancer to dance
From under the leak to under the water-spout. 1
makes you laugh.
cry
ime-burner
98. Waste
99. Go near a roaring river, but not a still one.
100, Oh! departing one, do many good things.
1 CL the Persian: — oiu^ itft^fti tsjtjbjf- — C - M -
Vol. VII 5 No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 511
[N.8.]
38* New and Revised Species of Graminea> from
By R. K. Bhide, Assistant Economic Botanist. Be
(With Four Plates).
grasses
-Bombay Presidency in 1907, while assisting Mr. G. A. Gammie,
then Economic Botanist, in his work: and since then I have
been steadily engaged in this study. The following note deals
with some forms that seemed to me to be new or wrongly
named
Dr. Stapf of Kew was good enough to examine the
specimens and express opinions on them ; and I am deeply
indebted to him for his kind assistance. I am also indebted
Mr. W. Burns
who
kindly translated my original English descriptions of the
following species into Latin.
Pars prima diagnostica latine.
Danthonia Gammiei, Bhide.
Culmi 10 — 20 cm. alti, nodis glabris. j
laminae
vaginae
ciliatae, 2-5
basibus rotundis nee
truncatis ; ligula angustissima, truncata, fimbriata, membra-
nacea. Pedunculae et rhachides hirsutae. Paniculae laxae,
racemosae, 2*5—5 cm. longae, 12 — 16 mm. latae. Spiculae
paucae, breviter pedicellatae, circa 2 cm. longae (aristis ex-
clusis). Olumae quatuor, quarta multo minima : prima et
secunda glumae vacuae, lanceolatae, acuminatae : prima con-
spicue 5-nervis, dorso rotundo glabro subcoriacea, marginibus
membranaces : secunda circa tertia parte minor, membrancea,
3-nervia: tertia (arista exclusa) florem ferens, prima et
secunda multo minor, teres, convoluta, 7 — 9-nervis, in dorso
ubique villosa, bidentata, dense hirsuta dorso, arista conspicue
lata mediali ornata, aristae columna aureo-flava torta scintil-
lanti, aristae cauda minute scabrida dorso anguste 2-canali ;
dentes in aristis par vis tenuibus prolongati mediae aristae
columnam aequantibus basi pilis longis albis ornatis. Palea
glumam aequans, bidentata, bicarinata, carinis superne ciliatis
inferne contractis cum rhachilla producta conjunctis. Qluma
quarta minima, ciliata, aristata vel non-aristata ex rhachilla
hanc loci orta est. Stamina 3. Styli 2, distincti. Oermen com-
pressum, glabrum. Anther ae et stigmata plumosa glumae
514 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [Aug., 1911.
ftorentis summa extrusae. Lodiculae membranaceae, anthera-
rum dimidium aequantes, oblongae, emarginatae.
In provincia Bombay, ad Castle rock, collegit G. A. Gam-
mie, mense Octobris, a.d. 1902.
Andropogon Paranjpyeanum, Bhide.
Culmi tenues, erectae, 28 — 42 cm. longae, nodis superoribus
pubescentes. Foliorum vaginae glabrae; ligula brevis, erecta,
membranosa ; laminae 2*5 — 7'5 cm. longae, 2 mm. latae, basi
subcordatae, utrinque longis tenuibus pilis hirsutae, margini-
bus turgidis minute inaequaliter repandis spinuloso modo
serrulatis. Bacerni singuli, 1*25 — 25 cm. longi (aristis exclusis).
Pedunculae tenuissimae. Spiculae sessiles 3 mm. longae. Glu-
mae quatuor : gluma prima oblonga, obtusa, inconspicue 5—7-
nervis, glabra, marginibus anguste incurvis, carinis summa
breviter ciliatis : gluma secunda quam prima paulolongior, 1 — 3-
nervis, apiculata : gluma tertia quam prima vel secunda brevior,
hyalina, marginibus ciliatis, epaleata: gluma quarta aristae
angusta basis est, glumae primae dimidium aequans, obscure
marginata et 1-nervis, summa duobus obscuris lobis et inter-
posita tenue torta scabrida arista circa 2 cm. longa ornata,
bisexualem florem ferens. Spiculae pedicellatae circa 4 mm.
longae articulis et pedicellis obscure canaliculatis oblique
truncatis utrinque brevibus albis piJis ciliatis sessilis spiculae
dimidium vel bessim aequatibus. Gluma earum prima oblonga,
obtusa, 7 — 9-nervis, marginibus incurvis, carinis late alatis,
alis ad summa breviter ciliatis. Gluma secunda quam gluma
prima minor, oblonga, acuta, 3-nervis, marginibus ciliatis.
Gluma tertia quam gluma secunda minor, hyalina, ciliata,
inconspicue 3— 5-nervis, epaleata, masculina.
In provincia Bombay, ad Castle rock, collegit R. K.
Bhide, mense Octobris, a.d. 1909.
vaginae
membranaceae
Enteropogon Badamicum, Bhide.
Culmi 56—70 cm. longi, tenues, erecti, glabri. Foliorum
*" M * ^^ribus subtiliter longe ciliatae; ligulae breves,
btilibus pilis marginatae ; laminae angustae,
10—17-5 cm. longae, 3—6 mm. latae, versus tenuem acumina-
tionem contractae. Spica singula, terminalis, 15 cm. longa.
Spiculae biseriatae et secundae in rhachide trigono piano parce
!? a ^ nd0 j subsessiles vel brevissime pedicellatae. Glumae prima
o Q ^.,«j , ntes, vacuae, scariosae, 1-nervis, glabrae vel
puberulae
w, i/uu^ume. v*iuma prima glumae secundae aimiuiu^
aequans, lateris inaequalibus, nonnunquam uno latere lobata,
ovata, subacuta, summa erosa. Gluma secunda breviter
inaequaliter summa bidentata, breviter mucronata. Gluma
Vol. VII, No. 8.] New and Revised Species of Oraminece. 515
[N.S.]
tertia florem ferens, paulo longior quam secunda, bidentata
summa, 3-nervis, arista rigida a dorso orta glumam aequante,
dorso et lateribus scabrida, ventro canaliculata, dorsali jugo
in arista prolongata : canalis oppositus est. Callus pilis bre-
vibus albis sericeis hirsutus. Palea quam gluoia paulo longior,
in dorso et earinis scabrida, 2-nervis, summa paulo bifida
etiamque erosa, bisexualem florem ferens. Germen oblongum,
planum, paleam aequans. Gluma quarta glumae tertiae similis,
sed minor, bisexualem florem ferens. Rhachilla supra glumam
quartam prolongata et glumam sterilem aristatam quam glumam
quartam minorem ferens.
In Provincia Bombay supra antra viculi Badami, ad cas-
trum, eollegit mense Septembris, a.d. 1909, R. K. Bhide.
Tripogon RoxburghianUxM, Bhide.
Planta 10—17*5 cm. longa. Culmi fasciculati. Foliorum
vaginae glabrae, marginibus hyalinis: laminae filiformes, circa
2-5 cm. longae, marginibus et ligula longis pilis ciliatae. Ligula
oblonga, lacerata, membranosa. Spica singula, 5 — 6*25 cm. longa.
Spiculae 3 mm. longae, 1 — 2-florae ; rhachilla articulata et supra
florem superiorem prolongata ; flores in rhachide insidentes
piano. RJ&chidis internodii vicissim turgidi et tenues. Gluma
prima et secunda vacuae. Gluma prima, spicula remota, semper
in rhachidis parte concavapersistat, hyalina, admodum obliqua
vel uno latere paulo lobata, late 1-nervo. Glumi secunda ad-
modum coriacea, turgida, late 3-nervis, circa duobus dimidiis
partibus longior. Gluma tertia florem ferens, in dorso inferiore
parte hirsuta, quam gluma superior vacua paulo brevior, mem-
branosa, 3-nervis, bidentata, breviter mucronata, dentibus bre-
viter mucronatis. Callus hirsutus. Palea glumam fere aequans,
bicarinata, earinis minute scabridis. Stamina 3. Styli 2, dis-
tinct!. Stigmata plumosa. Germen teretum. Lodiculae 2,
cuneatae. Flos superior bisexualis, imperfectus vel neuter, si
adsit inferiori similis.
In provincia Bombay ad Badami, collegit R. K. Bhide,
mense Septembris, a.d. 1909.
Second part in English.
I
DlMERIA DIANDRA, Stapf.
My examination of a herbarium specimen of Woodrowia
diandra
validity of this genus. The positions of the two outer glumes
were, I think, not clearly understood. What is really the third
glume seems to have been mistaken for the pale of the so-called
third glume. Besides, the true third glume is often removed
516 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [Aug., 1911.
during dissection, with the first glume, and actually remains
enclosed in it. The fact that this so-called pale is one-nerved
and not two-keeled is an indication of its true nature. The
possession of four glumes therefore puts this specimen out of
Woodroivia. It is clearly a species of Dimeria. Dr. Stapf con-
siders this diagnosis correct. I thought it to be D. gracilis
Nees
(Hand r a
Danthonia Gammiei, Bhide.
190
Description: — Stem 4-12 inches long: nodes glabrous:
leaves linear, glabrous below, sparsely long-ciliate above, 1-3
inches by T ^ — £ inch, base rounded or truncate : ligule a
very narrow truncate fimbriate membrane . sheaths glabrous :
upper leaves very much reduced in size. Peduncle and rachis
hairy: panicle lax, racemose, 1-2 inches by £— §. Spikelets
awns
Glumes 3, with an extremely minute 4th. Glumes I and II
empty, lanceolate, acuminate; 1 strontily 5-nerved dorsally.
rounded, glabrous, sub-coriaceous, margins membranous. II \
shorter than I, membranous, 3-nerved. Ill flowering, (without
the awns) much smaller than I and II, terete, convolute, 7-9
nerved, dorsally villous all over, 2 toothed with a stout broad
median awn ; column of awn golden yellow twisted and shining;
tail minutely scabrid, dorsally narrowly two channelled; teeth
Yt Vf /"V^W * ^ #-* *-% rM m -_-* A- M i * ft i 1 1 * m W\A Y 1
as lone as
nate.
of the median awn, with a fringe of long white hairs at the junc-
tion of the lateral awns with the glume ; pale as long as the
glume, 2-toothed; 2-keeled, keels ciliate above and contracted
and fusing below with the produced rachilla* (?), and producing
a minute ciliate awned or awnless glume (IV). Stamens 3,
styles 2, distinct; grain compressed glabrou j; anthers and
plumose stigmas protruding from the top of flowering glume.
Lodicules membranous
±ne flowering glume; \m> nas a densely ub»iuw» ^»> — (
*Dr. Stapf considers it should be described as having the
rachilla produced and terminating with a minute ciliate
awned or awnless barren glume. Dr. Stapf does not find that
this rachilla is actually joined to the back of the pale, although,
as he says, it is closely adpressed to it and may perhaps some-
times adhere to it. He considers it a new species and I have,
therefore, named it D. Gammiei after Mr. G. A. Gammie, now
Imperial Cotton Specialist.
Andropogon Paranjpyeanum, Bhide.
ber ™09 Cted by R * K * Bh,de at Ca9tle rOCk) ° n 21St ^^
Vol. VII, No. 8.] New and Revised Species of Graminece. 517
[N.S.]
Description ; — A delicate- looking grass, stems slender, erect,
1-1 1 foot long: upper nodes pubescent : leaves 1-3 inches by T V
inch, subcordate at base, hairy on both sides with long slender
hairs, the margins thickened and minutely irregularly repand
and spinulosely serrulate: sheathes glabrous: ligule a short
erose membrane. Racemes solitary, f-1 inch long (without
the awns), on a very slender peduncle: sessile spikelets J inch
long ; glumes 4. I oblong, obtuse, faintly 5 — 7-nerved, glab-
rous, margins narrowly incurved, keels shortly ciliate at the
apex : II just a little longer than 1, 3-nerved, oblong, apiculate :
III shorter than I and II, hyaline and with ciliate margins, epa*
leate : IV the narrow base of the awn, just a little more than half
as long as I, obscurely margined and 1-nerved with two obscure
narrow lobes at the apex, and an interposed slender twisted
scabrid awn about 1| inch long, bearing a bisexual flower.
Pedicelled spikelets about $ inch long : glume I oblong, obtuse,
7-9-nerved, margins incurved and broadly winged at the keels,
wings shortly ciliate towards the apex : II a little shorter than
I, oblong, acute, 3-nerved, margins ciliate : III shorter than II,
hyaline, ciliate, faintly 3-5-nerved, epaleate, male ; joints and
pedicels compressed more or less obscurely channelled (?),
obliquely truncate, £-§ as long as the sessile spikelets and
ciliate with short white hairs on both sides.
Dr. Stapf agrees that this is a new species of Andropogon
(Eremopogon) , and I have named it A. Paranjpyeanum after
my colleague Mr. H. P. Paranjpye, B.A., Assistant Economic
Botanist.
EXTEROPOGON BADAMICUM, Bhide.
Collected by R. K. Bhide, at Badami, on the fort above the
caves, in September, 1909.
Description: — Stems 2-2 £ feet, slender, erect, glabrous:
leaves narrow, 4-7 inches by |-J inch, tapering to a fine ac-
cumination, glabrous: sheaths glabrous, finely long-ciliate at
the mouth and sides ; ligule a short membrane with a fine
fringe of hairs. Spike solitary, terminal, 6 inches long. Spike-
lets two-seriate and secund on a flattened trigonous slightly
scabrid rachis, subsessile or very shortly pedicelled ; glumes I
and II persistent, empty, scarious, 1-nerved, glabrous or very
minutely puberulous, I less than half of II, more or less unequal
sided and sometimes slightly lobed on one side, ovate, subacute
and erose at the apex. II shortly unequally two-toothed at
the apex with a short mucro between. Ill flowering, slightly
longer than II, two- toothed at the apex, 3-nerved with a dorsal
stiff awn about as long as the glume, scabrid at the back and
sides, ventrally grooved, the groove corresponding with the
dorsal ridge which is continuous with the awn. Callus bearded
with short white silky hairs, pale a little longer than the glume,
518 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [Aug., 1911.
scabrid at the back and on the keels, 2-nerved, apex slightly bi-
fid and erose, with a bisexual flower: grain oblong, flattened,
as long as the pale. IV like III, but smaller and also bisexual:
rachilla produced beyond IV and bearing a sterile awned glume
which is much smaller than IV.
This specimen seemed to me to be perhaps a new species
of Tripogon, or Chloris incompleta, Roth, with only one spike.
Dr Stapf, however, says it is a new species of Enteropogon. I
have accordingly named it E. Badamicum after the place
Badami where it was collected.
1909.
Tripogon Roxrurghianum, Bhide.
Collected at Badami. by R. K. Bhide, on 10th September,
Description ;— The whole plant 4-7 inches long. Stems
with
long hairs on the margin and at the ligule. Sheathes glabrous,
margins hyaline ; ligule an oblong lacerated membrane. Spike
solitary, 2-2i inches long : spikelets J incli long, 1-2 flowered,
with the rachilla jointed and produced bi-yond the upper flower
alternat
flattened
, WUU „, VB1IU convex. Glumes I and II empty. I
always remains attached to the hollow in the rachis when the
spikelet is removed; it is hyaline, very oblique or slightly
lobed On One Sldfi A.T1r1 hrna/llw nna.narirar1 ~~ ' "
3-nerved, about 2|
II very coriaceous
J 'III
_ — „, «.u« U ij, w-i«=i»oui, auuui iij nines cia J<->«g <» ••
flowering, dorsally hairy in the lower part, a little shorter than
the upper empty glume, membranous 3-nerved, 2 toothed with
a short mucro bet ween , the teeth are also shortly mucronate.
Callus bearded, pale nearly as long as the glume, 2-keeled,
keels minutely scabrid. Stamens 3, styles 2, distinct : stigmas
plumose : grain terete : lodicules 2, cuneate. Upper flower also
bisexual or imperfect or 0. When present it is like the lower.
This plant seemed to me to be a new species of Tripogon-
Dr. Stapf says it is certainly a Tripogon, but agrees with
Lepturus Rozburghianus , Steudel, possibly and of Fl. Brit. Ind-
certainly. I have, therefore, retained the specific name and
called it T. Boxburghianum , Bhide
Jour. As. Soc Beng-.Vol.VH.l911.
PlateV
RK.Bliide,deL
A C.Chowdha-T-y. n
Andropogon PoLrsLi^jpyeSLnum, Shide
Jour. As. Soc.Beng. Vol. Vil, 1911
PlateVI
r
:
• X. Bhide,deL
A.C(;riowdhar\ litl
I x n t h o r % G a,m miei ; B 1
Jour. As. Soc Be rig. Vol. VII, 1911
PI ate VII
> --'
/
V
E
A
R.K.Bhide.del
A . C . C h o v Ih ar y , 1 ith
Enteropogon Ba,da^Tiictim, Bhide
Jour.As. Soc. B en g-. Vol. VII, 1911
PlateVnr
F
f }
Ji
I
I *
I
1
L
f l «
* * i
i
B
C
D
E
F
J
G
R.K .Bhide,del.
A.CChowdhary.lith
Tripogon Roxburgiiianum, Bhule .
Vol. VII, No. 8.] New and Revised Species of Grammece. 519
[N.8.]
EXPLANATION OF PLATES.
Plate V.
Andropogon Paranjpyeanum, Bhide.
A. and B. Parts of plant nat. size.
C. Sessile and pedieelled spikelets.
D. Glume I of sessile spikelet.
E. Glume II of Ditto.
F. Glume III of Ditto.
G. Glume IV of Do., with part of awn.
H. Stamens, ovary and lodicules.
I. Glume I of pedieelled spikelet.
J. Glume II of Ditto.
K. Glume III of Ditto.
L. Stamens.
Plate VI.
Danthonia Gammiei, Bhide
A. Plant nat. size.
B. Glume I.
C. Glume II.
D Glume III.
E. Pale of Glume III.
F. Stamens, ovary, styles and stigmas.
G. Back view of pale.
H. Spikelet.
Plate VII.
Enteropogon Badamicum, Bhide,
A. Part of plant nat. size.
B. Glumes I and II.
C. Glume III and its pale.
D. Glume IV, its pale and Glume V.
E. Spikelet.
F. Ligule.
Plate VIII.
Tripogon Rozburghianum , Bhide
A. Plant nat. size.
B. Spikelet.
C. Glume I.
D. Glume II.
E. Glume III.
F. Pale of Glume III.
520
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [Aug., 1911.]
G. Ovary, stamens and lodicules.
H. Glume IV.
I. Pale of Glume IV.
J. Ovary, stamens and lodicules.
K. Glume III with the raehilla produced beyond it and
the upper flower.
L. Part of spike.
M. Ligule.
39* Shan and Palaungf Jew's Harps from the Northern
Shan States.
By J. Coggin Brown, M.Sc., F.G.S.
(Plate IX.)
It has been shown in a previous paper that bamboo Jew's
harps attain a wide range as a common form of musical instru-
ment among certain tribes of Eastern Asia. 1
In the eastern parts of the Indian Empire the Lakher,
Chin, Naga, Mikir, Garo, Kachin, Assamese and Lisu tribes are
known to be acquainted with their manufacture and use, but, I
have been unable to find any reference to their occurrence in
the Palaung country, or amongst the Tai peoples in general.
though an extensive literature has already grown up devoted
especially to those branches of the great Tai family usually
grouped together as the Shans of Upper Burma.*
It may be mentioned here that the Palaungs belong to the
Mon Hkmer family of Indo-China, which also contains the
head-hunting Was of the country east of the Sal ween, and the
K'amus who, with allied races, stretch down into Cambodia-
It is probable that tribes of this family were the first Mongo-
lian race to inhabit Indo-China, and the Palaungs left behind
in the general southerly movement of the family have preserved
from the remote past many of their national customs, their
language, and their characteristic female dress; and, in spite
of the later influx of Tai and Tibeto-Burman races are ruled to-
day in Tawnpeng (the smallest of the Northern Shan States of
Upper Burma) by their own chief. 3
Palaungs are also found scattered over the hilly districts
of the Northern Shan States of Hsipaw, North and South
Hsenwi, and in Mongmit, a Shan State which is administered
as a sub-division of the Ruby Mines District. There are other
I •* Report on a Collection of Musical Instruments from the Siamese
Malay States and Perak," by Henry Balfour, M. A., F.Z.S. "Fasciculi
Malayenses." Anthropology, Part II (a), pp. 6-7.
* "The Jew's Harp in Assam," by A. Willifer Young. Journal
Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. iv, No. 4, pp. 233-237. " A Lisu Jew's Harp
from Yunnan," by J Coggin Brown. Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol.
vi, No II, pp. 689-592.
3 Tawnpeng (Burmese 4< Taung-baing) M has an area of about 800
square miles grouped roughly around Namhsan, the capital of the State.
This town lies approximately in lat. 23°, long. 97° 10'.
The term "Palaung" is of Burmese origin. The people call
themselves " Ta-ang " or u Rarang ,f and <k Ru-mai." They are known
to the Shans as ■ Koon loi** or hill men (Shan 4i Koon M = man,
"loi" = hill), whilst the Yunnanese Chinese refer to them as M Pong-
long,' f which may only be a corruption of the Burmese name.
522 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
isolated villages both in this and the Bhamo districts, whilst
they extend as far south as Kengtung in the Southern Shan
States. Eastwards they are met with in the Chinese Shan
States, but never at any great distance from the frontier. 1
During recent journeys in the Northern Shan States 1
have obtained various specimens of the typical forms of Jew's
harps used by both Shans and Palaungs. Whilst the two
types are almost identical, differing rather in size and work-
manship than in design, they at the same time exhibit certain
peculiarities of construction which do not appear to have been
noticed before, and I, therefore, propose to record a description
of them here.
Fashioned from a piece of hard fibrous bamboo, the Shan
Jew's harp in my possession is 15-7 cms. long and is made up
of the following sections :
(a) The end solid piece 6 cms. long which is rounded for
facility in holding.
(b) The chamber carrying in vibrating tongue 2-8 cms.
long. t
(c) The part containing the movable central piece which
is in continuation with the vibrating tongue and
which is 5-4 cms. long. This part is cut away for
4 cms. in order that a maximum amount of flexi-
bility may be imparted to the central piece.
(d) The solid part which connects the vibrating tongue
with the spur and which is 5 cms. long.
(e) The projecting spur itself 1 cm. long, round off to
join (d), and cut away to a thickness of 1 mm. at
the other end. By means of this spur the vibra-
tions are set up.
1-5 mm.
thickness
L a Q It C ? S * long and * 3 cms - ^ width with a thickness of
less than 1 mm., are introduced into slits prepared for the
purpose These thin pieces of bamboo are movable, and
extend from beyond the edge of the vibrating tongue to where
it thickens to become the central piece. The chamber in which
me tongue moves can be opened or closed by moving them in
or out by means of which a variation in tone can be produced
nLSi "i T JV r0J f ctin g P iece «** central movable bar are
usually loaded with wax for the same purpose. A reference to
Low
fuller account of the Palaung
"A Nni» Z *u £ , OI xne Palaungs see the following paper*
is ICS vfu p alaungs of Hsipaw and Tawnpeng," by
" Some , C™£S 8 ??J ,C S SurVey of India ' Burma, No. I, 1006.
oome customs of the Tawnnon™ i>„i »> u„ t n„<rcnn B
%%**, *,*ȣ fiiszr&SSz*
Journ. f As. Soc. Beng., Vol. VII, 1911.
PLATE IX
LISUS PLAYING JEW'S HARP AND FLUTE.
SEE, J. COGGIN BROWN. J. A. S. B. VOL. VI. NO. II.
( PHOTO. BY MRS SCHERMAN, MUNICH. )
Vol. VII, No. 9.] Shan and Palaung Jew's Harps. 523
[N.S.]
the annexed drawing will show the relationship of these various
parts and illustrate this explanation.
The Palaung Jew's harp is constructed on identical lines
so that a further description is unnecessary. In most of the
specimens I have seen, it is of somewhat rougher construction
and slightly longer and wider, but it always bears the two
movable bamboo strips, which distinguish these specimens
from all other forms.
The Shan and Palaung instruments are of finer workman-
ship than those which have been described from Assam and
certain other hill tracts of Burma, but they do not approach
the Lisu harp in delicacy of construction. There is a remark-
able similiarity between them and the forms obtained in the
Siamese Malay States by Dr. Annandale, suggesting the idea
that the Malays may have obtained the model, and learned the
use of the instrument from their Siamese Shan neighbours, for
its use appears to be universal among the Tais.
This similarity of design and construction also goes far to
prove that the bamboo Jew's harp is not regarded as a toy, but
as a musical instrument with its own recognized place in the
orchestra of those tribes who use it.
It is played by both men and women, and is often made
to break the monotony of a long walk, especially after night-
fall, being played singly or with other instruments such as the
flute. It also serves the Shan youth when serenading. I
have noticed that the Burmese proper are entirely unacquainted
with the bamboo harp except in areas where they adjoin hill
tracts inhabited by wilder tribes.
The accompanying plate (Plate IX) illustrates Lisus playing
their Jew's harp and flute, and was taken in Panghsa-pye, Tawng-
peng State, Northern Shan States, Burma. Five years ago I
visited Panghsa-pye, which was then inhabited by Palaungs.
Dr. and Mrs. Sehermann of Munich, to whose kindness I am
indebted for the photograph, and who lately passed through
the place, inform me that the Palaungs left the village and
settled elsewhere as soon as Lisu influence became dominant,
and that the village is now entirely in the hands of the latter
tribe.
524 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 191 L]
A S^uvw clew's Ko/Vp.
>
.j.
■
40. Notes on the Ethnography of the Bashahr State t
Simla Hills, Punjab.
By Pandit TIka Ram Josht, some time Private Secretary to the
Rdjd of Bashahr ; edited by H. A. Rose, C.S., Punjab.
The object of these notes is to reproduce the substance of
some notes in the ethnography and folklore of the Bashahr
State, received from Singhi and Devi Laru, two employes of that
State. These notes are embodied in Part I. Part II deals
with the Kanawar valley, a dependency of Bashahr and which
is divided into Upper and Lower Kanawar. Upper Kanawar
included the pargana of Shuwa and that part of the Inner
Tukpa pargana which lies on the left or south bank of the
Sutlej ; while Lower Kanawar includes parganas Alharabis,
Rajgaon, part of the Inner Tukpa pargana, and part of Pandara-
his pargana. Outer Tukpa pargana lies in the Baspa valley of
Kanawar, but strictly speaking it forms no part of Upper or
Lower Kanawar. Bhala pargana lies in the Thang valley to-
wards (s)Piti. The notes in Kanawar are by Pandit Tika Ram
Joshi, the author of the Kanawar i Grammar and Dictonary.
H. A. Rose.
Birth. — During pregnancy the kvMeotd is worshipped, if
necessary, and between the seventh and eighth months the Ashtam
Rahu is also worshipped, 1 but these observances are confined
to the twice-born castes and to the better class of the Khash
Kanets. Brahmans predict the child's sex by counting a hand-
ful of almonds, odd numbers indicating a boy, even a girl. The
birth of a girl passes unnoticed, but that of a boy is the occasion
for festivities and almsgiving. As a rule the midwife is a woman
of low caste, but sometimes Kardn women are so employed.
During the last five months of pregnancy the midwife massages
the woman at the end of each month to keep the foetus in position.
The gontrdld is observed by Brahmans, Rajputs and Vaisyaa
after 11, 13 and 15 days respectively. Some of the Khash also
observe it. On the expiry of this period the family is deemed
clean again, and other families of the tribe can eat with them. The
mother is also purified after the gontrdld. The impurity only
lasts three days among the menial tribes.
The ceremony of feeding the child for the first time is called
1 Simply by making gifts to priests and other Brahmans.
526 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
lugru, and is observed at an auspicious moment, with worship
of Ganpati and the nine planets, and various festivities.
The child is named at the annodak, 1 and as usual given two
names. This is done when it is five or six months old as a rule.
Khash
castes
Women whose children die prematurely have recourse to
various charms, but the favourite remedy is the worship of the
Ashtam Rahu, especially in cases of ashtamrdh * or falling sick-
ness, to which children are liable.
The first tonsure (locally called kanbdl) s is done at the kul-
deotd's temple alone. It is observed by the twice-born castes
permission.
with
Marriage.— Ritual marriage is confined to the ruling
family and to some Darbaris, Brahmans and Banias of Rampur
town. Amongst them a betrothal once made is irrevocable,
except on account of leprosy, constant ill-health or apostasy on
As
crime
begu
The commencement of the wedding is called the sarbdrambh*
A kangnd is tied round the bridegroom's wrist, and after
that he must not go outside the house. Ganpati is then wor-
shipped, and batnd is rubbed on the bodies 'of both bride and
bridegroom for three to five days, according to the family.
Worship of the Ktdjd, i.e., the boy's family god, is then
performed. When the marriage party sets out, the bridegroom
is garlanded, 6 but those of his family who are under the influence
oi gharastak (Sanskrit grihastak, " family ") must not see the
garland or it will bring them bad luck. The cost of the garland
as well as the expenses of the graha shdnti 6 are borne by the
bridegroom's maternal uncle.
Alter the dfinn.rf « ¥•£* ^* 4-u. i.i- ± n _ ~ ^Uaawe!
ItZ^J^ C i!^ i3 fed <«* the first time on grain and water.
Ashtanirah or n»ht. *n.*Ahs. ±u~4.
«inVnJi T- piaco trom the band
sickness to him . ft «^ +- *. ^ . £ rf
eighth
danger
is, the planet Rahu (the eighth*****)
1 in which the bov was born, bring
Since the
is the
The
&Ka„hMt o 1S , occu P ie d by R&hu, Shani and Mangal (g.
ceremonv^n wl?if 5 an8krit ka ^^hd, meaning boring of ears,
KuKvatT ^ n he f? rS are P ierced for th « insertion of earrings-
TS ^ d Ganpati are worshipped.
« * a!?'' ° arh ; a " ' and dra mbf > • commencement,
former wife are %Z£ rlaced ° n the bridgroom's head. Children b>»
occasion of £! '«J»dden to see their fathor put on the shehrd on the
*«"« VJe ^"^J* I? ftrri »« B I throuehout the Hills, children by •
bridegroom. allovved *° see their father in the guise of »
• Oraha * hdnti or worship of ^ ^ ^^
Vol. VII, No. 9.] Ethnography of the Bashahr State. 527
[N.S.]
the parohd or parowdn, 1 but this is not known in the villages.
This custom, general throughout the Hills, is confined to the
women because all the men have gone on the wedding procession.
The women perform the wedding rites at the bridegroom's house,
one representing the priest, others the bride and bridegroom,
and so on, with songs and dances.
When the bridegroom reaches the bride's house the parents
meet first — an observance called milni — and the bridegroom must
not see his parents or sister-in-law until the lagan pherd rite has
been solemnised. At this rite he recites chhands} After it
come the sir-gondi, menhdi and oiling of the bride.
After worshipping Ambika and performing jaljdtrd* the
bridegroom's sihrd is untied by his best man, who must be a
relative.
The wedding concludes with the untying of the bride's
kangnd by a man who is regarded as a great friend of the bride-
groom .
The bride returns to her father's house three weeks or a
l Parohd or parowan appears to be derived from paurdnd, to send to
sleep.
* Some of the chhands recited by the bridegroom are given below:
1. Chhand pakdun chhand pakduYi,
chhand pakaigd bird,
Bard tdi chd n / n f J a md i ,
ay a Idrd bird.
2. Chhand pakdun chhand pakdun.
chhand pakaigd khurmd
Tumhdri beti ko aisd rakhiift,
J aisd dnkhoh men snr?nd.
3. Chhand pakdun chhand pakduri,
chhand pakaigd rord,
Du8rd chhand tab kahun,
' V
Jo 8aurd dewe ghord.
4. Chhand paydgd chhand paydgd,
chhand paydgd thdli,
Dmrd chhand tab kahungd
Jab saurx degd sdli.
I recite a metre like the betel leaf,
The wedding procession has arrived, the canopy is pitched,
The bridegroom is like a diamond.
I recite a metre sweet like a sweet,
I will keep your girl as well
As (women keep) lamp-black in the eyes.
I recite a metre as hard as a stone,
The next metre will recite
When the father-in-law gives me a horse.
I recite a metre as fine as a metal dish,
The next metre will recite
When the father-in-law gives me my wife's sister also.
Chhand means prosody; but they recite some poetry or doha.
This " pilgrimage to a spring ' ' is made on the fourth
wedding.
528 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
month after the wedding. This is called the dwirdgaman, and
sometimes costs one-fourth of the amount spent on the actual
wedding.
wice-born castes
stri-dhan. This includes the presents made to her by her father
and husband, and the gifts made to her by her mother-in-law
and others at the end of the wedding ceremony.
Dower,— The Bashahr State has recently bestowed two
villages on the two Deis of Bashahr who were married to H. H.
the Raja of Kashipur. The income of these two villages will
go to the two Deis at Kashipur, and to their offspring after their
death. Occasionally the chief or a rant gives dower to a Brahman
. girl. She is then called a kankori, and is regarded as the donor's
own daughter. Even poor men give a daughter some dower
according to their means. Locallv this is called sambhdl, a term
which mcludes any present made to a married daughter on
certain occasions.
oy tfrahmans or Rajputs, on the one hand : while on the other
even tfamas in townships observe the rites in vogue among
Brahmans
. ,, , —o — - — -~». Brahmans in the villages only
ooserve the lagan phera. Among the Rajputs the Thakurs who live
m villages and marry in their own class omit the lagan phera, as
do the agricultural Khash, but Thakurs who aspire to Miari
status , and the upper classes among the Khash , do observe it.
in onet, tormal marriage is confined to families resident in a bazar
township or connected ww „
Customary marriage.— Customary
rif I k 7 • J hakur s and Khash , who perform no lagan ved
rites but simply worship the dwdr-matri,* hearth, and the nine
I dnets. Collectively these observances are called sanhbhari : l
i„S are the .binding ingredients in the rite, although if a girl
onl " m o g . carried to several husbands, the attendance of one
indispensable
wn J no t r for , m of customary marriage with a maid, who is
7™ZS T/ 1 f f 0m a fair or a P lace of pilgrimage, is prevalent
Z dL fu 8h and Karan ' Jt is solemnised by worship of
tne aoor and hearth, and by the andarera or andrela,* and the
pair are regarded as bride and bridegroom.
names IreasTollotf^ ¥?*?** % m Ph*> who reside in the doors; their
Jaya or ViiavA tV J r" 1 ya ? , » Canada, Nanda, Punnya, I'linyamuM-.
1 From San J •! i?k grou P is called Dwar-matri. , nH
bridegrooms Z Sm?^ ?^™' the recitation of the bride's and
"tecireSondsVth M / W ^ nCe the na ™>- a " d P arvara - Hen ^i to
thisreci< on d8 V° w tXtT^. of * he P'--. Brahn^ans are_ pajd fo
•uunn class, that
^nankh-Khnr!
™ tn ' l°trachdr of the plains. Brahmans are paid toi
£T' ho f n castes observe the Shakhochchar, while to«
' IS Ivan At, a aaII il_ ... . *\ .,nmfl 0*
adhti-prave8h . the observance
Vol. VII, No. 9.] Ethnography of the Bashahr State. 529
If the girl's parents have a husband in view, but she is for-
cibly carried off from a fair, etc., by another man, they will never-
theless go to her wedding and give her a dower in money, clothes,
etc., while the bridegroom gives his mother-in-law, father, or
brother-in-law a present of cash. *
The consideration paid by the bridegroom to the bride's
guardians is called dheri, and if from any cause the marriage is
dissolved this sum must be refunded to the bridegroom. The
man who abducts or seduces a married woman is liable for the
payment of the dheri to her first husband. Moreover, if she has
a child by her first husband and takes it with her, the second
husband becomes liable for this child's maintenance; but it does
not inherit its step-father's property.
An unmarried woman who gives birth to a child is called
bahbi or bahri, and the child, who is called jdtu or jhdtu, has
no rights whatever, if she marry, in her husband's property.
fti Death. — The alms given at death are called khat-ras? deva
dan, gau dan, baitarni dan, and panch ratn, and are offered by
all castes.
A mdli or nachhatri, called the ashdnti, can predict the fates
of those who accompany the bier. The mall is a worshipper of
ghosts (mashdn and bhut). He is not a Brahman, but a Kanet,
or even a man of low caste ; and he predicts after consulting
his book of divination (ginne hi kitdb).
In the villages of Bashahr are men who can foretell deaths.
Such a man is called a mdshani. They differ from the mdli.
Chelds (lit. disciples) in Bashahr are called mdlis of the deotd ;
and in order to ascertain if a man, woman or child is under a
demon's influence, the demon's mdli is called in. Taking some
rapeseed in his hand he predicts the period within which the
patient will recover. If the latter does regain his health, a bah
is offered to the demon. ,
Bah'd sundhd* is performed after 13 days among Brahmans.
lawfully married wife enters her husband's house at an auspicious time,
with music and singing. . . i ,.,-. t
1 Customary marriage is not permissible among the twice-horn
castes, and if such a marriage occur, the issu> are only ■ ent.ded to
maintenance, or to a field or shop (for maintenance) without power of
ahenation : but such issue may succeed in default of fully legitimate issu
OF & *?Khatras ddn, generally called dashaddn, the gift ofjtan *!»*,
(1) a cow (2) land, (3) sesamum, (4) gold, (5) clarified butter (^).(G) a
c oth'^unpounded rice, (8) su.ar, (9) silver (10) sal . *«■*»» *
Rift made riven by the son on his father's breathing his last. I>eiM«n is
to offersome gift to the deities. Those who receive the death-bed gifts
from BrTmans and Rajputs are called Achara, or Maha-Brahmans, and
those who receive the death-bed gifts from other castes are termed
Krishan Brahmans. . m „ 1m
8 The mdlis are exorcists as well, and a so give oracles.
* Bakrd means a goat, which is sacrificed after 15 days of one s death.
530 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
15 among Rajputs, while Kanets perform it after 15 days or even
after ten days. If the proper day chances to be inauspicious the
observance is held a day earlier or later. The Brahman bhojan ,
or feast given to Brahmans, is called dharmshdnti, and after it the
twice-born castes are considered purified.
The mdski is a shrddh held one lunar month after the death.
The chhe-mdski is held six months after it.
The barashwd is held on the first anniversary, and on it alms,
including a shaijyd, 1 a palanquin, horse, etc., are given to the
family Acharaj or, in villages, to the Krishna Brahmans. A simi-
anniversanes
On the
fourth is held the chau-barkhi. The soul goes through three
phases, prdni, pret, and rishet* and on the completion of the
fourth year it is purified and becomes a pi tar deotd. In addition
the pdrband s and kdnidgat shrddhs are observed for four or five
generations.
The deceased is also worshipped among the twice-born
castes as a godling sati, pdp or newd ; and among others an image
is made of stone or of silver, for which some grain is set apart at
each harvest, and sometimes a he-goat is sacrificed and liquor
arank, the belief being that omission to keep up the worship of
the dead will end in disaster.
^ ^ rdh ?f nS and Ra jputs observe the sapin-dana, sapindi
snradh and karchhu. In the latter rite khir (rice, milk and sugar)
is prepared, and a Maha Brahman fed with it. Then the corpse
is put in a shroud and carried out to the burnine ground. On
ensure
n - • o- ■ —" "^ ^"OUIC lllllllUllH, V W mi\J v»^~~ —
ana an earthen vessel is also broken. A lamp is kept burning
I
to quench its thirst.*
till
ghata
ihn. J h * xr^l? in Bash *hr are of undoubted antiquity, and
those of Nirt, Nagar and the Four Theris are said to date back
10 tile I rpfa-irrir* . XT1 '1 ,-. -. • . . ~. ., '. onH
pargana
nu:\„ ?„. • xr* P ' " uaiail »«, aungra in DtiaDa puiyui™
ZST™ ?anawar to the Dwapar-yug : and most of them were
constructed in those periods.
And sundh
cauea oakra (and) sundhd has been performed
are riveS rT^^ In the ^ayyd-ddn the following articles
and femS; ££!' beddin g> V**> bed-sheet f cooking vessels, dish, male
and female attire, and omamente.-all according to one's means.
year to the fourrT" ^ 1f ath one ia called £*. and from the S6C °
3 The »ZI °" e '\ called rishet, from rishi, a sage.
an echpae ^hTsrl ^5 ® that which is performed on a parbi. such *s
and SLnSS 8 A^i*^ ? f the dark ^lf of a month, an amd»»
observed TnTal v „ ,t *i° k * haydh or «*«"*« ^radh is that which is
4 A Dft °"* y f ° r J the dttt ° of the death. * nt
accompany the hL^ 6 ^ 6 . name and rd *hi as the deceased must not
tion. P y the bler ' aad 8 hou»d perform a graha-ddn for his own protec
Vol. VII, No. 9.] Ethnography of the Bashahr State. 531
[N.S.]
The temple servants are the kdrddr or manager, pujdri,
bhanddri, tokru, math, kdyath, mdli l and bajantri.
In the villages the term pujdri or deotu 2 is applied to those
who carry the deotd's car or rath, as well as to those who accom-
pany the deotd to their villages.
At Shungra, Chugaon and Gramang in Kanawar are the
temples of the three Maheshras. Gramang is a village in Bhaba
pargana, also called Kath-gaoii.
The bajantri are drummers or musicians and get grain, a
he-goat (and sometimes a shroud at a death) for their services.
Others offer a cloth, called shari? to the temple for the decora-
tion of the god's rath.
The pujdris ordinarily belong to the first class of Kanets.
The bhanddri is the store-keeper. The tokru' s duty is to weigh,
and the function of the math or mdthas is to ask oracles of the
deity on behalf of the people.
The gods of the village-temples are subordinate to the god
of a Deo mandir or " great temple," and they perform certain
services for him, e.g., at a ydg * and at fairs, in return tor the
fiefs (jdgirs) granted them by him.
Similarly the temples at Sungra 5 and Kharahan contain
subordinate deotds, and a Deo mandir usually possesses one or
more birs 6 to whom food and sacrifice are offered, and who are
worshipped.
will
his
or kotwdl. , ....... t» i'i« „~,i
The Kali pijans are called kheria-kari^ in Bashahr and
include the Pret Piija, Tekar, and Sarvamandal pujan. Ihey
are observed in Sawan or Phagan, and the yog for observance is
paid for from the jdgir of the deity or from funds «#^
deotus 9 (devotees), who also give grain, ght, oil and he-goate.
On an auspicious day chosen by a Brahman as many as 50 he-
goats are sacrificed, and the people of tiie neighbourhood are
7 Here mdli means the man called dlYiwdh in these hills, grokch in
^T'Deotus are those who worship the deity; they are also called pujdris.
to dance.
deity.
Tshdri a dftotf-clath or piece of cloth attached in the car of the
Sarahan.
\ ?„ an t tm EXroflungr. i. subordinate to Bhta. Kill at
6 Bir is par excellence the deity Mahabir, that h Hanuman; Bhairab
"7 ~a a Tttr T ankurabir too is a Bhairab deity.
go termed a Bir • ^"warnr o mi lkHs offered to the
is also termed a Bir.
because
deity SBftJMUi TiT^Sap of ghoets. TeaUar and Sarba-
r^pujan is «5 iorabip of all ti.e d.;t,e. at one P^
p&jdris.
532 Journal of the Asiatic Society of
heads
with some grain and ghi.
The Shdnd 1 ydg.—In Bashahr the Shand yag is celebrated
where there has been a good crop or an epidemic is raging.
Sometimes 108 balis, sometimes less, are offered, and sacrifices
are also made to the ten dishds or quarters. The gods of the
four theris and the five sthdns ■ (temples) also assemble at it
and other gods from the country round attend the ydg. The
expense incurred is considerable. In Bashahr the people also
perform the shdnd for their own villages.
A minor ydg, called Shandtu or Bhatpur, 3 is also observed
every third year, but not universally. Brahmans perform
worship and are feasted.
" Less important ydgs are the jdgrds and jatdgrds * which are
observed annually or every third or fourth year. The biggest,
inat ot Maheshwar of Sungra, is held every third year at
Nachar temple , with the following rites :-
and f • , (sacrifices ) of he-goats are offered on all four sides,
ana at night a combat takes place between the villagers and the
gawais, who are armed with large wooden nlnbs " havinz fire
burnmg at the ends. ' ' The comblt lasts all
sing dance and make merry, and are feasted in return.
TwJrf , B f ha ^ the Diaoli is observed in Maghar. It is the
special festival of the peasantry, and held only in the village
7*a V T' W T en observe it by visiting their parents' homes
and thereeating cold viands. 8 *
*fc TV* ^ ha PPa, held on the 15th of Poh in Bashahr, resembles
kEw2S& inVa"^ * 1S Pr ° bably ^ f6StiVal "^
w hinW? J ?J ^ tra 6 held ™ Jeth ^ Bashahr is the occasion on
for »wT i , are bathed in the river s with songs and music,
tor which the performers are rewarded.
carriS n,?? air 5* the Jal or Ban Biha r the ihdkurs' chariots are
ciaTs et g^dens, and alms given'to Brahmans, musi-
in
The women
1 From shdnti, peace.
These are enumerated
Saner Nirt k! T Wa ln the couplet : LSndsa, Dandsa, BJingw.
Dandsa SmoSf* U N c J rman 4, Kao Mamel. < The Villages of Landsa,
Xrman'd Kfn/^ 8 ^" are the fou * Theris ; and Nirt, Nagar,
boJht^SuW NV l T Ql Z™ the five 8***.' Kao and Mamel ^
has a temnb' 2 S"^ « KuUii ' and a11 the re8t are in Bashahr ' Sn
temples JS of J» l Devi : J Mamel one *° Mahadev. Nirmand has two
NirftTi Smple ^sS^^unT^' ^ ^ ^ * ^^
J J^^.^aP^ "- <»*) " o««d to the deity.
Cattle-grrazern.
To! t a . *
" deow." * ' & visit to a 8 Pring. Here thdkur means " deity " or
] Ethnography of
533
[N.S.]
The Ram-naumi is called Dharm-kothi 1 in Bashahr, and is
the occasion for general rejoicings, the thdkurs' thrones being
decorated with heaps of flowers, and many thousands of rupees
spent.
In Bashahr the Baisakhi is called Lahol, and the girls who
marry their dolls in Parbati's name are given money by the
State or from the bazar.
Caste. — The Brahmans of Bashahr are divided into three
grades :
(i) Uttam, who do not plough.
(ii) Acharaj, who receive the ashubh dan or impure alms
of the other Brahmans and Rajputs. They take
daughters in marriage from
(iii) Krishana, who plough.
Like the other two twice-born castes most of the Brahmans
in Bashahr are sirtords and not of pure descent. Those that are
of pure blood may be divided into two grades
(a) The State purohits, who intermarry, and eat kachhi
with the Ranwi* purohits and Brahmans as well
as with those of Dwarch and Singra.
(6) Bazar purohits.
All the twice-born castes will eat pakki with one another,
Khash
with
Kanets appear to be divided into two hyp
astes
(i) The Khash.
(ii) The Karan, or Rahu, from whom the Khash take
daughters but do not give them brides in return, and
(iii) The Ganeshas, so called because they adore the deity
Ganesh. The Kanets were originally Thakurs, but lost status
widow
wn
g I WW \J vx A % v » -~ ^* J * p '^-'^ ^ Plh- * ^^ ^ ^^ w WJ m ^ mm
on the spot and a he-goat sacrificed because it is unlucky to leave
a bit bejindir (ban jar, uncultivated).
As in the Simla Hills, generally, the abandonment of land is
called soa or mandohri. When a house or field is believed to be
occupied by a demon it is regained by sacrificing a he-goat m the
name of his mane. But even then a cultivated field so regained
cannot be ploughed , and must only be used for pasture
An oath in Bashahr is termed dib* It is administered when
. B h - caUed bec.u* on W. occ^on **. Mj-Wj ^ i«
house of charity ' remains open «» »■•> -- r—
for a week or so. r»..xt»„,«>„
S Ranwi is the name of a village of Brahman
Raja
a Sanskrit divya, divine pronouncement.
534 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
reliable evidence. One party agrees to take the oath. First
he has a cold bath. Then he goes to the temple and says that
if he is in the right he ought to be successful, but if unsuccessful,
in the wrong. Two balls of kneaded flour, one containing a
silver coin, and the other a gold piece, are put in a narrow vessel
lull of water, and the man is bidden to take one ball out. It is
then broken, and if it contains the silver, he is supposed to be
successful, and if the gold, he is deemed to have failed.
A man can be released from an oath by the thai darohi,
which consists in making a present to the Raja and also per-
forming a yog, i.e. , sacrificing a he-goat in honour of the god.
The 14th of the dark half of Bkddo is termed Krishan
chaudas or Dagydli-chaudas (from Dag-wdli-chaudas) ; and on
t hat day the worship of Kali is observed. It is a general belief in
the Punjab hills that some women are Dags or Dains, that is to
say , that a sight of them is not lucky , or in other words they know
some incantations by which they can assume the form of a tiger
or vulture, and that any beautiful thing which comes into their
sight is destroyed. The 14th of the dark half of Bhado is their
reast day, and they then assemble in the Bias Kund in Kullu, or
ac some other place, such as the Karol hill, which lies between
£oian and Kandaghat. Some mustard-seed is thrown on to the
neios so that the Dag may not destroy the crops. On that day
no man goes out from fear of the Dag, and on each house door
some thorns are stuck with cow-dung, so that the Dag mav not
Customs in Kan.ywar.
J? the Kanawar valley Buddhism is the dominant faith,
fti „. s ° clal cu stoms of the people generally resemble those
or the Hindus, though the observances bear Tibetan names, and
the ritual, etc., is conducted in that language.
Birth customs .—During pregnancy the following chant
is sung :
swdha
na
chhdk-cha
dowd dol dolmd Jcharcke
ladang Idni chat pangi
ri pddmo Iddulde fdngmo
dobzadma dolmd. uwmM
Translat
b^°of£r.£* .l_ b r .**■ . *». thee ; be ph-d"
blessings." And
woman's neck.
Vol. VII, No. 9.] Ethnography of the Bashahr State. 535
[N.8.]
On the birth of a son the goddess Dolrua is adored, and the
chant called Bhum chung, which runs : Om tdyathd gate gate
pdrd gate swdhds (' may God bless the child ') is sung. The
old women of the family perform the midwife's functions ;
and for a fortnight the mother lives apart, being debarred
from touching anything. At the end of that period she
and all she possesses are sprinkled with cow's urine mixed
with Ganges water, as among Hindus. The child's horos-
cope is cast by a lama, who also names the child when it is
15 days old, or on any other auspicious day. It is generally
brought out of the house for the first time at the full moon
and, if possible, at an auspicious moment, when one or two
months old. Charms for its long life are also made by the lamas.
A boy's head is shaved when one year old, the lamas per-
forming a horn, 1 puja, or path sacrifice. As the Kanawaris only
rank as Shudras they are not entitled to wear the sacred thread,
so they wear instead a lcanthi or 2 necklace from the age of 8.
Marriage customs resemble those of the Tibetans. Brother-
marry a joint wife , the lamas solemnizing the wedding by chant-
ing certain hymns and worshipping the gods or goddesses,
goats also being sacrificed.
The nuptial rites in Kanawar are peculiar. In the first
place the amount of the dheri is unusually high, varying from
Rs. 100 to Rs. 1,000. 3 The custom as to dower is also different.
Many people give the bride as many pewter vessels as there are
in the bridegroom's family, but ornaments, he-goats, cows
etc., are also given. The wedding is thus solemnized :
One of the brothers, most usually the one who is the bride's
equal in age, goes with some of his relatives to her father's house
on the day fixed by the lama (priest). There the party are well
entertained, and the lama solemnizes the wedding by reciting
some chants in Tibetan after the Tibetan manner. Next day they
return to their own house with the bride richly dressed and
adorned. On reaching home the bride is
es-
pecially by her mother-in-law. After a religious ceremony,
the bride's right hand is held by all the bridegroom's brothers,
flames are fed with clarified butter mixed
»r» . ;f n nasi hi a almond 3 and dried cranes are
butter water flowers, sweetmeats, fruit, etc., while Path consists in reading
or reciting the Tibetan scripture called Chhas or Chhoss.
* The Kami is an ordinary necklace made of tulsi, the holy basin
{Ocymum sacrum). The?e kahthU are generally made in Hardwar, Brinda-
ban, Ajudhya, and Benares.
S The dh
Iheri prevents a woman's going to another man, as only he
8 on himself the responsibility for it is entitled to keep the
woman. It is a sum paid to the bride's guardian by those of the bride-
groom, and mu ? t be refunded to the latter if the marriage turns out badly
e.g., if the wife leave her husband and go off with another man, he has
who takes
w om an .
to refund the amount to them.
536 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [September, 1911.
and then all of them are deemed to have married her. A feast
is then given to all who are present, and the lamas and musicians
are fed. This marriage is a valid one. The child of an unmarried
girl is called puglang (bastard), and has no right to anything
by way of inheritance. Such children
puglang or puglakch
The right of inheritance. — In case all the brothers have only one
joint- wife, there can be no question as to the right of inheritance.
However, just as the bride's mother-in-law is. mistress of the
family, so on her death the wife succeeds as its mistress. Thus
the movable and immovable property of a family remains in
the house and is never divided. But the custom of polyandry
is nowadays declining by degrees.
As the trade and wealth of Kanawar increase and its people
come more in contact with India, they are rapidly abandoning
the old customs, such as dubant (plunging), phukant (burning),
bhakhant (eating), etc. This method of disposing of a dead body
was formerly observed only by the inhabitants of Hangrang
ghori who are called by the Kanawars Nyam, and by the
Kochi or Pahari people, Zar or Jar, Zad, or Jad.
The lamas used to consult their scriptures and advise as to
the disposal of the dead according to the time, etc., of the death,
but now the Hindu shrddhs and so on are observed. The only
old custom which survives is the annual shrddh called phuhich
in which a he-goat, reared in the dead man's name, is dressed in
his clothes , sacrificed and eaten by the members of his kindred.
At a death-bed, grain is distributed among all those present,
and the lamas read from Buddhist writings. The body is
burnt on the same day, or at latest in the next. Drums, sandte,
karndls * and conches are played when the corpse is carried to
the burning-ground. Some of the bones are picked up, and sent
either to Manasarowar in Tibet, to Rawalsar in Mandi State, or
to the Ganges. 3 In the deceased's room a lamp is kept burning
for seven days from the death , and incense is also burnt in it. The
chnolpa (Hmd. kiria karm) is performed from the eighth to the
tenth day; all the deceased's clothes are given to the lamas, with
other gifts. The panchaka or eroun of five constellations * is
i
1 Fulaich or Phulaich, from Hindi phul, flower, is so called be.
ivanawans do not wear new clothes till one year after a death in the
ly, but after performinc th« rf,«« M +k~„ ™«,, ™ at >r flmvors and
the farm
clothes pwiunning wie dujang they may wear
* The sandi and karndl are both musical instruments used in the hills.
^JSTu 1 ! £"* of wood and *s ^out a foot long, with seven hole
of an Algoj.
round broad
and
like that
onlv 1 g u e ^° nes to the Gan g es ** said to be quite 
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