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THE 


HISTORY    AND    ANTIQUITIES 


ROUND   CHURCH 

AT  LITTLE  MAPLESTEAD,  ESSEX, 

FORMERLY   BELONGING    TO 

THE    KNIGHTS    HOSPITALLERS 

Of  j&amt  g}oijn  of  ^rugalem, 

(Afterwards  known  as  the  Knights  ofWiodes,  and  now  of  Malta  :) 
PRECEDED   BY 

&M    K]0§T@&0(gA[L    §Kinr@IKI    ©IF    TTKII    <§R(y)§Al>II§- 

BY 

WILLIAM    WALL  EN,    F.  S.  A. 

Architect. 


Tk] 

J£y 

y 

LONDON: 

PRINTED   FOR   THE   AUTHOR,   AND    SOLD    BY 

JOHN  WEALE,  ARCHITECTURAL  LIBRARY,  (late  Taylor's,) 
59,  HIGH  HOLBORN. 


MDCCCXXXVI. 


li>V 


LONDON! 

Maurice,  Clark,  &  Co.,  Howford  Buildings, 
Fenchurch  Street. 


TO 

THE    REV.    WILLIAM    SOWERBY, 

CURATE    OF    ST.  BRIDGET'S,    BECKERMET,    CUMBERLAND, 

THIS    VOLUME    IS    INSCRIBED, 

WITH    SENTIMENTS    OF    RESPECT    AND    ESTEEM, 

BY 

THE  AUTHOR. 


ADDRESS. 


■\-/^]  <&  long  a  period  has  elapsed  since 
V/\  the  announcement  of  this  vo- 
i  ime,  that  I  feel  it  incumbent 
upon  me  to  apologize  to  my 
numerous  Subscribers  for  the 
delay  that  has  occurred  in  its 
publication.  Those  who  are  accustomed  to  Topographical 
pursuits,  will  easily  apprehend  the  difficulties  that  pre- 
sented themselves  at  the  commencement  of  my  undertaking, 
owing  to  the  absence  of  any  records  of  a  parochial  nature  at 
Little  Maplestead ;  these  difficulties  have,  however,  been,  in 
a  great  measure,  removed  by  the  Trustees  of  the  Davis's 
Charity  estates,  who  have  kindly  permitted  me  to  publish 
several  interesting  documents  in  their  possession  connected 
with  the  ancient  manor,  and  to  whom  I  take  this  opportunity 
of  expressing  my  thanks.  To  Sir  Francis  Palgrave  I  am 
also  much  indebted,  for  the  facilities  which  he  has  afforded 
me  of  examining  the  records  in  the  Augmentation  Office. 

It  is  probable,  that  many  may  object  to  the  union  of  so 
important  a  subject  as  that  of  the  Crusades  with  the  history 
of  a  parish  church;  the  reasons,  however,  which  have  induced 
me  to  arrange  the  work  in  its  present  form,  may  be  readily, 
and,  I  would  fain  hope,  satisfactorily  explained. 


VI  ADDRESS. 

Of  the  Knights  Templars,  and  their  achievements  in  the 
Holy  Land,  few  persons  are  altogether  ignorant;  but  the 
character,  the  duties,  and  even  the  name  of  the  Knights 
Hospitallers,  are  unknown  to  many  readers,  and  have  fre- 
quently been  treated  slightingly  by  eminent  antiquaries.  Of 
the  importance  of  this  Order  we  may  form  a  correct  opinion 
from  the  language  of  Henault,  who  says,  "  of  all  the  Orders 
created  during  the  wars  in  the  Holy  Land,  that  of  Saint 
John  is  the  only  one  which,  preserving  the  spirit  of  its 
first  institution,  has  always  continued  to  defend  the  cause 
of  religion." 

It  will  be  readily  perceived  that  necessity,  no  less  than 
choice,  induced  me  to  notice  the  Knights  Hospitallers  in 
the  history  of  a  structure  originally  belonging  to  the  Order, 
and  it  was  impossible  to  do  this  without  entering  upon 
the  subject  of  the  Crusades  :  it  is,  however,  desirable  that 
the  reader  should  regard  the  historical  sketch  appended 
to  this  volume  as  introduced  with  the  sole  view  of  exciting 
an  increased  interest  in  favour  of  the  preservation  of  Little 
Maplestead  Church,*  which  was  reared  by  the  hands  of  those 
who  endeavoured,  in  this  remarkable  building,  to  perpetuate 
the  form  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem, 
for  the  defence  of  which  they  had  so  frequently  shed  their 
blood. 

*  At  a  future  period  I  hope  to  be  enabled  to  complete  the  History  and  Antiqui- 
ties of  the  remaining  Round  Churches  at  London,  Cambridge,  and  Northampton, 
to  which  will  be  annexed  an  account  of  the  various  Commanderies  belonging  to 
the  religious-military  Orders,  distinguishing  those  which  were  transferred  to  the 
Knights  Hospitallers  from  those  which  came  into  their  hands  after  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Templars.  The  nature  of  the  subject  precludes  the  possibility  of  any 
promise  being  given,  as  to  the  exact  period  when  these  Essays  will  be  published ; 
they  will,  however,  appear  in  succession,  (commencing  with  the  Temple  Church, 
London,)  at  intervals,  which  must  evidently  be  regulated  more  by  the  success  of 
my  researches,  than  the  ardour  with  which  I  shall  enter  upon  this  interesting 
subject. 


ADDRESS.  Vll 

Desirous  of  evincing  my  grateful  sense  of  the  encourage- 
ment I  have  received,  the  letter-press  has  been  extended 
considerably  beyond  the  proposed  limits ;  and  numerous 
graphic  illustrations  have  been  added  to  those  originally 
promised  in  the  prospectus.  To  my  numerous  Subscribers 
I  take  this  opportunity  of  returning  my  acknowledgments, 
trusting  that  the  circumstances  to  which  I  have  already 
adverted,  will  exonerate  me  from  the  blame  of  having  de- 
layed the  publication  of  the  work  unnecessarily. 

It  remains  for  me  to  testify  my  obligations  to  the  following 
Gentlemen,  who  have  taken  an  interest  in  the  work,  and 
referred  me  to  various  sources  of  information  connected  with 
the  subject  of  my  inquiries: — The  Rev.  W.  Alder,  B.A. ; 
Thomas  S.  Addington,  Esq. ;  John  Britton,  Esq.,  F.R.S., 
F.S.A.;  James  Brewster,  Esq.;  —  Cole,  Esq.;  Edward 
Cresy,  Esq.,  F.S.A. ;  J.  B.Gardiner,  Esq.;  and  R.  Thomp- 
son, Esq. 


William  Wallen, 

11,  Spital  Square, 
Feb.  10,  1836. 


LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS. 


A  Lady,  Blackheath.     Three  Copies,  Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Abraham,  R.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Abraham,  H.  R.,  Esq  ,  Architect,  London 

Abraham,  F.,  Esq.,  Architect,  York 

Adderly,  Thomas,  Esq.,  Upper  Clapton.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Adlington,  Thomas  S.  Esq.,  Augmentation  Office,  Westminster.      Large 

Paper,  Coloured 
Aikin,  George,  Esq. 

Ainger,  Alfred,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 
Alder,  Rev.  William,  B.  A.,  Little  Maplestead,  Essex.    Two  Large  and 

Two  Small  Paper 
Allason,  Thomas,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 
Allen,  George,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 
Allen,  Mr. 

Allfree,  George,  Esq.,  Keunington.     Large  Paper 
Andrew?,  G.  T.,  Esq.,  Architect,  York 
Angell,  Samuel,  Esq.,  Architect,  London.     Large  Paper 
Architectural  Society,  (The)     Two  Copies,  Large  Paper 
Ashby,  Mr.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 
Ashwell,  Mr.  Thomas,  Tottenham.     Large  Paper 
Ashwell,  Mr.  F.,  Tottenham.     Large  Paper 
Atkinson,  Miss,  Huddersfield.     Large  Paper 
Atkinson,  Miss,  Halifax.     Large  Paper 

Atkinson,  Mrs.  T.,  Bradley  Mill,  Huddersfield.     Large  Paper 
Atkinson,  Charles,  Esq.,  Huddersfield.     Large  Paper 
Atkinson,  T.  and  B.,  Esqrs.  Architects,  York 
Atkinson,  John,  Esq.     Large  Paper 
Attwood,  Matthias,  Esq.,  M.P.     Large  Paper 
Attwood,  Wolverly,  Esq.     Large  Paper 
Ayres,  John,  Esq.,  Priory,  Hertford 

Bailey,  I.,  Esq. 

Bailey,  G.,  Esq. 

Baker,  Rev.  C,  Tilmanstone  Rectory,  Kent.     Large  Paper 

Banson,  Mr.  T.     Large  Paper 

Barrow,  John,  Esq.,  Basinghall-street.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Bartholomew,  Alfred,  Esq.,  Architect 

Batho,  William  Moss,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Bazeley,  Lieut.  George  L.,  R.N.,  Vale  House,  Ripple,  Kent.  Large  Paper 

Beatson,  David,  Esq.,  Rotherhithe 


Xll  LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS. 

Donne,  Mr. 

Doran,  Rev.  J.  W.,  D.D.,  Islington,  Large  Paper 

Douw,  John  de  Peyster,  Esq.,  Albany,  North  America 

Dove,  P.  M.,  Esq.,  Brixton-road 

Downes,  Charles,  Esq. 

Drewett,  John,  Esq.,  Clapton,  Middlesex 

Driver,  George  Neale,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Duchesne,  Clarke,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Duesbury,  H.  Esq.,  Architect 

Duff,  Thomas, Esq.,  Belfast 

Dunch,  T.  W.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Dyer,  Charles,  Esq.,  Architect 

Edmonds,  William,  Esq.,  Architect,  Margate 

Edwards,  Mr.  George 

Emerson,  William,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Everett,  W.,  Esq.,  Irwell  Cottage,  near  Manchester 

Fellowes,  Edward,  Esq. 

Ferrey,  B.,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 

Frinch,  Rev.  Benjamin,  Vicarage,  Deptford.     Large  Paper 

Field,  James,  Esq.,  Architect 

Fletcher,  Robert,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Flower,  H.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Forster,  C,  Esq. 

Foster,  and  Co.,  Messrs.  Liverpool 

Fowle,  C,  Esq. 

Foxhall,  E.  M.,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 

Freeborn,  John,  Esq.,  Lucking  House,  Great  Maplestead 

French,  G.  R.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Frost,  Mr  J. 

Gardiner,  J.  B.,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Garling,  H.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Garwood,  Rev.  John,  B  A. 

Gill,  J.  B.,  Esq.,  Manchester 

Gill,  Mrs.,  Huddersrield 

Gill,  Miss,  Sheffield 

Gill,  Miss  S.,  Huddersrield 

Gillespie,  — ,  Esq. 

Gillson,  Thomas,  Esq.,  Edmonton 

Ginn,  Mr.  Thomas,  Sen.,  Sudbury.     Large  Paper 

(iinn,  Mr.  Thomas,  Jun.  ditto 

Grapel,  Mr.,  Liverpool 

Gooclacre,  Mr.  William,  Tottenham 

Grieve,  Thomas,  Esq.    Large  Pager,  Coloured 

Grimsdell,  Samuel,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Gritten,  Mr.    Large  Paper 

Groom,  S.,  Esq.,  Jun. 

Guillemard,  J.,  Esq. 

Gutch,  George,  Esq.,  Architect 

Haggard,  W.  D.,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Lee  Grove,  Blackheath.     Large  Paper, 
Coloured 


LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS.  Mil 

Haines,  — ,  Esq.,  Hemel  Hempstead.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Hamilton,  Thomas,  Esq.,  Edinburgh 

Hardiman,  Mr.  John.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Harding,  Mr.  John 

Harridge,  Rev.  Mr.,  Lamarsh,  Essex 

Harrison,  Henry,  Esq.,  Architect,  London.     Large  Paper 

Harrison,  Miss,  Weston  House,  Sheffield 

Harrison,  Miss  E.         ditto 

Harpur,  J.  B.,  Esq.,  Architect,  York 

Hawkins,  J.  Heywood,  Esq.,  M.P.  Three  Copies,  Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Hawkins,  Mr.  George,  Jun.,  Hackney 

Hearn,  Mrs.  H.,  Standen,  Isle  of  Wight.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Hebert,  Mr  H. 

Hendrie,  R.  H.,  Esq.    Large  Paper 

Hernaman,  John,  Esq.,  Newcastle.     Two  Copies,  Large  Paper 

Heme,  Hugh,  Esq. 

Hickson,  Charles,  Esq.,  Manchester.     Large  Paper 

Higgins,  W,  M.,  Esq.,  Architect,  F.G.S. 

Hill,  James,  Esq. 

Hill,  Mr.  John,  Enfield 

Hill  yard,  Mr.  William 

Hill'yer,  W.  T  .  Esq.,  Fulham 

Hod'gkin,  — ,  Esq. 

Hodgson,  Mr.  R.     Large  Paper 

Hodson,  Mr.  H.  B.     Large  Paper 

Hollie,  — ,  Esq.,  Glasgow 

Holmes,  John,  Esq.,  F.S.A.     Large  Paper 

Holmes,  William,  Esq.,  Liverpool 

Holmes,  William,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Holmes,  — ,  Esq.,  Abingdon,  Berkshire 

Holt,  Mrs.,  Bridge  House,  near  Sheffield 

Hood,  Thomas,  Esq. 

Hope,  Thomas  Henry,  E*q.,  M.P.     Large  Paper 

Hopgood,  M.,  Esq. 

Hopgood,  James,  Esq. 

Hopkins,  John,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Hopkinson,  B  ,  Esq.,  Essex 

Home,  J.  de,  Esq.,  Lenden,  near  Colchester,  Essex 

Hubert,  S.  M.,  Esq.,  London.     Large  Paper 

Hudson,  William,  Esq. 

Hughes,  Miss,  Hackney 

Hull,  Rev.  John,  M.A.,  Stonden,  Bedfordshire 

Humphreys,  C,  Esq.,  New-road 

Hunt,  H.  A.,  Esq.    Three  Copies,  Large  Paper 

I' Anson,  Edward,  Esq.,  Sen.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 
I'Anson,  Edward,  Esq.,  Jun.,  F.G.S.     Large  Paper 
PAnson,  Mr.  John 

Ingram,  Rev.  — ,  D.D.,  Trinity  College,  Oxford 
In  man,  William,  Esq.,  Architeot,  London 

Jackson,  G.,  Esq.,  Architect,  Hull 

James,  Mr.  George 

Jaques,  John,  Esq.     Large  Paper 


XIV  LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS. 

Jardine,  W.,  Esq.,  Stoke,  near  Halstead 

Jenkins,  — ,  Esq.,  Hemel  Hempstead.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Johnson,  Mrs.,  Wroxal,  Isle  of  Wight.     Large  Paper 

Johnson,  Miss,  ditto  ditto 

Johnson,  Mrs.,  Almondbury,  Yorkshire.     Large  Paper 

Johnson,  J.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Johnson,  H.,  Esq.,  South  Lambeth 

Johnson,  C,  Esq.,  Architect 

Jolly,  Mr.  Robert,  Rectory-place,  Woolwich 

Jones,  — ,  Esq.,  Liverpool 

Jones,  Samuel,  Esq.    Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Jones,  David,  Esq.  ditto 

Jones,  Owen,  Esq.,  Architect        ditto 

Jones,  David,  Esq. 

Jones,  Michael,  Esq. 

Jones,  Mr. 

Jones,  Mr.  T. 

Judkins,  J.,  Esq. 

Jupp,  William,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Keeble,  Henry,  Esq.,  Greenwich.     Large  Paper 
Kendall,  H.  E.,  Esq.,  Sen.,  Architect,  F.S.A. 
Keys,  H.  L.,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 
Kitchen,  Mrs.,  Chelsea.     Large  Paper 
Kitchen,  Edwin,  Esq.  ditto 

Knight,  J.  C,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 
Knowles,  S.  T.,  Esq.,  Architect,  Ryegate,  Surrey 

Lamb,  E.  B.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Lamb,  John,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Landmann,  Colonel  C.  E.     Large  Paper 

Lay,  Rev.  J.  W.,  Colne  Engaine,  Essex 

Layborne,  John,  Esq.,  Castle-yard,  Durham 

Lee,  Henry,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Lee,  John,  Esq.,  Upper  Clapton,     ditto 

Leicester,  G.  O.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Leschallas,  John,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Leschallas,  William,  Esq. 

Liddle,  Mr.,  Birmingham 

Little,  Thomas,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 

Little,  Mr.  R.,  Kingsland 

Lochner,  J.  C,  Esq.,  Architect 

Lockwood,  H.  F.,  Esq.,  Architect,  Doncaster 

Maclagon,  G.  S.,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 

Maddy,  Rev.  J.,  D.D.,  Somerton,  Suffolk 

Mair,  George,  Esq.,  Architect 

Majendie,   Ashurst,  Esq.,  Hedingham   Castle,   Essex.     Large   Paper, 

Coloured.    Two  Copies 
Major,  Mrs. 
Mason,  Mr.  J. 
Mason,  Mr.  Thomas 
Matthews,  Mr.  James 
Maurice  and  Co.,  Messrs.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 


LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS.  XV 

May,  Thomas,  LL.D.,  Enfield.     Large  Paper 

Mee,  Arthur,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Melansheg,  Mr.  G.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Merriman,  Dr. 

Miers,  Thomas,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Miller,  Mr.  James 

Mills,  John,  Esq. 

Mills,  Mr. 

Millward,  Capt.,  Dartmoor,  Devonshire 

Monins,  Rev.  J.,  Rectory,  Ringwold,  Kent.     Two  Copies 

Moore,  George,  Esq.,  Architect,  F.R.S.,  F.S.A. 

Moore,  George,  Esq.  Architect 

Morgan,  James,  Esq.,  London 

Morice,  John,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 

Mortimer,  Rev.  Thomas,  B.D.,  Myddelton-square,  Islington 

Mountague,  James,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Moyle,  Mr.  R. 

Mullholland,  I.,  Esq.,  Architect,  York 

Nash,  John,  Esq. 

Nash,  Edwin,  Esq. 

Nash,  F.,  Esq.,  Architect.     Large  Paper 

Newman,  John,  Esq.,  Architect,  F.S.A. 

Niblett,  Mr.,  Mile  End-road 

Nicholls,  Thomas,  Esq  ^Architect 

Nicholls,  John,  Esq.,  Islington 

Nicholson,  Mrs.,  Cheltenham 

Nixon,  Samuel,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Noble,  Mr.  Samuel,  Woolwich 

Noel,  J.,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Nokes,  William,  Esq.,  Rectory-place,  Woolwich.     Large  Paper 

Novel,  — ,  Esq.,  Farnley  Wood,  Almondbury,  Yorkshire 

Oakley,  Mr.  George  H. 

Oatley,  Mr. 

Oddy,  Mr.  George,  Upperthorpe,  Yorkshire 

Oliver,  Mr.  Samuel.     Large  Paper 

Ord,  William  Henry,  Esq.,  M.P.     Large  Paper 

Ousely,  Sir  Gore,  Bart.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Overton,  William,  Esq.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Paine,  William,  Esq.,  Greenwich  Hospital.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Parker,  Miss,  Regent's-park.     Large  Paper 

Parke,  Henry,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Parker,  C.  C,  Esq.,  Woodham-Mortimer-place,  near  Maldon.       Large 

Paper 
Parker,  Charles,  Esq.,  Greenwich 
Parkinson,  T.,  Esq.     Large  Paper 
Perry,  Ebenezer,  Esq.,  Architect 
Perry,  T.  W.,  Esq. 

Petit,  T.  Le,  Esq.,  Weymouth.    Large  Paper 
Phillips,  Mr.  R.  E. 

Piccup,  Rev.  J.,  Manchester.    Large  Paper 
Pickersgill,  William,  Esq.,  York 


\VI  LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS. 

Pimm,  Mr.     Seven  Copies 

Pinder,  Rev.  F.  F.,  Gosford  Rectory,  Cumberland.     Large  Paper 

Pinhorn,  J.,  Esq.,  Woolwich 

Plimpton,  A.,  Esq. 

Poland,  Sir  W.  H.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Poland,  Peter,  Esq.  ditto 

Powell,  Walter,  Esq.' 

Pownall,  G.,  Esq  ,  Architect,  London 

Powis,  John,  Esq.,  Walworth 

Pratt,  Rev.  Josiah,  B.D.,  Finsbury  Circus.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Prentice,  Mr.  W. 

Pring,  T.  W.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Pritchard   Mr. 

Pugin,  A.  W.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Pulford,  — ,  Esq.,  Architect 

Ralph,  James,  Esq. 

Ralph,  J.  E.,  Esq. 

Rawson,  Miss,  Wards-end,  near  Sheffield.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Rawson,  Miss,  Philadelphia,  near  Sheffield.     Large  Paper 

Rawson,  S.,  Esq.,  Huddersfield.     Large  Paper 

Read,  Mr.,  Rickmausworth 

Reeves,  James,  Esq.,  Leyton.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Reeves,  Henry,  Esq.     ditto  ditto 

Ridley,  S.  H.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Rigby,  J.  D.,  Esq. 

Roach,  Mrs.,  Pan,  Isle  of  Wight.     Large  Paper 

Roach,  Miss,  Arreton,  Isle  of  Wight.     Large  Paper 

Roberts,  Mr. 

Robins,  John,  Esq. 

Robinson,  Mr.  J.     Six  Copies 

Robinson,  P.  F.,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  F.G.S.,  Vice-President  of  the  Institute 

of  British  Architects.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 
Robinson,  Charles,  Esq. 
Rogers,  Mrs.,  Sheffield.     Large  Paper 
Rogers,  — ,  Esq.,  Architect 
Rogers,  Mr.  Thomas.     Large  Paper 
Rolt,  Peter,  Esq.,  Blackheath  Park.     Large  Paper 
Romeio,  R.,  Esq. 

Rose,  H.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London' 
Ross,  Mr.  G.     Large  Paper 
Rule,  Mr.     Large  Paper 
Rutt,  Mr.  C,  Canonburv 
Rutt,  Mr.  F. 

Salvin,  Anthony,  Esq.,  Architect,  F.S.A. 

Savill,  Mr.,  Little  Hedingham,  Essex 

Samuel,  T.,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

Samwell,  W.  L.  W.,  Esq.,  Upton  Hall,  Northamptonshire 

Scott,  Mr.,  Carlisle 

Scott,  G.  G.  Esq..  Architect,  London 

Sewell,  J.,  Esq.,  Salters'  Hall.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Shaw,  Henry,  Esq  ,  F.S.A. 

Shelford,  Rev.  W.  H.,  Lavenham,  Suffolk 


LIST    OF    SUBSCRIBERS.  XVII 

Shepherd,  J.  B.,  Esq.,  Architect,  London 

Sibley,  R.,  Esq.,  Architect 

Simeon,  Sir  Richard  G.,  Bart.,  M.P.     Large  Paper 

Simons,  T.,  Esq. 

Sladen,  J.  B.,  Esq.,  Ripple-court,  near  Walmer.     Large  Paper,  Coloured 

Slater,  Joseph,  Esq. 

Slater,  Mrs. 

Slater,  J.,  Esq.,  Jun. 

Srnallwood,  Edward,  Esq. 

Smith,  Mrs ,  Cliff-house,  near  Sheffield 

Smith,  William,  Esq. 

Smith,  C.  J.,  Esq.     Large  Paper 

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to  inspect  the  Designs  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament 
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Young,  Mr.  J. 


LIST    OF    THE    PLATES. 


View  of  Little  Maplestead  Church,  from  the  North-west,  to  face  Title."* 

View  of  Saint  John's  Gate,  Clerkenwell p.  124"' 

Ground  Plan  of  Little  Maplestead  Churcii 160  s" 

View  from  the  South-east ib.~^ 

Longitudinal  and  Transverse  Sections        ib. 

Architectural  Details  of  the  Interior ib.  ^ 

Elevation  of  one  of  the  Windows  of  the  Nave ib.   ^ 

View  of  the  Western  Doorway        .     .     .     • ib.    '-- 

WOOD    ENCRAVINCS. 

Arms  of  Sir  William  Weston,  and  the  Arms  and  Cross  of 

the  Order  of  Knights  Hospitallers        Title  Page. 

Figure  of  a  Knight  Hospitaller p.  33 

Figure  of  a  Nun  Hospitaller 40 

Charge  of  the  Hospitallers  at  the  Battle  of  Acre 70 

King  Richard  the  First 72 

Monument  of  a  Crusader 106 

Part  of  the  Monument  of  Sir  William  Weston 123 

Representation  of  the  Skeleton  of  Sir  William  Weston         .     .     .  ib. 

Autograph  of  George  Harper,  Esq.,  &c 132 

Arms  of  the  Families  of  Harper 131 

,,  Wiseman 133 

„  Guyon 137 

„  Bullock ib. 

View  of  the  Chancel  End  of  Little  Maplestead  Church    ....  155 

View  of  the  Church  of  St.  Jean  le  Rond,  at  Paris 157 

Details  of  Little  Maplestead  Church 159 


THE 

gfetorp  mxb  gntfqmtfed 

OF 

LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

AN    HISTORICAL    SKETCH    OF    THE    CRUSADES. 

f^15  persecutions  experienced  by  the 
Christians  during  the  first  century  were  of 
the  severest  description ;  many  of  them  fell 
martyrs  to  the  holy  cause,  and  among  others, 
James,  the  brother  of  our  Saviour,  and  the 
apostles  Paul  and  Peter.  Their  disciples, 
however,  escaped  the  cruelties  which  were 
perpetrated  by  the  Romans  on  their  invasion 
of  the  Holy  Land,  by  retiring  from  Jerusa- 
lem, having  been  warned  by  the  predictions 
of  our  Saviour  of  its  intended  destruction. 
Even  at  this  early  period  the  Christians  had  stated  places  of 
public  worship,  and  the  church  erected  at  Jerusalem  served 
as  the  model  for  all  others.* 

Whatever  opinions  may  be  entertained  as  to  the  causes 
which  gave  rise  to  the  Crusades  of  a  later  period,  it  cannot 
be  doubted  that  the  early  followers  of  the  Cross  were 
prompted  by  feelings  of  the  purest  devotion,  in  their  desire 
to  visit  those  places  which  had   been  consecrated   by   the 

*  Sir  George  Wheler's  Primitive  Churches,  p.  8. 

B 


Z  SALE    OF    RELICS. 

death  and  passion  of  the  Redeemer.  If  the  desolation  of 
the  once  all-destroying  Babylon,  the  ruined  condition  of  Per- 
sepolis,  Baalbec,  and  Palmyra,  the  awful  silence  now  reigning 
around  the  gigantic  Pyramids  of  Egypt,  and  the  decay  that 
is  gradually  stealing  over  the  beauteous  temples  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  afford  to  the  contemplative  mind  of  the  modem 
traveller  many  a  train  of  profitable  reflection,  cold  indeed 
must  be  that  philosophy,  which  could  steel  the  heart 
against  the  conflicting  emotions  arising  at  the  sight  of 
Mount  Calvary,  and  of  the  prostrate  condition  of  that  city 
which  was  once  "the  beauty  of  holiness,  and  the  joy  of 
the  whole  earth  !  " 

At  the  end  of  the  second  century,  "  it  was  a  common  prac- 
tice among  Christians  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  to  visit  the 
sacred  places;"*  and,  in  the  following  century,  the  multi- 
tudes that  crowded  to  the  Holy  Land  were  supplied  with 
various  relics  by  a  wandering  race  of  fanatics,  termed  Sara- 
baits,  f  who  obtained  a  livelihood  by  their  sale,  and  by  the 
performance  of  fictitious  miracles.  Another  circumstance 
contributing  most  powerfully  to  increase  the  number  of  reli- 
gious devotees,  was  the  supposed  approach  of  the  Millen- 
nium :  this  idea  was  first  promulgated  by  Papias ;  but 
Origen,  after  many  efforts,  succeeded  in  throwing  discredit 
upon  it.J 

The  Roman  emperors,  from  Nero  to  Diocletian,  §  treated 
the  Christians  with  unmitigated  severity.  It  will,  however, 
be  unnecessary  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  various  trials 
which  the  latter  had  to  sustain  during  the  ten  persecutions : 

*  Hardy's  Notices  of  the  Holy  Land.     Duod.,  1835. 

■f  Mosheim's  Ecclesiastical  History, — third  century. 

$  "  Origen  himself  says,  that  the  idea  of  the  approach  of  the  Millennium  was 
confined  to  those  of  the  simpler  sort,  and  had  not  yet  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
heathen.  Eusehius,  however,  states  that  it  met  with  general  reception." —  Wad- 
dingtons  History  of  the  Church,  p.  40.  See,  also,  Whitby's  Treatise  upon  the 
Millennium. 

§  "  The  beginning  of  the  persecution  in  Diocletian's  reign,  was  the  destruction 
of  the  churches." — Whelers  Primitive  Churches,  p.  10. 


THE    EMPEROR    CONSTANTINE.  6 

— their  books  were  burnt,  or  otherwise  destroyed — imprison- 
ment and  slavery  were  inflicted  upon  them  without  hesita- 
tion, and  death  was  not  unfrequently  the  penalty  paid  by 
the  strict  adherents  to  the  doctrines  of  the  church. 

At  length,  the  day-spring  of  religious  liberty  appeared. 
Constantine  ascending  the  throne,  Christianity  was  acknow- 
ledged by  law,  and  its  professors  were  encouraged  and  pro- 
tected ;  the  temples  of  the  heathen  gods  were  destroyed,* 
and  on  their  site  arose  the  sacred  structures  dedicated  to 
the  worship  of  the  true  God.  Under  the  protection  of  this 
emperor,  and  his  mother  Helena,  Jerusalem  again  assumed  its 
wonted  importance,  as  the  glorious  source  whence  the  rays 
of  religious  knowledge  were  diffused  throughout  the  world. 
The  supposed  discovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  of  the 
true  cross,  added  to  the  erection  of  numerous  magnificent 
churches,  not  only  in  Jerusalem,^  but  also  in  various  other 
parts  of  the  Holy  Land,  afforded  additional  inducements 
to  the  Christians  of  the  western  world  to  engage  in  pil- 
grimages. 

If  we  consider  the  state  of  society  at  this  period,  it  cannot 
excite  surprise,  that  the  mere  determination  to  visit  the  Holy 
Land  rendered  the  pious  devotee  an  object  of  veneration  to 
all  around  him.  The  simplicity  of  his  garb,  the  holy  ob- 
ject in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  his  meek  dependance 
upon  the  protection  of  Heaven,  secured  for  him  the  sympa- 
thy of  the  public ;    and  the    return  of  the  palmer  J  to  his 

*  Fleury,  tome  xiM  sec.  33. 

t  For  the  plan  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  see  Wheler, 
p.  39. 

"  P.  Barnardino  published  a  plan  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  in  1619."  Arclue- 
ologia,  vol.  vi.,  p.  168. 

"  A  description  of  the  churches  cf  the  early  Christians  may  be  found  in 
Eusebius  de  Vita  Constantini,  M.  lib.  3,  cap.  xxxv  ;  aud  a  plan  of  the  church 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  in  Beverege's  Adnotationes  in  Pandectas  Canonum,  lib. 
ii.,  p.  70."—  Mosheim. 

t  The  character  of  the  palmer  is  ably  portrayed  in  Fosbroke's  British  Mona- 
chism,  p.  421.         See,  also,  Strutt's  Dresses,  and  Chaucer's  Canterbury  Tales. 

B    2 


*  PILGRIMAGES    TO    THE    HOLY    LAND. 

native  land,  laden  with  relics,*  was  an  event  of  no  ordinary 
interest. 

"  It  would  be  a  work  of  no  mean  service  to  the  cause 
of  religion/'  says  a  modern  writer,  f  "could  it  be  proved 
that  the  monks  and  pilgrims  are  utterly  in  error ;  and  it  is 
well  the  sacredness  of  the  places  can  be  called  in  question 
by  arguments  so  powerful  as  those  within  our  reach.  They 
have  ministered  to  folly,  superstition,  and  actual  crime. 
Whilst  they  have  promised  a  plenary  forgiveness  of  sin, 
they  have  added  to  that  sin,  rendered  its  stain  deeper,  and 
its  punishment  more  severe ;  and  whilst  they  have  professed 
to  magnify  the  death  and  passion  of  our  Lord,  they  have 
taken  from  them  all  their  power,  by  substituting  a  personal 
visit  to  the  supposed  Calvary,  in  place  of  an  application,  by 
faith,  to  the  Son  of  God  in  heaven.  It  was  in  mercy  that 
the  tomb  of  Moses  was  hidden  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
Jews,  and  it  has  been  in  equal  mercy  that  the  exact  situa- 
tion of  the  tomb  of  Jesus  has  been  hidden  from  the  know- 
ledge of  the  church;  as  it  has  thus  been  saved  from  the 
desecration  of  the  thousand  sins  that  have  been  committed 
under  the  sanctity  of  its  holy  name." 

During  the  fourth  J  and  succeeding  centuries,  an  additional 
value  seems  to  have  been  placed  upon  every  thing  relating 
to  the  Holy  Land.     The  bones  of  martyrs,^  the  relics  of 

*  The  same  anxiety  for  the  possession  of  relics  was  evinced  at  a  later  period. 

"  Ladye.  But  is  there  no  token  that  he  hath  sent, 
No  token  of  love  to  me, — 
No  relique  o'  the  rood,  or  pearl  orient, 
Or  gaude  o'  the  East  countrie  ? 
Palmer.  Oh  !  I've  no  relique  or  Eastern  gaude, 

Fair  ladye,  to  bring  to  thee." — the  ladye  and  the  palmer. 

Evans's  Collection  of  Ballads,  vol.  iv.,  p.  112. 

t  Hardy's  Notices  of  the  Holy  Land. 

X  "  Before  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  the  dangerous  usages  which  had  ori- 
ginated in  the  fourth,  of  exposing  images  of  Saints,  of  the  Virgin,  and  even  of 
Christ,  in  places  consecrated  to  worship,  had  taken  as  deep  root  in  the  western 
as  in  the  eastern  church." — Waddington,  p.  151. 

$  "  It  is  probable  that  the  doctrine  of  paying  honour  to  the  bones  of  martyrs 
and  pious  people,  was  the  occasion  of  changing  the  ancient  custom,  which  never 


JULIAN    THE    APOSTATE.  O 

the  true  cross,*  and  even  the  soilf  itself,  were  said  to  be 
efficacious  in  the  removal  of  diseases,  and  in  securing  the 
possessor  from  the  assaults  of  the  Tempter.  It  was  well 
known  to  the  attendants  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  that  there 
is  no  limit  within  which  superstitious  credulity  can  be  con- 
fined ;  so  that  the  more  general  the  demand  became  for 
the  possession  of  some  relic,  connected  either  with  the  life  or 
death  of  our  Saviour,  the  more  readily  was  it  supplied.  J 

The  encouragement  which  the  Christians  had  received 
from  Constantine  ceased  at  his  death.  Upon  Julian  the 
Apostate  ascending  the  throne,  he  wrote  a  hypocritical  letter 
to  the  various  nations  that  had  espoused  Christianity,  en- 
treating them  to  offer  up  prayers  to  Heaven  that  he  might 
be  victorious  over  the  Persians,  and  be  thereby  enabled  to 
rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  This  flagrant  attempt  to 
falsify  a  prophecy,  upon  the  truth  of  which  Christianity 
itself  depended,  was  followed  by  a  direct  interposition  of 
Providence.  §  No  sooner  had  Alypius,  the  friend  of  the 
emperor,  commenced  this  mighty  undertaking,  than  a 
strange  appearance  presented  itself  in  the  heavens,  and  an 
earthquake,  accompanied  by  subterranean  fire,  ||  consumed 
the  materials  and  destroyed  many  of  the  workmen. ^f 

After  the  death  of  Julian,  the  Christians  received  protec- 

allowed  the  burial  of  Christians  in  churches." — Warner's  Church  History  of 
England,  book  iii. 

*  See  Appendix  A. 

t  "  Lalande  (Voyage  en  Italie,  torn,  ii,)  says,  that  at  Pisa  the  cemetery  called 
Campo  Santo  contains,  according  to  report,  five  fathoms  of  Holy  Land,  brought 
in  1218  from  Jerusalem  by  the  Pisans." — Mills's  History  of  the  Crusades,  vol.  i. 
(See  Appendix  B.) 

t  "  The  coffers  of  the  church  were  enriched  by  the  sale  of  relics,  and  the  do- 
minion of  the  clergy  became  powerful  in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  religious 
abuses  and  corruptions." — Mills,  vol.  i.}  p.  9. 

§  Vie  de  l'Empereur  Julien,  par  l'Abbe  Bletterie,  p.  347. 

||  See  Appendix  C. 

1[  See  Waddington's  History  of  the  Church  for  some  interesting  observations 
upon  this  subject. 


O  MAHOMED. 

tion  from  his  successors  ;#  but  at  length  Jerusalem  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Persians,  and  William  of  Tyre  relates,  that 
upon  this  occasion  not  less  than  36,000  Christians  were  put 
to  death  ;f  the  cross  was  borne  off  by  the  victors  amidst  the 
lamentations  of  the  Christians,  and  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  was  destroyed.  The  Emperor  Heraclius,  finding 
himself  unable  to  cope  with  the  Persians,  agreed  to  pay  a 
heavy  tribute  in  order  to  obtain  peace;  but  whilst  this 
tribute  was  being  collected,  he  roused  himself  from  his 
lethargy,  entered  Persia  with  a  large  army,  and  succeeded 
in  throwing  off  the  yoke.  Regaining  possession  of  the  true 
cross,  he  returned  with  it  to  Jerusalem,  and  bore  it  with 
naked  feet  to  the  top  of  Mount  Calvary. J 

During  the  seventh  century,  appeared  the  false  prophet 
Mahomed  ;  and  although  it  was  long  before  his  religion  was 
generally  received,  its  introduction  caused  a  great  change  in 
the  eastern  world.  §  Boldly  encouraging  his  followers  to 
take  up  arms  in  order  to  promulgate  his  doctrines,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  his  opponents,  by  ex- 
terminating all  those  who  disavowed  the  sacredness  of  his 
mission.  To  those  who  died  fighting  under  his  standard,  he 
promised  the  joys  of  paradise,  and  condemned  such  as 
staid  idly  at  home  to  the  pains  of  hell.  His  cruelty  was 
particularly  directed  against  the   Jews,||    seven  hundred  of 

*  "  Valentinian  practised  universal  toleration.  Theodosius  published  a  famous 
edict  against  Polytheism  ;  and,  in  388,  Christianity  was  established  by  the 
Roman  senate." — Waddington. 

In  364  the  Roman  empire  was  divided  :  Valentinian  was  the  emperor  of  the 
western  capital,  Rome  ;  and  Valens  of  the  eastern  capital,  Constantinople. 

t  Gul.  Tyrrius. 

|  Outlines  of  History,  p.  166.         Fuller's  Holy  War,  p.  7.       Yertot. 

§  Stebbing's  History  of  Chivalry  and  the  Crusades,  vol.  i. 

||  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  7. 

One  of  the  verses  of  the  Koran  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Abraham  was  neither  Jew  nor  Christian  ; 
He  was  orthodox — a  Mussulman — and 
An  adorer  of  the  one  God." 

Le  Coran,  par  M.  Savary,  tome  i. 


THE    CALIPH    OMAR.  7 

whom  he  is  said  to  have  buried  alive  at  one  time ;  and  the 
Christians  also  suffered  in  the  midst  of  these  barbarous 
excesses. 

"  There  can  be  little  doubt/'  says  Mosheim,  "  that  the 
terror  of  Mahomed's  arms,  and  the  repeated  victories  which 
were  gained  by  him  and  his  successors,  were  the  irresistible 
arguments  that  persuaded  such  multitudes  to  embrace  his 
religion,  and  submit  to  his  dominion.  Besides,  his  law  was 
artfully  and  marvellously  adapted  to  the  corrupt  nature  of 
man,  having  a  more  particular  reference  to  the  manners  and 
opinions  of  the  eastern  nations,  and  the  vices  to  which  they 
were  naturally  addicted.  The  duties  it  required  were  few 
in  number,  and  not  such  as  were  incompatible  with  the 
empire  of  appetites  and  passions. "# 

During  the  reign  of  Aboo  Beker,f  who  succeeded  Maho- 
med, the  Arabians  living  on  the  confines  of  Persia  became 
tributary  to  the  Moslems.  Aboo  Beker  afterwards  entered 
Syria  with  his  troops,  took  the  fortress  of  Bozra,  and  in- 
vested Damascus.  The  Damascenes  being  compelled  to 
capitulate,  it  was  agreed  that  such  as  were  desirous  of  so 
doing,  should  be  permitted  to  leave  the  city ;  and  that  those 
who  preferred  remaining  there  should  be  allowed  to  carry  on 
their  usual  occupation,  upon  the  payment  of  a  heavy  capita- 
tion tax.  This  arrangement  was  not,  however,  carried  into 
full  effect,  as  those  who  had  retired  from  Damascus  were 
afterwards  pursued  by  the  Mahomedan  leader,  and  cut  in 
pieces.  These  successes  on  the  part  of  the  infidels  were 
soon  followed  by  others  of  greater  importance ;  and  Persia, 
Arabia,  and  Syria,  were  subdued  by  the  troops  of  the  Caliph 
Omar.  At  the  battle  of  Yermuk,  J  the  Christians  met  with 
a  complete  reverse ;  and  in  a  short  time  the  black  standard 
of  Mahomed  was  planted  on  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.     Upon 

*  Mosheim's  Ecclesiastical  History, — seventh  century.  Reland  de  Religione 
Mahumedica.         Fuller's  Holy  War,  p.  7. 

t  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia  :  Outlines  of  History,  p.  173.  Fuller's  Holy  War, 
p.  7. 

$  Vertot. — Histoire  des  Chevaliers  Hospitaliers  de  St.  Jean  de  Jerusalem. 


8  INCREASE    OF    PILGRIMAGES. 

this  occasion,  the  Caliph  Omar  entered  the  gates  of  the  Holy 
City  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  troops,  but  exhibited  a 
degree  of  moderation  and  magnanimity  which  has  seldom 
been  equalled.  Whilst  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and 
others,  were  offering  up  their  prayers  within  the  church  of 
the  Sepulchre,  the  Caliph  remained  reverently  without,  un- 
willing to  interfere  with  the  religious  duties  of  those,  who 
had  too  much  reason  to  feel  anguish  at  the  necessity  to  which 
they  had  been  driven  of  giving  up  the  Holy  City  into  the 
hands  of  the  Moslems :  so  severely  indeed  did  the  venerable 
patriarch  feel  his  abject  condition,  that  in  a  short  time  he 
died  of  a  broken  heart.* 

"  After  gaining  possession  of  Jerusalem,  the  followers 
of  Mahomed  took  Antioch  and  Aleppo.  They  then  marched 
onward  towards  Constantinople,  invaded  Egypt,  rushed 
along  the  northern  shore  of  Africa,  and  eventually  took 
possession  of  Carthage.  Spain  fell  into  their  hands  in  the 
commencement  of  the  eighth  century,  and  their  progress 
was  not  stopped  until  they  had  reached  the  heart  of 
France,  "f 

Although  Jerusalem  was  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the 
Christians,  permission  was  still  granted  them,  upon  payment 
of  a  capitation  tax,  to  continue  their  devotions  at  the  sepul- 
chre of  Christ.  J 

"  And  true  devoted  pilgrims  were  not  wanting, 
To  measure  acres  with  their  feeble  steps." 

The  custom  of  making  pilgrimages  seems  to  have  increased 
with  the  difficulties  that  presented  themselves ;  and  those 
who  were  willing  to  encounter  all  the  dangers  which  attended 
the  Christian  in  his  progress  to  Jerusalem  through  a  hostile 
country,  became  the  special  favourites  of  the  church.  The 
relics,  which  were  brought  back  to  Europe,  were  eagerly 

*  Vertot.  t    Waddington's  History  of  the  Church. 

X  "The  followers  of  Mahomed  found  it  more  politic  to  tolerate,  than  to  exter- 
minate 5  so  that  Christianity  was  not  immediately  extirpated  from  any  of  the 
conquered  countries  :  they  proffered  the  alternative  of  the  Koran,  or  tribute." — 
Waddington. 


DISSENSIONS    IN    THE    CHURCH.  y 

sought  after;  and  the  supposed  discovery  of  the  true  cross 
by  the  Empress  Helena,  in  the  fourth  century,  gave  rise 
to  hundreds  of  impositions ;  so  that  "  every  church  in  Chris- 
tendom was  graced  with  some  pretended  relic  of  the  Re- 
deemer and  his  Apostles." #  Indeed  it  was  ordained,  at  a 
subsequent  period,  by  a  council  held  at  Constantinople,  that 
no  church  should  be  consecrated  without  relics. f 

In  the  eighth  century,  the  Christian  world  was  divided 
upon  the  subject  of  the  worship  of  images.  Leo,  the  Isau- 
rian,  determined  upon  suppressing  the  practice ;  but  the 
monastic  orders  of  the  west,  incited  by  the  Pope,  resolutely 
opposed  his  efforts.  His  son  Constantine,  however,  in  754, 
at  a  council  held  at  Constantinople,  at  which  were  present 
three  hundred  and  thirty-eight  bishops,  succeeded  in  effect- 
ing his  object,  and  the  destruction  of  images  was  solemnly 
determined  upon.  Those  who  were  present  at  this  council, 
and  all  such  as  espoused  the  same  cause,  were  termed  Icono- 
clasts, (or  Image-breakers) ;  and  their  opponents,  Iconola- 
ters,  (or  I  mage- worshippers.)  The  Empress  Irene,  having 
poisoned  her  husband  in  780,  and  usurped  the  throne  during 
the  minority  of  her  son,  summoned  a  council  at  Nice  in  786, 
by  which  the  worship  of  images  was  restored,  and  severe 
punishment  denounced  against  those  who  maintained  that 
God  was  the  only  object  of  religious  adoration. 

At  this  period,  the  whole  of  Christendom  was  convulsed  by 
these  dissensions,  and  a  learned  Englishman  addressed  a 
letter  to  Charlemagne,  in  the  names  of  the  kings  and 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  disapproving  of  the  decisions  of  the 
council  of  Nice.  Charlemagne  himself  was  afterwards  dis- 
tinguished as  a  mediator  in  the  cause.  He  was,  however, 
favourable  to  the  opinions  of  the  Iconoclasts ;  and  having 
summoned  a  council,  consisting  of  three  hundred  bishops,  at 
Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  in  the  year  794,  the  decree  of  the 

*  Stebbiug's  History  of  Chivalry  and  the  Crusades, 
t   Priestley's  History  of  the  Church,  vol.  i.,  p.  168. 


10  CHARLEMAGNE. HAltUN    AL    RASCHID. 

council  held  at  Constantinople  against  the  worship  of  images 
was  again  confirmed. 

It  will  be  unnecessary  to  pursue  this  subject  further: 
enough  has  been  said  to  point  out  one  of  the  sources  to 
which  the  differences  between  the  Greek  and  Latin  churches 
at  this  period  may  be  correctly  traced. 

In  the  year  799,  Jerusalem  was  once  more  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Christians.  The  Caliph  Harun  al  Raschid, 
admiring  the  talents  and  virtues  of  Charlemagne,  and  being 
willing  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  pilgrims,  presented 
the  emperor  with  the  keys  of  the  Holy  City.  Charlemagne 
readily  availed  himself  of  the  various  privileges  which 
resulted  from  this  invaluable  gift.  A  hospital  and  library 
were  erected  at  Jerusalem,  at  his  expense,  for  the  use  of  the 
Christians ;  and  he  gave  other  proofs  of  his  liberality,  although 
he  did  not  visit  the  Holy  Land  himself.*  The  friendship 
that  subsisted  between  these  illustrious  men  was  extremely 
beneficial  to  the  church,  and  its  effects  were  not  obliterated 
for  many  years  after  their  decease. 

"  But  afterwarde,  for  many  a  yeare, 
Christian  men,  both  far  and  near, 
Yeden  the  way  to  Jerusalem, 
To  the  Sepulchre  and  to  Bethlem, 
And  to  all  other  pilgrimage, 
Withouten  harm  or  damage." 

At  length,  the  caliphs  of  Bagdad,  suffering  severely  from 
the  open  and  avowed  rebellion  of  the  Turkish  emirs,  and 
having  experienced  some  reverses  in  their  contests  with  the 
Christians,  became  tributary  to  the  throne  of  Constantinople ; 
but  just  at  this  important  crisis,  the  Greek  emperor  was 
carried  off  by  death. 

This  circumstance  was  favourable  to  the  Moslems;   the 

*  "In  an  old  and  marvellous  history  of  his  exploits,  we  find  him  honoured  as 
the  leader  of  a  band  of  heroes  to  Jerusalem,  and  guided  by  miracle  through 
pathless  wilds  aud  forests,  taking  possession  of  the  Holy  City." — Stebbing,  vol.  ii., 
p.  30. 


ERECTION    OF    HOSPITALS    AT    JERUSALEM.  11 

Caliph  Hakem,  who  surpassed  all  his  predecessors  in 
cruelty  towards  the  Christians  and  Jews,  obtained  possession 
of  Jerusalem,  and  endeavoured  to  destroy  every  trace  of  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  although  he  subsequently 
promised  to  order  its  restoration. 

The  dangers  to  which  the  Christians  were  continually 
exposed  at  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  clearly  evince  the 
necessity  that  existed  at  this  period  for  some  permanent 
protection  being  obtained  for  the  pilgrims  from  the  west. 
Some  rich  merchants  of  Amain,  a  city  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  observing,  in  their  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
Holy  Land,  the  hatred  which  the  Moslems  displayed  towards 
the  Christians,  applied  to  the  Caliph  of  Cairo  for  permission 
to  erect  a  church  at  Jerusalem ;  and  this  application  was 
rendered  eminently  successful  by  the  accompaniment  of  a 
costly  present.^ 

The  structure  raised  upon  the  spot  appropriated  to  the  use 
of  the  Christians,  was  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Virgin,  under 
the  title  of. St.  Mary  ad  Latinos.  Two  hospitals  were  also 
erected,  each  having  a  chapel  attached,  and  these  were 
respectively  dedicated  to  St.  John  the  Almoner,  and  St. 
Mary  Magdalene.  "These  charitable  establishments  were 
open  to  the  suffering  of  every  persuasion,  and  even  the 
Moslems  received  alms.  The  members  of  the  Christian 
church  were  entertained  without  distinction  of  nation  or 
condition.  There  they  clothed  again  such  as  had  been 
stripped  by  robbers ;  there  the  sick  were  treated  with  care ; 
and  every  kind  of  misery  found,  in  the  charity  of  these 
Hospitallers,  a  new  kind  of  mercy  to  relieve  it-,,+ 

The  promise  made  by  the  Caliph  Hakem  to  restore  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  was  not  fulfilled ;  but  after  his 
death,  the  Christians,  by  the  aid  of  the  Greek  emperors, 
rebuilt  it.  Christianity,  however,  soon  had  another  enemy 
to  contend  with.  The  Turcomans,  a  barbarous  people, 
destitute  of  every  religious  feeling,  after  having  aided  the 

*  Vertot.  t    Ibid.. 


12  SUFFERINGS    OF    THE    CHRISTIANS. 

Arabians  against  their  enemies,  united  themselves  together, 
levied  vast  armies,  and  in  a  short  time  expelled  the  Egyptians 
from  Jerusalem.  In  their  eyes  the  Christians  and  the  Egyp- 
tians were  objects  of  equal  detestation,  and  "they  plunged 
their  swords  with  undistinguished  cruelty  in  the  hearts  of 
their  hapless  victims."*  During  these  excesses,  the  hospital 
of  St.  John  was  plundered,  and  avarice  alone  prevented  the 
destruction  of  the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  as  the 
annual  revenue,  arising  from  the  capitation  tax  paid  by  the 
Christians,  was  too  great  to  render  it  politic  for  the  tempo- 
rary possessor  of  Jerusalem  to  cut  off  so  great  a  source  of 
wealth. 

The  great  changes  that  were  constantly  taking  place  in  the 
Holy  Land,  and  the  continuance,  or  rather  the  increase,  of 
suffering  on  the  part  of  the  Christians  under  each  new 
master,  could  not  pass  unnoticed  in  the  western  world ;  nor 
did  the  pilgrims,  on  their  return  to  Europe,  fail  to  give 
a  mournful  account  of  the  privations  they  had  endured,  and 
the  dangers  they  had  escaped.  The  sympathy  that  was  ex- 
cited in  their  behalf,  soon  gave  way  to  the  desire  of  vengeance 
upon  their  persecutors ;  and  the  martial  and  enterprising  spirit 
of  the  age  strongly  aided  the  project  of  a  general  crusade 
against  the  infidels.  No  circumstance,  however,  tended  so 
strongly  to  promote  this  cause,  as  the  idea  that  generally 
prevailed  of  the  approach  of  the  Millennium  mentioned  in 
the  book  of  Revelations.-j- 

"  Bernhard,  a  hermit  of  Thuringia,  had  promulgated,  in  960, 
the  certain  assurance,  that  at  the  end  of  a  thousand  years 
the  fetters  of  Satan  would  be  broken;  and  that  after  the 
reign  of  anti-Christ  was  terminated,  the  world  would  be 
consumed  by  sudden  conflagration.  There  was  something 
plausible  in  the  doctrine,  and  it  was  peculiarly  suited  to  the 

*  Mills. 

+  "  It  was  supposed,  that  the  one  thousand  years  mentioned  in  Scripture  were 
accomplished,  and  that  the  Redeemer  would  manifest  himself  on  Mount  Zion." 
—  Clarke's  Vestigia  Anglicana,  p.  326.     London,  8vo.  1826. 


PILGRIMAGES    OF    THE    TENTH    CENTURY.  13 

gloomy  superstition  of  the  age  :  the  clergy  adopted  it,  it  was 
diffused  in  every  direction  with  astonishing  rapidity,  and 
embraced  with  an  ardour  proportioned  to  the  obscurity  of 
the  subject,  and  the  greediness  of  human  credulity.  The 
belief  pervaded  and  influenced  every  rank  of  society,  not  as 
a  cold  and  indifferent  assent,  but  as  a  motive  for  the  most 
important  undertakings."* 

Ingulph,  Abbot  of  Croyland,  was  among  the  most  eminent 
pilgrims  who  left  England  during  this  period.  He  has  given 
a  most  distressing  account  of  the  sufferings  he  endured,  and 
thus  alludes  to  his  preparation.  "  At  length,  as  it  was  noised 
abroad  that  many  archbishops  and  bishops  of  the  empire, 
and  many  other  princes,  meant  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  I,  among 
others,  as  well  soldiers  as  clerks,  with  the  consent  of  William 
Duke  of  Normandy,  prepared  myself."  f  This  company,  in 
passing  through  Lycia,  was  robbed  and  maltreated  by  the 
Arabs.  On  their  arrival  at  Jerusalem,  the  pilgrims  were 
received  by  the  patriarch,  who  accompanied  them  in  pro- 
cession to  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  They  were  much  distressed 
at  witnessing  the  destruction  that  had  been  made  among 
the  Christian  churches  by  the  unholy  Hakem  ;  and  Ingulph 
says,  that  such  were  the  sufferings  of  his  companions  during 
their  sojourn  in  the  Holy  Land,  that  of  thirty  knights  who 
went  out  of  Normandy  suitably  apparelled,  only  twenty 
returned,  and  those  were  in  poverty  and  in  ill  health,  and 
compelled  to  make  the  toilsome  journey  on  foot. 

Pilgrimages  were  now  made  rather  by  stealth  than  openly, 
owing  to  the  infidels  continuing  to  place  every  obstruction 
in  the  way  of  those  who  visited  the  Holy  Land.  But  Europe 
was  preparing  to  avenge  these  cruelties.  Pope  Gregory 
the  Seventh,  having  been  applied  to  by  the  Greek  Emperor 
Manuel  for  assistance  against  the  Turks,  soon  raised  an 
army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  which  he  promised  to  lead  in 
person  against  the  infidels ;  but  this  promise  was  never  ful- 

*  Waddington. 

t  Historia  Ingulphi  (Rer.  Anglic.)  Oxonias,  1684.  Stowe's  Annals,  Lond., 
1631,  p.  116. 


14  PETER    THE    HERMIT. 

filled,  owing  to  motives  of  prudence,  which  induced  him  to 
direct  his  attention  to  matters  more  deeply  affecting  the 
interests  of  the  Latin  church. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  a  native  of  Amiens,  in  France,  was  the 
chief  instrument #  in  exciting  the  nations  of  Europe  in  favour 
of  a  general  crusade.  This  extraordinary  man — living  in 
extreme  poverty — his  countenance  worn  by  continual  prayer 
and  fasting — his  exterior  mean  and  unimposing — had  little 
to  recommend  him  but  a  persuasive  eloquence,  a  lively 
imagination,  and  the  highest  degree  of  enthusiasm  in  the 
cause  which  he  had  espoused.  Having  himself  visited  the 
Holy  Land,  he  had  been  subjected  to  the  most  ignomi- 
nious treatment  by  the  Turks.  Whilst  at  Jerusalem,  the 
patriarch  Simeon,  hearing  how  deeply  he  was  affected  by 
the  scenes  which  he  witnessed,  sent  for  him,  and  entered 
into  conversation  upon  the  subject.  The  hermit  listened 
attentively  to  the  painful  details  given  by  the  patriarch,  of 
the  barbarous  treatment  which  he  had  himself  received  at 
the  hands  of  the  Turks,  and  the  sufferings  endured  by  the 
Christians  generally  ;  and  being  deeply  affected  by  the  re- 
cital, he  inquired  wThy  the  Greek  emperors  tamely  suffered 
these  excesses  to  be  committed,  without  making  the  slight- 
est effort  to  prevent  their  continuance.  The  patriarch 
explained  that  they  were  scarcely  able  to  defend  them- 
selves^ and  that  within  a  few  years  nearly  half  of  their 
empire  had  been  wrested  from  them  by  the  Turks ;  who, 
with  extraordinary  rapidity,  had  effected  a  mighty  revo- 
lution in  Asia,  and  whose  victorious  armies  had  even 
penetrated  to  the  very  heart  of  Europe.  "  I  will  rouse, " 
exclaimed  the  hermit,  "  the  martial  nations  of  the  west  in 
your  cause ;  J  and  if  you  will  address  a  letter  to  the  Pope, 

*  Stowe's  Annals,  p.  132.  Matthaeus  Westmonasteriensis,  lib.  ii.,  p.  17. 
Gul.  Tyrr.  lib.  i.,  c.  2.         Fleury,  tome  xiii.,  p.  585. 

t  "  A  peine  peuvent  ils  se  defendre  eux-memes,  toute  leur  force  est  tombee, 
et  vous  pouvez  avoir  appriz  que  depuis  peu  d'annees  ils  out  perdu  plus  de  la 
moitie  de  leur  empire." — Fleury. 

X  Gibbon. 


POPE    URBAN.  15 

I  will  be  the  bearer  of  it,  and  second  your  application  by 
offering  to  preach  the  crusade  throughout  the  provinces." 
The  patriarch  was  equally  struck  with  the  vastness  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  personal  insignificance  of  the  individual 
with  whom  the  idea  originated.  The  searching  glance  of 
Peter's  eye, #  lit  up  by  religious  enthusiasm,  could  not, 
however,  escape  notice ;  and  the  earnestness  with  which  he 
expressed  himself  upon  the  subj  ect  of  their  conversation,  soon 
caused  the  patriarch  to  decide  upon  the  course  he  should 
pursue.  He  accordingly  addressed  a  most  touching  letter 
to  Pope  Urban,  imploring  his  assistance  on  behalf  of  the 
Christians  in  Palestine,  and  gave  the  necessary  credentials 
to  the  holy  hermit.  A  circumstance  soon  occurred  which, 
according  to  Peter's  own  statement,  hastened  his  departure 
for  Italy.  Whilst  praying  within  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  for  the  success  of  his  project,  he  fell  into  a  trance, 
during  which  Christ  appeared  to  him,  saying,  "  Rise,  Peter, 
and  execute  your  commission, — I  will  be  with  you;  it  is 
time  the  holy  places  were  purified,  and  my  servants  pro- 
tected." No  sooner  had  Peter  awakened  from  this  trance, 
than  he  took  an  affectionate  leave  of  the  patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  proceeded  on  his  mission. 

As  soon  as  Pope  Urban  f  became  acquainted  with  the 
afflictions  of  the  Christians  in  the  east,  he  determined  upon 
appealing  to  the  princes  of  Europe  in  their  behalf, — not 
openly  avowing  himself,  in  the  first  instance,  as  the  prime 
mover  of  the  crusade,  but  prudently  allowing  the  hermit 
to  preach  upon  the  subject  throughout  the  various  parts  of 
Europe,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  ascertain  whether  the  general 
feeling  was  favourable  to  the  undertaking. 

Armed  with  the  authority  of  the  pontiff,  Peter  went  forth 

*  "  Erat  autem  hie  idem  statura  pusillus,  et  quantum  ad  exteriorem  hominem, 
persona  contemptibilis.  Sed  major  in  exigno  regnabat  car-pore  virtus.  Vivacis 
enim  ingenii  erat ;  et  oculum  habens  perspicacem,  gratumque,  et  sponte  fluens 
ei  non  deerat  eloquium." — Gull.  Tyrr.,  lib.  i.,  c.  xi.,  p.  637.  (Gesta  Dei.) 

t  Annales  de  Margan.  Mattbaeus  Westmonasteriensis,  lib.  ii.,  p.  17.  Stowe's 
Annals,  p.  132.  Speed's  History  of  Great  Britain,  p.  461.  Chronica  de 
Mailros,  p.  163. 


16  PETER  PREACHES  THE  CRUSADE. 

in  the  full  assurance  of  success ;  and  the  mournful  picture 
which  he  drew  of  the  excesses  committed  by  the  Turks, 
heightened  in  its  effect  by  the  vehemence  of  his  gesture, 
drew  tears  from  the  multitudes  that  flocked  around  him. 
The  emaciated  state  of  his  body,  induced  by  long  abstinence 
and  prayer,  his  naked  feet,  the  coarseness  of  his  dress,  and 
the  insignificance  of  his  person,  were  placed  in  striking 
contrast  with  the  passionate  appeals  which  he  made  to  his 
auditory. 

If  Pope  Gregory  had  previously  succeeded  in  directing  the 
attention  of  Europe  to  the  subject  of  the  Crusade,  Urban, 
by  means  of  this  enthusiastic  missionary,  at  length  convinced 
the  nations  that  it  was  an  indispensable  duty#  to  wage  a 
war  of  extermination  against  the  infidels.  The  whole  of 
Europe  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  fanaticism  by  his  preach- 
ing ;  social  duties  and  obligations  were  regarded  as  of  secon- 
dary importance ;  and  such  was  the  temper  of  the  times,  that 
it  appeared  as  though  the  countless  myriads  of  the  west 
were  about  to  be  transferred  to  the  shores  of  Asia.  Where- 
ever  Peter  preached,  conviction  struck  the  hearts  of  his 
hearers,  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  returned  to  the  Pope 
to  give  an  account  of  the  success  that  had  attended  his 
efforts. 

Urban  now  openly  avowed  himself  favourable  to  the  cause 
of  the  Crusade  ;f  and  the  council  which  he  summoned  at 
Placentia  consisted  of  thirty  thousand  of  the  laity,  and  four 
thousand  of  the  clergy,  including  no  less  than  two  hundred 
bishops.  J  The  ambassadors  of  the  Emperor  Alexius  were 
introduced  for  the  purpose  of  appealing  to  the  assembly  in 
favour  of  their  suffering  brethren  in  the  Holy  Land  ;  and 
they  did  not  fail  to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunity 
which  thus  presented  itself  of  enforcing  the  necessity,  not 

*  Brady's  History  of  England,  p.  223.  Waddington,  p.  304. 

t  "  The  Popes  were  the  only  gainers  by  this  great  adventure  ;  and  all  other 
princes  of  Europe,  when  they  cast  up  their  audit,  found  themselves  losers." — 
Fullers  Holy  War,  p.  11. 

$  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  CLERMONT.  17 

only  of  checking  any  further  inroads  of  the  Turks  upon  the 
possessions  of  the  Christian  princes,  but  also  of  expelling 
them  from  their  newly  acquired  territory  in  Syria.  Tears 
flowed  plentifully  at  the  recital  of  the  various  cruelties  in- 
flicted upon  the  pilgrims  who  visited  Jerusalem,  and  at 
length  it  was  determined  to  attempt  the  deliverance  of  the 
Holy  City.  The  Pope  dismissed  the  assembly  with  his 
blessing,  and  with  the  promise  of  summoning  another  coun- 
cil at  Clermont,  in  the  territories  of  the  Duke  of  Auvergne; 
advising  that,  in  the  interim,  the  necessary  preparation  should 
be  made  for  the  approaching  contest. 

At  the  council  of  Clermont,  Urban  proceeded  to  address 
his  hearers  in  a  style  of  eloquence  admirably  adapted  to 
inflame  their  passions,  and  bring  their  minds  over  to  the 
obj  ect  in  which  he  was  so  deeply  interested  ;  they  were, 
however,  previously  acquainted  with  the  purport  of  his  ad- 
dress, if  not  with  the  varied  arguments  connected  with  it. 
The  preacher,  by  his  influence,  arising  in  a  great  measure 
from  the  exalted  station  which  he  occupied  in  the  church, 
had  drawn  around  him  a  greater  number  of  ecclesiastics 
than  had  attended  the  council  previously  held  at  Placentia.* 

He  first  described  the  recent  acquisitions  of  the  Turks  in 
Asia  and  Africa,  and  mentioned  the  probability,  that  in  some 
capricious  moment  they  would  again  attempt  to  subjugate 
Europe.  He  then,  by  the  introduction  of  a  very  ingenious 
argument,  explained  the  cause  of  the  supineness  of  the 
Greeks,  and  the  necessity  that  existed  for  interference  on 
the  part  of  the  nations  of  the  west ;  observing,  with  great 
naivete,  that  those  who  lived  in  the  east  were  under  the 
influence  of  a  scorching  sun,  and  had,  therefore,  little  blood 
to  spare ;  and  that  it  behoved  those  who  lived  in  a  different 
climate,  "  their  blood  flowing  luxuriantly  in  their  veins," 
to  shed  it  freely  for  the  sake  of  Christ.  To  those  joining  the 
Crusade,  he  promised  plenary  forgiveness  of  sin  and  hea- 
venly beatitude  after  death.     The  rich  and  the  poor  were 

*  See  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of  Clermont. — Concil.  torn,  xif.,  p.  829,  &c. 

C 


18  THE  COUNCIL  OF  CLERMONT. 

addressed  by  arguments  adapted  to  their  different  condi- 
tions ;  and,  after  remarking  that  no  ties  of  kindred  were 
sufficiently  strong  to  set  aside  the  duty  which  he  prescribed 
to  them,  he  thus  addressed  the  general  assembly,  in  con- 
clusion : — 

"  Do  you,  therefore,  my  dear  brethren,  arm  yourselves 
with  the  zeal  of  God,  march  to  the  succour  of  your  bre- 
thren, and  the  Lord  be  with  you.  Turn  against  the  enemy 
of  the  Christian  name,  the  arms  which  you  employ  in  in- 
juring each  other.#  Redeem,  by  a  service  so  agreeable  to 
God,  your  pillages,  conflagrations,  homicides,  and  other  mor- 
tal crimes,  so  as  to  obtain  his  ready  pardon.  We  exhort 
you  and  enjoin  you,  for  the  remission  of  your  sins,  to  have 
pity  on  the  afflictions  of  our  brethren  at  Jerusalem,  and  to 
repress  the  insolence  of  the  infidels,  who  propose  to  subju- 
gate kingdoms  and  empires,  and  to  extinguish  the  name  of 
Christ.*!'  Having  confidence  in  the  pity  of  the  Almighty, 
and  the  authority  of  St.  Peter,  we  remit  the  sins  J  of  all 
those  who  will  fight  against  the  infidels,  and  those  who  die 
in  true  penitence  need  not  doubt  that  they  will  receive  the 
pardon  of  their  offences,  and  an  eternal  reward.  We  take 
under  the  especial  care  and  protection  of  the  church  and 
Saint  Peter  all  those  who  engage  in  this  holy  enterprise ; 
and  ordain  that  their  persons  and  their  goods  be  in  per- 
fect safety." 

No  sooner  had  the  Pope  concluded  his  address,  than  the 

*  Whilst  Pope  Urban  excited  the  nations  of  the  west  against  the  infidels,  he 
seems  to  have  forgotten 

"  That  God  has  formed 
Mankind  to  be  one  mighty  brotherhood  ; 
Himself  our  Father,  and  the  world  our  home." — Coleridge. 

t  Fleury,  tome  xiii.,  p.  587.  Waddington. 

|  The  clergy  also  were  authorized  to  remit  the  sins  and  to  relieve  from  purga- 
tory those  who  assumed  the  cross. 

"  Par  Pautorite  de  Dieu  tout  puissant,  de  St.  Pierre  et  de  St.  Paul,  et  de  notre 
tres  saint  pere  le  Pape,  a  moi  commise,  je  vous  accorde  la  remission  de  tous  vos 
peches  confesses,  oublies,  ignores,  et  des  peines  du  purgatoire." — Voltaire,  Essai 
sur  les  Mozurs,  tome  ii.,  p.  529. 


A    CRUSADE    DETERMINED    UPON.  19 

multitude  exclaimed,  as  with  one  voice,  "  God  wills  it !  "  # 
"  Yes,  my  dear  brethren,"  said  the  sovereign  pontiff,  "  God 
indeed  wills  it ;  and  this  day  is  accomplished  the  saying  of 
Jesus  Christ,  that  where  two  or  three  are  gathered  together 
in  his  name,  there  is  He  in  the  midst  of  them ;  for  had  you 
not  been  influenced  from  on  high,  you  would  not  have  thus 
expressed  yourselves.  Let  this,  therefore,  be  your  war-cry 
—God  wills  it." 

Great  numbers  of  the  clergy  and  laity  received  the  cross 
at  the  hands  of  the  Pope,  whom  they  entreated,  but  in  vain, 
to  march  at  their  head.  Adhelm,  or  Adhemar,  Bishop  of 
Puy,  was  appointed  Legate  to  the  Crusade ;  and  the  Pope 
then  enjoined  those  who  had  assumed  the  cross  to  be  pre- 
pared to  depart  for  the  Holy  Land  by  the  15th  of  August  of 
the  ensuing  year,  f 

*  "  Deus  vult !  Deus  vult !  was  the  pure  acclamation  of  the  clergy  who  under- 
stood Latin.  By  the  illiterate  laity,  who  spoke  the  provincial,  or  Limousin 
idiom,  it  was  corrupted  to  Deus  lo  vult !  or  Diex  el  volt!" — Gibbon. 

t  It  must  not  be  understood,  that  all  assuming  the  cross  visited  the  Holy 
Land  ;  or  that  those  promising-  to  aid  the  holy  cause,  by  pecuniary  or  other 
grants,  always  performed  their  promises.  Richard  the  First  was  authorized  by 
the  Pope  to  receive  a  consideration  from  those  who  had  assumed  the  cross,  in  lieu 
of  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land  (Rapin)  ;  and  the  following  passage  will  fully 
prove  to  the  reader,  that  the  promise  to  assist  in  the  Crusades  was  sometimes 
handed  down  from  father  to  son,  as  an  heir-loom. 

"  Whereas  I,  Roger  Beauchamp,  am  bound  to  do  service  on  the  Infidels  by  desire 
of  my  grandsire,  Sir  Walter  Beauchamp,  to  the  extent  of  200  marks, — 1  will  that 
Roger,  son  to  Roger  my  son,  shall  perform  the  same  when  he  comes  of  age." — 
Nicholas  Testamenta  Vetusta,  p.  104. 


C    2 


20 


APPEAL    TO    THE    PRINCES    OF    EUROPE. 


CHAPTER   II. 


FIRST    CRUSADE,  1096. WILLIAM    RUFUS. 


C^^IB  Urban*  having  dissolved  the 
council  of  Clermont,  the  bishops  and 
other  ecclesiastics  who  had  attended  it, 
proceeded  to  preach  the  Crusade  in  their 
several  dioceses ;  the  pontiff  himself, 
being  at  the  same  time  actively  engaged  in  ad- 
dressing letters  to  the  King  of  England,f  and 
the  other  reigning  princes  of  Europe,  in  favour 
of  the  project.  These  princes  were,  however, 
as  little  inclined  as  the  Pope  himself,  to  ven- 
ture their  personal  safety  in  the  Holy  War : — 
"  Henry  the  Fourth,  the  emperor  of  the  west, 
was  not  disposed  to  leave  his  dominions; 
Philip  of  France  was  occupied  by  his  plea- 
sures ;  William  Rufus  of  England,  by  a  recent 
conquest;  the  kings  of  Spain  in  a  domestic  war  with  the 
Moors;  and  the  northern  monarchs  of  Scotland,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  and  Poland,  were  yet  strangers  to  the  passions  and 
interests  of  the  south. "J 

The  holy  cause  was,  however,  warmly  espoused  by  many 

*  Fuller  says,  that  the  Pope's  object  in  promoting  the  Crusades,  was  to  make 
the  eastern  church  a  chapel  of  ease  to  the  mother  church  of  Rome. — Holy  War, 
p.  11. 

-f-  Hist.  Lit.  de  la  France,  tome  viii.  Histoire  Eccl6siastique,  par  M.  Fleury, 
tome  xiii.,  p.  567. 

X  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  vii. 


MOTIVES    OF    THE    CRUSADERS.  21 

illustrious  princes  of  the  second  order;  and  the  names  of 
some  of  these  religious  military  heroes #  have  descended 
to  posterity.  Such  was  the  state  of  society  at  the  period 
when  Peter  the  Hermit  preached  the  Crusade,  that  little 
surprise  can  be  felt  at  the  astonishing  effects  resulting  from 
it.  The  learning  which  had  characterised  the  preceding 
centuries  was  gradually  dwindling  away ;  ignorance  and 
its  accompaniment — superstition,  were  once  more  gaining  the 
ascendency  over  the  minds  of  those  who  occupied  the  more 
elevated  situations  in  life;y  and  the  rumour  of  the  ap- 
proaching Millennium,  so  well  calculated  to  excite  terror  and 
dismay  in  uninformed  minds,  had  for  some  time  been  gaining 
ground. 

The  preaching  of  Peter,  added  to  the  powerful  address  of 
Pope  Urban,  threw  the  whole  of  Europe  into  a  state  of  con- 
vulsion ;  during  which,  the  social  fabric  was  shaken  to  its 
very  foundations,  and  the  ties  of  kindred  were  either  for- 
gotten, or  entirely  disregarded. 

The  love  of  warfare  inflamed  the  minds  of  those  who  had 
long  been  familiar  with  the  battle-field,  whilst  such  as  had 
hitherto  enjoyed  all  the  sweets  of  social  and  domestic 
happiness  were  induced  to  resign  those  blessings  from  a 
mistaken  sense  of  duty.  Parents  tottering  on  the  brink  of 
the  grave,  and  dependent  upon  their  children  for  the  common 
necessaries  of  life,  were  deserted  without  compunction, — 
their  wretched  offspring,  with  minds  inflamed  by  a  wild  and 
ungovernable  fanaticism,  checking  the  rising  appeals  of  na- 
tural affection  by  observing,  that  "  they  who  would  not  leave 
father  and  mother  for  the  sake  of  Christ,  were  unworthy  of 
him."  The  husband,  who  had  hitherto  proved  himself  a  pro- 
tector to  his  wife  and  children,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  en- 

*  "  The  engrafting  of  the  virtues  of  humanity  and  the  practical  duties  of 
religion  on  the  sanguinary  qualities  of  the  warrior,  was  a  circumstance  heneficial 
to  the  world."— Mills,  vol.  i.t  p.  34. 

t  "  Eche  was  not  lettred  that  then  was  a  lorde, 
Nor  eche  a  elerke  that  had  a  benefice ; 
All  were  not  lawyers  that  did  plees  recorde, 
All  those  promoted  were  not  fully  wise." 


22  MOTIVES    OF    THE    CRUSADERS. 

treaties,  and  abandoned  them  to  their  hapless  fate.  "The 
monk  and  the  recluse  tired  of  their  cells,  and  the  peasant 
weary  of  his  labour;  and  all  blinded  by  the  feeble  glimmering  of 
a  false  zeal,  deserted  their  stations  and  their  former  calling : "  * 
some  engaged  in  the  Crusade  to  escape  the  charge  of  cow- 
ardice, others  merely  for  the  sake  of  good  companionship. 

If  this  sudden  change  took  place  in  the  minds  of  the 
more  virtuous  part  of  the  community,  how  direful  were  its 
effects  upon  those  who  had  already  turned  aside  from  the 
path  of  rectitude,  and  had  thus  become  aliens  from  society !  f 
The  murderer,  whose  hands  had  been  imbrued  in  the 
blood  of  a  fellow-Christian,  was  taught  that  Heaven  would 
overlook  the  commission  of  a  crime  which  had  hitherto  been 
unforgiven,  and  that  the  decrees  of  the  Almighty  would  be 
reversed  in  his  favour,  if  he  would  but  sheathe  his  sword  in 
the  heart  of  the  hapless  Saracen.  Debtors  were  released 
from  their  engagements  upon  assuming  the  cross,  "  and  pi- 
rates, murderers,  and  robbers,  were  allowed  to  wash  away 
their  guilt  in  the  blood  of  the  infidels."  J  In  short,  by  the 
promise  of  plenary  forgiveness  of  sin,  nations  were  urged, 
as  if  by  the  command  of  Heaven,  to  the  commission  of  crimes 
which  had  been  previously  considered  as  equally  subversive 
of  individual  and  social  happiness. § 

"  Sex  and  age, 
Nation  and  language,  jointly  did  engage 
Their  motley  forces  to  redress  thy  woes, 
Jerusalem,  ravish'd  by  barbarous  foes. 


*  "  II  y  eut  des  eVeques  ;  entre  autres,  Adhemar  du  Pui,  L6gat  pour  la 
Croisade,  et  Guillaume  Eveque  d'Orange,  quantite  de  pretres  et  d'autres  clercs, 
quantite  d 'abbes,  et  de  moines,  et  meme  des  reclus,  qui  sortoient  de  leurs  cellules." 
— Fleury,  tome  xiii.,  p.  601. 

t  Fuller  observes,  that  the  first  Crusade  was  the  great  sewer  that  carried  off  the 
impurities  of  Europe. 

t  "  Thousands,  nay  millions,  of  armed  saints  and  sinners  ranged  themselves 
to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Lord."— Mills,  vol.  i.,  p.  61. 

§  See  Ducange  (torn,  ii.,  pp.  651,  652,)  for  the  privileges  aud  immunities  en- 
joyed by  those  who  assumed  the  cross. 


PREPARATION  FOR  THE  CRUSADE.  23 

But  soon,  alas  !  their  valiant  soldiers  fell 

By  th'  angel,  Turk,  and  death,  heaven,  earth,  and  hell. 

Those  that  escaped  came  home  as  full  of  grief 

As  the  poor  purse  is  empty  of  relief; 

And  many  found  their  gains,  alas  !  no  more 

Than  crosses  gules,  instead  of  crosses  or." — Fuller. 

But  whilst  the  lower  orders  of  society  regarded  the  Cru- 
sade as  the  means  of  enabling  them  to  acquire  plunder  and 
to  indulge  in  every  excess,  the  higher  orders  were  influenced 
by  nobler  feelings ;  and  although  ambition  and  the  love  of 
military  renown  may  have  influenced  some  in  assuming  the 
cross,  many  were  prompted  by  feelings  of  devotion  to  engage 
in  a  war,  which  they  considered  as  not  only  permitted,  but 
even  enj  oined  by  Heaven. 

Of  the  princes  who  acted  as  leaders  in  the  first  Crusade, 
the  following  were  the  most  illustrious.  Godfrey  de  Bouil- 
lon ;  his  brothers,  Eustace  and  Baldwin ;  Robert  Curthose, 
Duke  of  Normandy, #  (brother  of  the  King  of  England) ; 
Stephen,  Earl  of  Albemarle;  Roger  de  Clinton,  Bishop  of 
Lichfield ;  Odo,  Bishop  of  Bayeux  and  Earl  of  Kent ; 
Robert,  Count  of  Flanders;  Stephen,  Count  of  Chartres; 
Adhelm,  or  Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy,  (the  Pope's  Legate) ; 
Raymond,  Count  of  Thoulouse ;  William,  Bishop  of  Orange ; 
Hugh,  Count  of  Vermandois  ;  Bohemund,  the  son  of  Robert 
Guiscard ;  and  his  cousin,  Tancred. 

These  leaders,  less  influenced  by  the  mere  impulses  of 
passion  than  the  lower  orders,  availed  themselves  of  the 
time  allowed  by  the  Pope  for  preparation  for  the  Crusade, 
by  making  every  arrangement  for  securing  the  success  of 
the  vast  enterprise  in  which  they  had  engaged.  It  was 
evident  to  them  that  great  difficulties  would  arise  in  obtain- 
ing the  provisions  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  countless 
multitudes  that  had  assumed  the  cross,  more  especially  as 
they  had  to  pass  through  countries  which  were  inhabited 

*  The  monument  of  Rohert  Duke  of  Normandy  is  in  Gloucester  cathedral  ; 
for  graphic  illustrations  of  which,  see  "  Britton's  Gloucester  Cathedral,"  and 
"  Stothard's  Monumental  Effigies." 


24 


PRINCES    SELL    THEIR    ESTATES. 


either  by  infidels  or  the  mercenary  soldiers  of  the  Emperor 
Alexius  ;  after  much  consideration,  it  was  determined  that 
the  croises  should  be  separated  into  divisions  according  to  the 
nations  to  which  they  respectively  belonged,  and  that  they 
should  be  under  the  control  of  their  native  chiefs,  so  as  the 
more  effectually  to  prevent  those  evils  which  would  necessa- 
rily have  arisen  from  such  an  immense  concourse  of  persons 
leaving  Europe  in  one  mass. 

In  order  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Crusade,  those  of 
the  richer  class  sold  their  possessions,  many  of  which  were 
eagerly  bought  up  by  the  ecclesiastics.  "  Godfrey  sold  the 
duchy  of  Bouillon  to  the  Bishop  of  Liege ;  the  town  of  Metz 
to  the  citizens ;  and  the  castle  of  Sarteny  and  Mons  to 
Richard,  Bishop  of  Verdun."*  Herpin,  Earl  of  Bourges, 
disposed  of  his  earldom  to  Philip,  King  of  France ;  Robert 
of  Normandy  mortgaged  his  duchy  to  his  brother  Rufus, 
the  King  of  England;  who,  in  order  to  raise  the  money, 
seized  the  chalices  of  the  church,  f — a  circumstance  de- 
serving of  notice,  as  he  had,  upon  his  accession  to  the 
throne  of  England,  restored  to  the  clergy  the  plate  and 
other  property  of  which  his  father,  William  the  Conqueror, 
had  dispossessed  them.  J  Eustace,  the  brother  of  Godfrey 
de  Bouillon,  sold  all  his  possessions  to  the  church ;  and  the 
other  leaders  of  the  Crusade  acted  in  a  similar  manner, 
their  example  being  imitated  by  persons  of  every  rank  in 
society. 

*  Daniel's  History  of  England. 

t  "  Much  ado  there  was  to  raise  the  10,000  marks,  which  William  Rufus  im- 
posed upon  his  great  men.  The  bishops,  the  abbots,  and  abbesses  brake  the 
gold  and  silver  ornaments  of  the  churches  ;  and  the  earls,  barons,  and  viscounts 
fleeced  their  villains." — Brady's  History  of  England,  Edit.  1685,  p.  223.  See,  also, 
Sharpe's  William  of  Malmesbury,  p.  338  ;  Matt.  Westmonast.,  p.  17  ;  Matt. 
Paris  ;  Chronica  de  Mailros,  p.  162. 

$  "  King  William  the  Conqueror  spared  neither  chalices  nor  shrines,  appro- 
priating the  property  of  the  abbeys  and  monasteries  to  himself.  Rufus,  upon 
coming  to  the  throne,  gave  up  the  gold  gathered  up  by  his  father,  to  the  monas- 
teries and  parish  churches." — Stow's  Annals,  p.  111.  See,  also,  Chronica  Walteri 
Hemingford,  (Gale,)  vol.  ii.,  p.  459. 


WALTER    THE    PENNYLESS.  25 

The  lower  orders  were  impatient  to  commence  the  Cru- 
sade, and  before  the  arrival  of  the  appointed  day,  Peter 
the  Hermit,  and  his  lieutenant,  Walter  the  Pennyless,  left 
France  and  Lorraine,  accompanied  by  sixty  thousand  persons 
of  both  sexes.#  These  were  followed  by  about  twenty  thou- 
sand Germans,  under  the  guidance  of  a  monk  named  Gode- 
schal,  and  the  rear  of  the  army  was  brought  up  by  no  less 
than  two  hundred  thousand  f  of  the  vilest  of  the  rabble, 
whose  ostensible  leaders  were  a  goat  and  a  goose,  both  of 
which  were  said  to  be  influenced  by  the  Holy  Spirit.  J 

Having  made  but  few  arrangements  for  the  subsistence 
of  their  followers,  owing  to  the  impossibility  of  ascertain- 
ing their  probable  numbers,  as  multitudes  were  continually 
joining  the  crowd,  Peter  the  Hermit  and  Walter  soon  found 
it  necessary  to  separate. 

Walter  led  the  van,  passing  through  Hungary  and  Bul- 
garia. Those  under  his  command  found  great  difficulty  in 
making  their  way  over  the  Hungarian  marshes  ;  but  the  inha- 
bitants, having  a  short  time  previously  embraced  the  doc- 
trines of  Christianity,  §  offered  no  opposition,  so  long  as  they 
refrained  from  committing  any  excesses. 

Such  was  their  ignorance  of  the  geographical  position  of 
Jerusalem,  that  upon  approaching  any  considerable  town, 
they  supposed  themselves  to  have  arrived  at  theii  journey's 
end.     Being  compelled  by  hunger  to  demand  a  supply  of 

*  "  Women  were  not  to  go  to  the  Crusades,  unless  with  their  fathers  or  bro- 
thers, who  could  answer  for  them,  (qui  en  repondent)  ;  but  little  attention  was 
paid  to  this  injunction." — 'Fleury. 

t  "  Six  millions  of  persons  assumed  the  cross,  but  multitudes  returned  home 
ere  they  passed  the  sea." — Fulcherius  Carnotensis.  (Gesta  Dei,  per  Francos., 
p.  387.) 

J  "  Anserem  quendam  divino  spiritu  asserebant  afflatum,  et  capellam  non 
minus  eodem  repletam  et  has  sibi  duces  hujus  secundae  vise  fecerant  in  Jerusa- 
lem."— Alberius  Aquiensis,  (Gesta  Dei,  per  Francos)  Hist.  lib.  i.,  cap.  36. 

§  The  circumstance  of  the  Hungarians  having  embraced  the  Christian  faith 
was  extremely  favourable  to  the  cause  of  the  Crusade,  as  they  had,  during  the 
early  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  implored  their  sovereign  to  allow  them  to  kill 
the  bishops  and  other  ministers  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  to  return  to  their 
ancient  form  of  worship. 


26 


EXCESSES  OF  THE  CRUSADERS. 


provisions  from  the  Bulgarians,  and  this  demand  not  being 
complied  with,  the  crusaders  proceeded  to  plunder  the  vari- 
ous towns  through  which  they  passed ;  and  these  outrages 
at  length  roused  the  indignation  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
attacked  them  with  a  formidable  force,  and  completely  routed 
them.  Walter  escaped  through  the  forests  of  Bulgaria,  and, 
after  sustaining  many  privations,  arrived  with  a  few  of  his 
followers  at  Constantinople. 

Peter  the  Hermit  followed  the  route  of  Walter #  with 
about  forty  thousand  men,  women,  and  children,  and  met 
with  equally  severe  reverses  owing  to  the  misconduct  of  his 
companions,  over  whom  he  had  but  little  control ;  but  hav- 
ing entered  into  an  arrangement  with  the  Hungarians  for  a 
supply  of  provisions,  the  march  of  this  division  of  the  cru- 
saders was,  for  a  time,  unmarked  by  any  atrocity.  Upon 
their  approach,  however,  to  Malleville,  they  observed  the 
weapons  of  those  who  had  preceded  them  suspended  from  the 
walls  of  the  town,  as  if  to  warn  them  not  to  indulge  in  simi- 
lar excesses. 

This  sight  inflamed  their  minds  with  a  desire  of  revenge, 
and  the  thoughtless  multitude,  forgetting  that  they  were 
surrounded  by  their  enemies,  took  the  town  by  assault,  and 
massacred  the  inhabitants.  Carloman,  hearing  of  this  out- 
rage, determined  upon  wreaking  his  vengeance  upon  the 
crusaders,  who  in  the  meanwhile  were  rioting  in  the  town 
and  committing  crimes,  the  character  of  which  clearly 
proves  how  little  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity  had  found 
entrance  into  their  hearts.  The  Hungarians  burst  upon 
them  like  a  torrent,  carrying  destruction  and  dismay  on 
every  side.  Some  of  the  crusaders  took  refuge  in  the  forests ; 
others  passed  into  Bulgaria,  where  they  were  attacked  by 
the  Turcomans.  Thousands  perished  in  this  contest ;  but  at 
length,  Peter,  with  the  miserable  remains  of  his  army,  passed 
the  river  Maroe,  and  proceeded  onward  to  Nissa.  Here 
they  obtained  permission   to  purchase   provisions,  and   re- 

*  Roberti  Monachi  Historia,  lib.  i.,  p.  33. 


THE    MONK    GODESCHAL.  27 

mained  for  some  time  upon  good  terms  with  the  inhabitants ; 
but  a  quarrel  arising  respecting  some  trivial  circumstance, 
the  crusaders  set  fire  to  several  houses,  which  so  enraged 
the  townsmen,  that  they  commenced  an  indiscriminate  slaugh- 
ter of  the  lawless  rabble.  Peter  was  panic-struck  at  this 
occurrence,  and  would  have  given  himself  up  to  despair,  had 
he  not  been  upbraided  by  some  of  his  followers  for  want 
of  confidence  in  the  protection  of  that  Being,  under  whose 
guidance  he  had  professed  to  lead  them  to  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre of  Christ.  Peter  being  thus  brought  to  a  sense  of  his 
duty,  collected  together  the  survivors,  and  proceeded  on  his 
way  to  Philippopoli,  and  at  length  reached  Constantinople. 

The  followers  of  the  monk  Godeschal,  thought  to  forward 
the  cause  of  Christianity  by  exterminating  the  Jews.#  At 
Worms,  Verdun,  Treves,  Spires,  and  Mentz,  thousands  of 
this  unhappy  people  were  slaughtered  in  cold  blood,  their 
wealth  falling  into  the  possession  of  their  heartless  mur- 
derers. Pursuing  a  line  of  conduct  still  more  criminal  than 
that  of  their  precursors,  their  numbers  were  considerably 
reduced  before  they  reached  Constantinople,  where  they 
joined  the  followers  of  Walter  and  Peter  the  Hermit. 

The  Emperor  Alexius,  instead  of  receiving  the  succour  he 
had  anticipated  from  the  Latins,  found  himself  bearded  within 
the  walls  of  Constantinople  by  an  ungovernable  mob,  whose 
only  pleasure  seemed  to  arise  from  the  perpetration  of  the 
most  shameful  atrocities.  Their  continuance  before  the 
walls  of  Constantinople  had  become  a  source  of  uneasiness 
to  him,  owing  to  their  irregularities ;  but  this  feeling  was 
considerably  increased  by  his  learning  from  Peter  that  six 
millions  of  Europeans  had  assumed  the  cross,  and  that  three 
hundred  thousand  were  on   their   way   to   Constantinople, 

*  The  crusaders,  under  Godeschal,  thought  the  only  way  to  establish  Christi- 
anity, was  by  the  extermination  of  the  Jews  and  Moslems  ;  pursuing  in  this 
respect  a  similar  line  of  conduct  with  the  Romans  on  their  invasion  of  Britain, 
whom  Galgacus  (Tacit.  Agric.  cap.  xxx.)  described  as  making  a  solitude,  and 
calling  it  peace. 


28  PETER  PASSES  THE  BOSPHORUS. 

under  the  command  of  the  most  noble   and  most  warlike 
princes  of  Europe. 

No  sooner  were  the  crusaders  pressed  by  hunger,  than 
they  despoiled  the  churches  and  other  public  edifices  of 
Constantinople,  and  sold  the  materials  in  order  to  procure  a 
supply  of  provisions.*  The  Emperor  Alexius,  finding  it  use- 
less to  attempt  to  prevent  these  outrages,  at  length  effected 
by  stratagem  what  he  was  unable  to  accomplish  by  open 
force.  After  many  attempts,  he  prevailed  upon  Peter  and 
his  companions  to  pass  over  to  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  Bos- 
phorus;  and  having  done  this,  they  imagined  themselves 
in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem,  and  marched  forward  unin- 
terruptedly, until  they  approached  the  plain  of  Nice,  where 
their  further  progress  was  opposed  by  the  infidels. 

A  desperate  engagement  ensued,  in  which  Walter  the 
Pennyless  fell,  covered  with  wounds,  together  with  nearly 
the  whole  of  those  brutal  savages,  whose  progress  through 
Europe  had  been  marked  by  so  much  bloodshed. 

,  The  prudent  Peter,  however,  escaped,  having  retired  from 
the  army  and  returned  to  Constantinople,  f  upon  the  pre- 
tence of  arranging  some  matters  of  importance  with  the 
Emperor  Alexius ;  but  in  reality,  to  avoid  the  fate  which  he 
anticipated  would  befall  his  companions  in  arms.  The 
Turks,  having  gained  this  victory,  piled  the  bodies  of  the 
Christians  in  the  form  of  a  pyramid,  and  their  bones  were 
left  to  whiten  on  the  plain  of  Nice,  so  as  to  overawe  any 
other  pilgrims  who  might  pass  that  way  to  Jerusalem. 

The  names  of  the  various  princes  who  engaged  in  the  first 
Crusade  have  already  been  mentioned ;  it  will,  however,  be 
necessary  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  circumstances  attend- 
ing their  progress  to  Constantinople,  the  appointed  place 
of  rendezvous  for  all  those  who  purposed  engaging  in  the 
war  against  the  infidels. 

♦ 

*  Gesta  Dei,  per  Fraucos,  p.  1. 

t  "  Petrus  vero  Eremita  abierat  et  Constantinopolim  remeaverat." — Bob.  Mon., 
p.  34. 


CRUSADERS    UNDER    HUGH    THE    GREAT.  29 

Hugh,  sumamed  the  Great,  Count  of  Vermandois, #  and 
brother  to  the  King  of  France,  accompanied  by  the  two 
Roberts,  Raymond  Count  of  Thoulouse,  and  Adhelm,  Bishop 
of  Puy,  passed  through  France  into  Italy, — many  other 
princes  joining  their  ranks,  independently  of  countless  mul- 
titudes of  the  middling  and  lower  classes.  They  visited  the 
Pope  at  Lucca,  where  they  received  his  holy  benediction 
and  the  golden  standard  of  Saint  Peter.  The  season  of  the 
year  was  extremely  unfavourable  for  the  embarkation  of  the 
troops,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  chiefs  were  disposed  to 
pass  the  winter  in  Italy ;  indeed,  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of 
Normandy  and  the  Count  of  Flanders  were  cantoned  in  the 
towns  on  the  sea  coast.  The  Count  of  Vermandois  was, 
however,  anxious  to  reach  Constantinople  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble; he  therefore  sent  forward,  to  Durazzo,  messengers  ar- 
rayed in  golden  armour,  who  requested  the  governor  of 
that  place  to  make  the  proper  preparations  for  receiving 
the  standard-bearer  of  the  Pope,  and  soon  afterwards  em- 
barked from  Italy  himself;  but  his  fleet  was  scattered  by  a 
tempest,  and  his  own  vessel  was  driven  on  shore  at  Durazzo. 

The  lieutenant  of  the  Emperor  Alexius  feigned  great  sor- 
row at  this  lamentable  event,  and  treated  Hugh  with  every 
outward  mark  of  respect.  The  count  was  soon  prevailed 
upon  to  proceed  to  Constantinople,  where  he  remained  vir- 
tually a  prisoner,  although  Alexius, — too  prudent  to  proceed 
to  extremities  until  he  had  become  acquainted  with  the  in- 
tentions of  the  other  leaders  of  the  Crusade,  refrained  from 
placing  him  under  actual  restraint ;  in  fact,  by  affecting  to 
deplore  the  misfortunes  which  had  befallen  the  count,  he 
succeeded  in  obtaining  his  confidence,  and  at  length  pre- 
vailed upon  him  to  swear  fealty  to  him. 

Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Baldwin, 
and  many  other  noble  princes  from  the  banks  of  the  Elbe 
and  the  Rhine,  proceeded  by  the  same  route  as  Peter  the 
Hermit,  but  took  the  precaution  of  arranging  with  the  King 

*   Rob.  Mob.,  lib.  i. 


30  BOHEMUND    JOINS    THE    CRUSADE. 

of  Hungary  for  the  necessary  supply  of  provisions  for  the 
army,  and  gave  his  brother  as  a  hostage  for  the  good  con- 
duct of  those  under  his  command.  Having  passed  through 
Hungary,  he  proceeded  onward  to  Constantinople  by  way  of 
Bulgaria  and  Thrace. 

Hearing  of  the  detention  of  the  Count  of  Vermandois, 
Godfrey  sent  messengers  to  Constantinople  to  demand  his 
liberation ;  to  this  Alexius  would  not  consent,  and  Godfrey 
then  ordered  his  troops  to  devastate  the  country,  which  soon 
brought  Alexius  to  a  sense  of  his  real  danger,  and  induced 
him  to  liberate  his  prisoner,  who  immediately  joined  the 
Latin  camp.  Soon  afterwards  an  invitation  was  sent  to 
Godfrey  to  visit  Alexius  in  the  imperial  palace,  unaccom- 
panied by  any  troops ;  this,  however,  he  prudently  declined, 
having  been  apprized  of  the  dangerous  character  of  the 
emperor. 

About  this  time  the  Bishop  of  Puy,  Robert  Duke  of 
Normandy,  and  Robert  Count  of  Flanders,  reached  Con- 
stantinople with  their  numerous  followers. 

Bohemund, #  the  son  of  Robert  Guiscard,  was  engaged 
in  the  siege  of  Amain  at  the  time  the  Count  of  Vermandois 
and  his  companions  were  passing  through  Italy  for  the 
purpose  of  embarking  their  troops.  Having  sent  to  in- 
quire the  object  they  had  in  view,  the  names  of  their 
leaders,  and  whether  they  were  under  strict  military  disci- 
pline, and  being  satisfied  upon  these  points,  he  declared  his 
intention  of  joining  the  Crusade,  and  tearing  his  splendid 
mantle  in  pieces,  distributed  crosses  to  his  troops.  He  then 
raised  the  siege  of  Amain,  and,  turning  to  those  under  his 
command,  implored  them  to  return  thanks  to  God,  who  had 
disposed  the  hearts  of  so  many  thousands  of  persons  to 
assume  the  cross,  declaring  that  they  could  not  have  been 
congregated  together  for  such  a  purpose,  and  in  so  orderly 
a  manner,  but  by  the  guidance  of  Heaven.  In  a  short  time, 
the  most  influential  persons  in  Apulia,  Calabria,  and  Sicily, 

*  Rob.  Mon.,  p.  35. 


COUNT  ROBERT  OF  PARIS.  31 

flocked  to  his  standard  ;  old  and  young — rich  and  poor — 
masters  and  servants,  were  willing  to  place  themselves  under 
this  valorous  chief.  "  Fanaticism  swept  away  all  other 
considerations,  and  in  the  great  effort  for  the  redemption  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre,  Italy  might  hope  to  benefit  from  the 
absence  of  her  Norman  scourges." 

Bohemund,  having  made  the  necessary  preparations,  led 
his  followers  through  Bulgaria  and  Palagonia,  and  after 
having  obtained  various  successes  over  the  mercenary  sol- 
diers of  Alexius,  reached  Constantinople  in  safety,  accom- 
panied by  his  cousin  Tancred.  Upon  his  approach  to  the 
city,  Bohemund  was  met  by  the  whole  body  of  crusaders, 
who  welcomed  him  with  the  greatest  demonstrations  of  joy.* 
His  previous  successes  over  the  troops  of  Alexius,  were 
well  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  Christian  army,  and  the 
language  in  which  he  addressed  his  companions  in  arms, 
exhibited  as  much  enmity  towards  the  Greek  emperor, 
as  towards  the  infidels  themselves.  Alexius,  seeing  the 
daily  increasing  number  of  the  crusaders,  was  struck  with 
dismay ;  and  he,  who  had  so  frequently  designed  the  destruc- 
tion of  others,  at  length  trembled  for  his  own  safety.  This 
induced  him  to  study  the  disposition  of  the  various  leaders 
of  the  Crusade,  and  by  this  means,  he  eventually 
succeeded  in  persuading  nearly  the  whole  of  them  to 
acknowledge  his  supremacy.  Count  Robert  of  Paris,  how- 
ever, refused  to  do  so,f  and  the  emperor  dismissed  him 
without  exhibiting  any  resentment:  "indeed,  he  offered  him 
some  prudent  advice,  as  to  his  conduct  in  the  Turkish 
warfare." 

Alexius,  ever  alive  to  his  own  interest,  promised  to  supply 
the  camp  of  the  crusaders  until  their  arrival  at  Jerusalem, 
and  by  this  means  prevailed  upon  the  chiefs,  one  by  one,  to 
pass  the  Bosphorus.  Gibbon  remarks,  that  the  images  of 
locusts,  of  leaves  and  flowers,  of  the  sands  of  the  sea,  or 
the   stars  of  heaven,  would   but  imperfectly  represent   the 

*  Gesta  Dei,  per  Francos,  p.  3. 

f  See  Sir  Walter  Scott's  Robert  of  Paris  ;    also,  Ducange,  Note,  p.  362. 


32  SIEGE    OF    NICE. 

numbers  of  the  crusaders,  who  pressed  forward  to  Nice  after 
their  departure  from  Constantinople.5* 

The  Sultan  Soliman,  having  heard  of  their  approach,  had 
filled  "the  city  with  a  powerful  garrison,  and  sent  his  wife 
and  family  there  for  protection ;  feeling*  confident,  from  the 
strength  of  its  fortifications,  that  it  would  stand  the  most 
prolonged  siege,  and  that  the  inhabitants  could  receive  pro- 
visions and  succour  as  long  as  they  were  masters  of  the 
lake  Ascanius. 

During  this  memorable  siege,  all  the  warlike  engines  of 
antiquity  were  brought  into  request ;  but  from  want  of 
concert  among  the  chiefs  of  the  besieging  party,  the  solid 
walls  of  Nice  withstood  the  shock  of  their  battering  rams, 
and  the  missiles  discharged  from  their  moveable  towers  were 
returned  by  showers  of  poisoned  arrows,  which  falling  per- 
pendicularly upon  the  heads  of  the  soldiers,  destroyed  many 
of  them.  The  Christians  at  length  implored  the  Emperor 
Alexius  to  send  them  some  vessels  overland,  so  as  to  enable 
them  to  launch  them  on  the  lake  Ascanius,  and  intercept 
the  supplies  which  were  carried  to  the  inhabitants.  He  ac- 
cordingly complied  with  this  request,  and  manned  the  vessels 
with  the  choicest  of  his  archers. f  In  the  mean  time,  the 
city  was  attacked  at  every  vulnerable  point  by  the  crusaders, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  persuaded  by  a  Greek  emissary  to 
throw  themselves  upon  the  protection  of  the  emperor,  as  the 
wife  and  children  of  their  sultan  had  already  been  captured, 
and  they  could  hope  for  little  mercy  from  the  European 
chiefs  who  surrounded  the  city.  At  the  very  moment 
when  the  latter  felt  certain  of  victory,  and  were  preparing 
to  mount  the  ramparts,  the  standard  of  the  emperor  was 
seen  floating  over  one  of  the  towers  ;  and  it  at  once  became 
evident  that  the  crafty  Alexius,  had  secured  the  possession 
of  the  city  to  himself.      The  crusaders  were  loud  in  their 

*  u  Et  quis  poterat  numerare  tantam  Christi  militiam?  Nullus  ut  puto,  tot 
prudentissimorum  milites,  nee  antea  vidit  nee  ultra  videre  poterit." — Gesta  Dei, 
per  Francos,  p.  5. 

■f-  Idem,  p.  6. 


SIEGE    OF    ANTIOCH.  33 

complaints  of  this  ruse  de  guerre,  but  their  resentment  was 
removed  by  the  costly  presents  which  were  given  to  them. 

The  crusaders  now  proceeded  towards  Phrygia,  and  having 
arrived  at  Dorylceum,  they  were  attacked  on  all  sides  by  the 
Turks  ;  for  a  long  time  the  event  of  the  contest  was  doubtful, 
but  at  length  the  Christians  were  victorious,  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  sultan  retreated  in  every  direction.  The  former  now 
entered  Syria,  and  commenced  the  siege  of  Antioch,  which 
was  no  less  memorable  for  its  duration  than  for  the  sufferings 
of  the  Christian  army.  The  city  was  at  length  taken,  after 
a  desperate  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  infidels.  Robert 
Duke  of  Normandy  exhibited  extraordinary  valour  upon  this 
occasion;  but  no  circumstance  tended  so  much  to  rouse 
the  spirits  of  the  Christians,  as  the  supposed  discovery  of 
the  lance  that  pierced  the  side  of  our  Saviour.*  The  sight 
of  this  valued  relic  reminded  them  of  the  grand  object  of  the 
Crusade, — the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre;  and  being 
inspired  with  fresh  vigour,  and  fully  persuaded  that  Heaven 
was  favourable  to  their  designs,  they  attacked  the  city  on  all 
sides,  and  at  length  the  gates  were  thrown  open  for  the 
admission  of  the  conquering  soldiers. 

The  Caliph  of  Egypt  obtained  some  important  advantages 
over  the  Turks,  just  at  the  period  that  the  Christians  were 
investing  Antioch.  Although  he  had  previously  promised 
to  aid  the  latter  in  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  City,  he  failed 
to  do  so,  having,  in  fact,  gained  possession  of  it  himself ;  and 
knowing  that  the  Christians  were  much  weakened  by  disease 
and  the  fatigues  attendant  upon  their  repeated  contests  with 
the  Turks,  he  declined  to  ratify  the  treaty  which  had  been 
arranged  with  his  ministers.  The  chiefs  of  the  crusading 
army  told  him,  that  they  would  open  the  gates  of  Jerusalem 
with  the  same  key  which  had  given  them  possession  of  Nice 
and  Antioch ;  and  they  forthwith  proceeded  with  their  ar- 
rangements for  accomplishing  this  object. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  abridge  the  narrative  of  this  im- 

*  See  Appendix  E. 


34  SIEGE    OF    JERUSALEM. 

portant  siege.  During  its  continuance,  Gerard,  or  Conrad/ 
the  superintendent  of  the  hospital,  is  said  to  have  been  dis- 
covered by  the  infidels  throwing  bread  to  the  Christians.  He 
was  seized,  and  taken  before  their  general ;  but  when  the 
supposed  bread  was  exposed  to  view,  it  had  been  miracu- 
lously turned  to  stone.  Gerard  was  dismissed  and  permitted 
to  continue  his  former  practice,  and  the  stones  which  he 
threw  from  the  city  walls  at  the  besiegers  were  converted 
into  bread.  Thus  the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  was  in 
favour  with  both  parties.#  After  the  siege  had  continued 
for  five  weeks,  Godfrey  de  Bouillon  entered  the  city  by 
the  assistance  of  a  wooden  tower,  which  was  placed  against 
the  most  neglected  part  of  the  walls.  The  other  chiefs 
followed  his  example,  and  in  a  short  time  the  city  was 
in  their  possession.f  The  Moslems  fled  to  the  mosque  of 
Omarf  for  safety,  but  they  were  followed  by  the  victorious 
crusaders,  who  continued  to  butcher  them  for  three  days, 
until  at  length  the  whole  city  was  inundated  with  blood, 
which  in  many  places  reached  up  to  the  horses'  knees  !  The 
unhappy  Jews,  equally  the  objects  of  hatred  to  the  Christian 
and  the  Moslem,  were  slain  without  mercy ;  after  which  the 
crusaders,  wearied  with  these  excesses,  proceeded  to  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  to  offer  up  thanksgivings  for 
their  memorable  victory  !  "  The  example  of  the  victorious 
Godfrey  awakened  the  piety  of  his  companions ;  and  the 
most  ardent  in  slaughter  and  rapine  were  the  foremost  in 
the  external  observance  of  religion." 

*  Dugdale's  Monasticon,  vol.  vi.,  (new  Edit.)  part  3. 

t  Chronica  de  Mailros,  p.  162.  Annales  Monast :    Burton,  p.  248. 

t  See  Appendix  F. 


GODFREY    ELECTED    KING    OF    JERUSALEM. 


35 


CHAPTER  III. 

A.  D.    1099. WILLIAM    RUFUS. 


ffiaiMM&ILY  had  the  Christians  ob- 
tained possession  of  Jerusalem,  when  they 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  sovereign. 
The  Duke  of  Normandy's  taper  having 
taken  light  spontaneously,  whilst  the 
chiefs  of  the  Crusade  were  before  the 
high  altar  of  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  they  offered  to  anoint  him 
king,  but  he  declined  the  honour  \  and  when  the  election 
eventually  fell  on  Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  that  pious  prince, 
though  he  acquiesced  in  the  appointment,  refused  to  wear 
the  ensigns  of  royalty,  saying,  "  It  was  too  great  arrogance 
for  him  to  be  crowned  for  glory  in  that  city  in  which  his 
Saviour  had  been  crowned  in  mockery/' #  and  that  he  pre- 
ferred being  styled  Defender  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  to  King 
of  Jerusalem. 

The  important  services  rendered  by  the  principal  of  the 
hospital  to  the  crusaders,  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
were  not  forgotten  by  Godfrey,  who,  immediately  after  his 
election,  visited  the  hospital  of  Saint  John,  and  expressed 
his  warm  approval  of  the  manner  in  which  the  members 
treated  the  sick  and  wounded  under  their  care,  f 

*  Sharpe's  William  of  Malmesbury,  p.  449. 

t  Tanner's  Notitia  Monastica,  xviii.  Boisgelin's  Malta,  vol.  ii,,  Appendix 
ix.,  p.  219. 

D   2 


36  ORIGIN    OF    THE    HOSPITALS    AT    JERUSALEM. 

There  are  no  less  than  three  manuscripts  quoted  by  Dug- 
dale,  in  his  Monasticon, #  in  each  of  which  a  different  origin 
is  assigned  to  the  hospitals  at  Jerusalem.  In  one,  they  are 
traced  up  to  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar ;  in  a  second,  they  are 
stated  to  have  been  "  coeval  with  the  Maccabees,  and  Christ 
himself  is  said  to  have  taken  all  things  in  common  there 
with  his  disciples  ;  "  and  in  a  third,  the  merchants  of  Amain, 
mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter,  are  alluded  to  as  the 
founders  of  these  establishments. 

Godfrey  conferred  many  privileges  upon  the  Hospitallers, 
and,  among  other  favours,  granted  them  the  lordship  of  Mont- 
baire,  in  Brabant.  Gerard,f  the  principal  of  the  hospital,  feel- 
ing desirous  of  devoting  the  rest  of  his  life  to  the  service  in 
which  he  had  been  so  long  engaged,  applied  to  the  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  for  permission  to  assume  a  regular  habit. 
This  wish  was  acceded  to ;  the  members  entered  the  order 
of  Saint  Augustine,  and  received  the  title  of  Hospitaller- 
Brethren  of  Saint  John  of  Jerusalem. J  Pope  Paschal  II. 
(A.  D.  1113,)  afterwards  confirmed  their  privileges,  and  the 
order  was  taken  under  the  special  protection  of  Saint 
Peter.  § 

Raymond  Du  Puy  succeeded  Gerard,  and  introduced  the 
rules  which  were  afterwards  observed.  Being  desirous  of 
extending  the  objects  of  the  establishment,  by  affording 
to  the  Christians  protection  against  the  attacks  of  the  infidels, 
he  applied  to  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  for  permission  for 
the  Hospitallers  to  become  a  military  order,  without  relin- 
quishing the  duties  to  which  they  had  previously  attended.  || 
This  request  being  granted,  a  general  council  was  held,  fresh 
laws  If  were  drawn  up,  and  the  brethren  took  an  oath  to 

*  New  edition,  vol.  vi.,  part  3. 

t  For  a  list  of  the  masters  of  the  order,  see  Appendix  G. 

|  Boisgelin,  vol.  i.,  p.  183.  §  Vertot. 

||  Archaeologia,  vol.  ix.,  p.  128.  "  Jl  faut  bien  que  ces  religieux,  fondes 
d'abord  pour  servir  les  malades  dans  les  hopitaux,  ne  furent  pas  en  surete 
puisqu'ils  prisent  les  armes." — Voltaire,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  tome  i.,  p.  185. 

If  These  laws  were  confirmed  by  a  papal  bull.  See  Dugdale's  Monasticon, 
(new  edition,)  vol.  vi.,  part  3.,  p.  790. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ORDER. HENRY   I.  37 

defend  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  to  wage  a  war  of  extermina- 
tion against  the  infidels. 

Pope  Boniface  confirmed  the  rules  of  the  order,  and  gave 
permission  to  the  members  to  assume  the  title  of  Knights 
Hospitallers  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem.  Upon  their  institu- 
tion as  a  military  body,  many  of  the  crusaders  joined  them, 
so  that  it  soon  became  necessary  to  separate  the  knights  into 
different  languages,  or  nations.*  The  languages  were  those 
of  Provence,  Auvergne,  France,  Italy,  Arragon,  England,  and 
Germany.  The  Anglo-Bavarian  language  was  afterwards 
substituted  for  that  of  England,  and  that  of  Castile  added 
to  the  number. 

The  Pope  relieved  the  Hospitallers  from  all  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  and  in  a  short  time  their  wealth  increased,  and 
they  had  possessions  in  every  part  of  Europe.  They  were 
divided  into  three  classes, — nobility,  clergy,  and  serving- 
brothers  ;  and  in  order  to  effect  a  systematic  arrangement  of 
their  possessions,  their  religious  houses  were  divided  into 
priories,  bailiwicks,  and  commanderies,  or  preceptories.  f 
The  rules  of  the  order  were  somewhat  severe,  and  many  of 
them  applied  to  the  dress  of  the  knights.  J 

The  commanderies  were  smaller  houses  for  the  education 
of  the  young  knights,  and  the  surplus  revenue  of  these 
establishments  was  forwarded,  at  stated  periods,  to  the 
receiver  of  the  chief  priory,  who  was  in  like  manner  account- 
able to  the  receiver-general  of  the  order  at  Jerusalem.  § 

The  first  introduction  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers  into 
England,  took  place  A.  D.  1101.  ||  The  chief  priory,  (of 
which  the  gate-house  still  remains)  was  situate  in  Clerken- 
well,  described  as  being  at  that  time  "  nigh  London,  "^f  There 

*  Boisgelin,  vol.  i.,  p.  186. 

t  la  the  Cottonian  Manuscript  relating  to  Maplestead,  the  terms  preceptor, 
commander,  master,  and  prior,  are  used  indifferently. 

$  See  Appendix  H. 

§  Boisgelin,  vol.  ii.,  p.  296.  Fuller's  Holy  War,  book  iv.,  chap.  5. 

||  Tanner's  Not.  Mon.         Dugdale's  Warwickshire,  vol.  ii.,  p.  965. 

f  "  King  Henry  I.  founded  three  houses  for  the  Knights  Hospitallers." — 
Tanner  s  Not.  Mon,,  pref.  v. 


38 


HABIT    OF    THE    KNIGHTS    HOSPITALLERS. 


were  in  England  no  less  than  fifty-three  commanderies  (in- 
cluding those  transferred  to  the  order  after  the  suppression  of 
the  Knights  Templars) ;  and  it  will  be  shown  hereafter  that, 
at  various  periods,  when  the  Hospitallers  in  Palestine  had 
been  nearly  annihilated  by  the  infidels,  the  loss  was  quickly 
remedied  by  application  to  their  different  establishments 
in  Europe. 


The  knights  wore  a  black  robe  having  a  white  linen  cross 
of  eight  points  fastened  on  the  left  side;  and  took  the 
vows  of  chastity,  obedience,  and  poverty.  They  afterwards 
had  a  red  military  cloak,  but  this  was  not  used  in  the 
house. 


KNIGHTS    TEMPLARS.  39 

The  following  ceremonies  were  performed  at  the  creation 
of  a  knight. 

"  1st.  A  sword  was  given  the  novice,  in  order  to  show 
him  that  he  must  be  valiant. 

2nd.     A  cross  hilt,  as  his  valour  must  defend  religion. 

3rd.  He  was  struck  three  times  over  the  shoulder 
with  the  sword,  to  teach  him  patiently  to  suffer  for 
Christ. 

4th.  He  had  to  wipe  the  sword,  as  his  life  must  be 
undefiled. 

5th.  Gilt  spurs  were  put  on,  because  he  was  to 
spurn  wealth  at  his  heels. 

6th.  He  took  a  taper  in  his  hand,  as  it  was  his  duty 
to  enlighten  others  by  his  exemplary  conduct. 

7th.  He  had  to  go  and  hear  mass,  where  we'll  leave 
him."* 

The  Knights  Templars  were  introduced  into  England  some 
years  after  the  Hospitallers,  f  but  it  was  soon  found  here,  as 
well  as  on  the  continent,  that  the  similarity  of  the  two  orders 
gave  rise  to  continual  feuds. 

Brompton  remarks,  that  the  Templars  were  originally 
pupils  of  the  Hospitallers,  and  that  they  merely  escorted 
the  pilgrims  from  the  sea  coast  to  Jerusalem,  when  requested 
so  to  do.  This  order,  however,  soon  increased  in  wealth  and 
power,  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  daughter  would  eclipse  the 
mother.  J  Voltaire  observes,  that  no  sooner  were  the  two 
military  orders  instituted,  than  they  vied  with  each  other ; 
the  white  habit  of  the  Templars  and  the  black  robe  of  the 
Hospitallers  being  the  signal  for  continual  warfare,  which 

*  Fuller's  Holy  War. 

t  "  This  order  was  founded  1119,  and  took  its  name  from  the  knights  dwelling 
in  part  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem." — Rapin.     Henry  I. 

t  Brompton,  Hist.  Anglic.  Script.,  p.  1008.     William  of  Malmeshury. 


40 


NUN    HOSPITALLERS. 


was  carried  on  with  as  much  acrimony  as  against  their  com- 
mon enemy.* 

In  addition  to  the  knights,  there  were  Nun  Hospitallers, 
who  had  a  separate  establishment  at  Jerusalem,  f  The 
dress  worn  by  them  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  similar  in 
all  the  countries  in  which  the  order  existed  ;  and  the  sub- 
j  oined  representation]:  is  submitted  to  the  reader,  not  as  the 


*  Voltaire.— Hist,  des  Croisades,  p.  73.         t  Dug.  Monast.,  vol.  vi.,  part  3. 

X  This  representation  of  the  Nun  Hospitallers  is  taken  from  a  work  entitled 
"  Histoire  des  Ordres  Monastiques,  Religieux,  et  Militaires,"  4to.,  Paris,  1715, 
tome  iii.,  p.  121.  The  author  has  not  been  able  to  meet  with  any  description  or 
representation  of  the  dress  worn  by  them  in  this  country. 


FEMALES    FIGHT    IN    THE    CRUSADES.  41 

exact  costume  of  the  order,  but  as  probably  approaching  to 
it  in  appearance. 

These  nuns  were  introduced  into  England  at  the  same 
period  as  the  knights,  to  whom  they  were  at  first  subject, 
although  they  afterwards  acted  quite  independently  of  them. 
Very  few  particulars  have  been  preserved  respecting  these 
female  establishments  ;  but  it  may  be  presumed  they  were 
but  few  in  number,  as  Henry  the  Second,  in  1180,  ordered  the 
whole  of  the  sisters  to  be  collected  together,  and  then  gave 
them  the  preceptory  of  Buckland,  in  Somersetshire,  for  a 
place  of  residence,  where  they  remained  until  the  dissolution 
of  the  religious  houses  in  1540.# 

But  the  holy  war  seems  to  have  called  forth  other  feelings 
than  those  which  actuated  the  nuns  of  the  order  of  Saint 
John ;  the  religious  zeal  which  glowed  in  the  breasts  of  the 
crusaders  having  influenced  many  ladies,  not  only  to  visit 
Jerusalem  for  the  purpose  of  pilgrimage,  but  also  to  engage 
in  the  battle  fray.  Fuller,  whose  gallantry  is  only  equalled 
by  his  wit,  thus  addresses  these  modern  Amazons  : 

"  March  on,  for  the  shrill  trumpet  and  the  fife 
Your  tongues  will  serve  ;  and  to  secure  your  life 
You  need  no  weapon, — every  face  and  eye 
Carrieth  sufficient  artillery. " 

It  appears  extremely  probable  that  the  artillery  of  which 
Fuller  speaks,  would  be  equally  as  dangerous  to  the  Chris- 
tians as  the  infidels;  and  it  is  certain  that  the  duties  in 
which  the  Nun  Hospitallers  were  engaged,  were  much  more 
befitting  the  character  of  the  fair  sex.  The  vow  taken 
by  these  ladies  upon  their  entrance  into  the  order  was  as 
follows : — 

"  I,  N.,  promise  and  vow  to  Almighty  God,  to  the  Virgin 
Mary  his  immaculate  mother,  and  to  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
to  be  perfectly  obedient  to  my  superior,  to  live  without  pri- 

*  Boisgelin,  vol.  ii.,  Appendix  ix.,  p.  217.  Dug'»  Monast.,  vol.  vi., 

(new  edit.)  part  3. 


42  DEATH    OF    GODFREY    DE    BOUILLON. 

vate  property,  and  to  preserve  my  chastity,  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  order."  # 

Many  of  the  princes  of  Europe  who  had  engaged  in  the 
first  Crusade,  returned  home  after  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy 
City  from  the  hands  of  the  infidels ;  the  brave  Godfrey, 
however,  remained,  in  order  to  secure  to  the  Christian  world 
its  permanent  possession.  He  did  not  long  survive  his  elec- 
tion as  sovereign;  and  on  his  death,  his  remains  were  in- 
terred within  the  church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.f  Baldwin, 
the  brother  of  Godfrey,  succeeded  to  the  throne,  notwith- 
standing the  opposition  of  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  to  his 
election.  He  obtained  various  successes  over  the  infidels  in 
Egypt,  where  he  was  subsequently  carried  off  by  sudden 
death.  His  remains  were  embalmed,  at  his  particular  re- 
quest, and  afterwards  transferred  to  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  J 

In  1119,  Roger,  the  guardian  to  Bohemund  II.,  threw 
himself  into  Antioch,  in  order  to  withstand  an  incursion  of 
the  Turcomans ;  and  Baldwin  du  Bourg,  who  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  Jerusalem  after  the  death  of  his  cousin,  pro- 
mised to  send  him  immediate  succour,  but  afterwards  deter- 
mined upon  heading  the  troops  himself.  The  infidels  having, 
in  the  meantime,  slain  Roger  and  many  of  his  companions, 
and  hearing  of  the  approach  of  Baldwin,  determined  upon 

*  See  Appendix  I. 

t  "  En  ce  moys  de  Juillet  le  vaillant  Due  Godeffroy,  qui  estoit  gouvemeur 
du  royaume  de  Jherusalem,  eut  une  inalladie  moult  forte.  L'en  manda  tous  les 
medecins  du  royaume.  Ilz  mirent  entour  lui  toutes  les  paines  quils  peuvent, 
mais  riens  rjy  proumta,  car  le  mal  ne  se  cessoit  d'augmenter.  Puis  il  manda  gens 
de  religion,  comme  prelatz,  cures,  et  aUtres  preud  hommes,  pour  le  conseil  de  son 
ame.  Moult  fut  bien  confess^  et  vrayement,  a  grans  larmes,  et  en  moult  grant 
devocion. 

Ainsi  se  partit  de  ce  siecle   de  certain  nous  devons  penser  que  l'ame  s'en  alia 

avecques  les  angles,  devant  la  face  de  Jhesu  Crist.     II  trespassa  le  xiie  iour  de 

Juillet,  l'an  de  l'incarnation  nostre  Seigneur,  mil  et  cent,  enterre  fut  en  l'eglise  du 

souldz  le  mont  de  Calvaire,  ou  nostre  Seigneur  fut  mis  en  croix.     Ce  lieu,  est 

garde  moult  honnestement  pour  enterrer  les  roys  jusques  a  au  jourdhuy." 

xx 
Royal  MS.  (Brit.  Mus.)  15  E.  I.,  pp.  vi.  xv.,  (135.) 

|  See  Appendix  K. 


FULK    OF    ANJOU.  43 

arresting  his  progress.  A  desperate  engagement  ensued,  in 
which  the  knights  of  Saint  John  signalized  themselves,  and 
eventually  the  Christians  succeeded  in  dispersing  their  ene- 
mies ;  upon  which  Baldwin  marched  onward  to  Antioch,  and 
filled  the  city  with  a  strong  garrison.  He  was,  however, 
taken  prisoner  in  an  after  conflict  with  the  infidels,  which 
circumstance  dispirited  the  Christians  so  much,  that  many 
of  them  retired  to  Europe.  The  brave  Hospitallers,  however, 
took  possession  of  Edessa,  and  preserved  it  for  Jocelyn  de 
Courtenay,  who  was  also  taken  prisoner  by  the  Turcomans. 

The  Christians,  by  the  aid  of  a  Venetian  fleet,  soon  re- 
covered from  their  misfortunes,  and  the  King  of  Jerusalem 
was  liberated  by  ransom.  He  did  not  however  long  survive ; 
his  death  was  occasioned  by  a  severe  illness,  rendered  doubly 
painful  by  the  misconduct  of  his  only  daughter,  who,  upon 
the  death  of  Bohemund,  her  husband,  disputed  her  father's 
authority  over  the  provinces  of  Antioch. 

Fulk,  (afterwards  surnamed  Plantagenet,)  Count  of  An- 
jou,#  who  had  visited  the  Holy  Land  from  religious  motives, 
having  married  Melesinda,  the  daughter  of  Baldwin  du 
Bourg,  succeeded  to  the  throne  after  the  death  of  his  father- 
in-law,  and  was  complimented  upon  the  occasion  by  Pope 
Innocent  II. ;  who,  at  the  same  time,  published  a  bull, 
declaring  that  the  Knights  Hospitallers  were  the  firmest 
support  of  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  and  that  he  had  taken 
this  religious-military  order  under  his  special  protection. 

Many  pilgrims  left  England  about  this  period ;  and  during 
the  time  that  King  Stephen  was  imprisoned  by  the  Empress 
Maud,  his  queen,  attended  by  many  of  the  nobility,  en- 
treated the  empress  to  liberate  him,  promising  to  endeavour 
to  prevail  upon  him  to  visit  the  Holy  Land  as  a  pilgrim. 

*  "  Fulk,  the  great  Count  of  Anjou,  being  stung  with  remorse  for  some 
wicked  action,  in  order  to  atone  for  it,  went  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  and,  be- 
fore the  Holy  Sepulchre,  was  soundly  scourged  with  broom  twigs,  which  grew  in 
great  plenty  there.  Whence  he  ever  after  took  the  name  of  Plantagenet,  or 
Broom  Stalk,  which  was  continued  by  his  noble  posterity." — Rapin,  vol.  i., 
p.  524.   Note.— Richard  III. 


44  THE    SECOND    CRUSADE. STEPHEN. 

The  Hospitallers  were  appointed  to  defend  the  city  of 
Beersheba,  so  as  to  prevent  the  incursions  of  the  Turcomans 
and  Saracens,  and  the  selection  made  of  these  brave  war- 
riors for  the  defence  of  such  an  important  post,  fully  proves 
the  high  estimation  in  which  they  were  held.#  The  Chris- 
tians, in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  had  to  lament  the  death 
of  another  sovereign,  Fulk  of  Anjou  having  been  killed  by 
a  fall  from  his  horse  whilst  hunting. 

A.  D.  1143.  The  princes  who  had  engaged  in  the  first 
Crusade  being  either  dead  or  enervated  by  the  luxuries  of 
the  east,  an  application  was  made  to  the  nations  of  Europe 
for  assistance  against  the  infidels ;  who,  under  the  conduct 
of  Zengui,  the  son  of  Malek  Shah,  had  invested  Damascus, 
and,  after  a  resolute  defence  on  the  part  of  the  Christians, 
had  succeded  in  effecting  a  breach  in  the  walls,  and  put  the 
inhabitants  to  the  sword. 

Louis  the  Seventh,  of  France,  was  the  first  sovereign  of 
Europe  who  engaged  actively  in  the  Holy  War.  Having  laid 
siege  to  the  town  of  Vetri,  in  Parthos,  and  put  the  inha- 
bitants to  the  sword,  without  regard  to  sex  or  age,  he  sub- 
sequently felt  compunction  for  this  atrocious  act  of  cruelty, 
and  determined  upon  making  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Land,  in  order  to  expiate  his  crime.f  About  this  period,  the 
Bishop  of  Zabulon  visited  the  French  court  for  the  purpose 
of  soliciting  aid  in  behalf  of  the  Christians  in  the  east,  and 
the  king  no  sooner  heard  of  their  sufferings,  than  he  resolved 
upon  engaging  in  a  new  Crusade.  The  sanction  of  Pope 
Eugenius  the  Third  was  soon  procured,  and  Saint  Bernard 
was  appointed  to  preach  the  Crusade  throughout  France 
and  Germany. 

Bernard,  having  succeeded  in  inflaming  the  minds  of  the 
multitude  in  favour  of  this  enterprise,  retired  to  a  monastery  ; 
but  the  effects  of  his  preaching  were  so  powerful,  that  per- 
sons of  both  sexes  assumed  the  cross,  and,  according  to  his 
own  description,  "  towns  were  deserted,  or  the  only  persons 

*  See  St.  Bernard  in  Opp.  torn,  i.,  part  2,  pp.  547 — 563. 
t  See  Appendix  L. 


THE    INFIDELS    ATTACK    JERUSALEM.  45 

in  them  were  widows  and  orphans,  whose  husbands  and  fa- 
thers were  still  living."  # 

Conrad,  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  j  oined  in  this  Crusade  ; 
and  Henry  of  Huntingdon  states,  that  many  persons  left 
England  for  the  same  purpose.  It  will  be  unnecessary  to 
enter  into  the  details  connected  with  their  journey  towards 
Jerusalem ;  we  shall  therefore  simply  notice,  that  the  French 
evinced  the  most  heroic  courage  during  the  frequent  attacks 
made  upon  them  by  the  infidels,  and  that  the  Germans 
endured  the  severest  afflictions,  arising  from  disease  and  the 
want  of  provisions. 

No  sooner  had  this  succour  arrived  in  the  Holy  Land, 
than  the  siege  of  Damascus  was  determined  upon,  the  post 
of  danger  being  claimed  by  the  King  of  France  and  the 
knights  connected  with  the  two  military  orders,  who  are  said 
to  have  been  the  best  disciplined  parts  of  the  army.  Owing 
to  some  intrigues  in  the  Christian  camp,  the  advantages 
which  were  at  first  gained  over  the  infidels  were  not  fol- 
lowed up ;  but  the  siege  was  raised,  and  Conrad  and  Louis 
returned  to  Europe  with  their  dispirited  troops.  The  loss  of 
the  Christians  during  this  short,  but  fatal  Crusade,  is  esti- 
mated at  200,000  men.  Saint  Bernard  being  blamed  for 
having  been  the  cause  of  all  these  evils,  referred  his  accusers 
to  the  Pope,  whom  he  represented  as  his  authority  for 
preaching  the  Crusade. 

The  hopes  of  the  infidels  revived  with  their  recent  suc- 
cesses, and  their  leader,  Noradin,  besieged  and  took  the 
city  of  Antioch ;  but  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  (Baldwin  the 
Third,)  coming  up  to  the  assistance  of  the  inhabitants,  com- 
pelled him  to  retire,  leaving  the  city  once  more  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Christians. 

During  the  absence  of  Baldwin  from  Jerusalem,  the  Arabs 
made  a  descent  upon  that  city,  expecting  an  easy  conquest ; 
but  the  inhabitants,  aided  by  such  of  the  military  orders  as 

*  Eleanora,  Queen  of  France,  who,  after  her  divorce,  was  married  to  Henry- 
Duke  of  Normandy,  (afterwards  Henry  II.  of  England),  joined  this  Crusade 
with  many  ladies  of  the  French  court. 


46  SIEGE    OF    ASCALON. HENRY    II. 

were  left  in  it,  offered  a  most  resolute  defence,  and  under 
cover  of  the  night  the  tents  of  the  infidels  were  set  on  fire, 
and  their  troops  put  to  flight.  Baldwin  met  them  the  fol- 
lowing day  making  a  precipitate  retreat,  and  his  troops 
attacked  them  with  the  most  heroic  courage,  so  that  the 
enemy,  being  unable  to  escape,  threw  themselves  into  the 
river  Jordan,  and  were  drowned. 

Baldwin  having  determined  upon  attacking  Ascalon,  those 
princes  who  had  taken  part  in  the  first  Crusade,  and  re- 
mained in  the  Holy  Land,  felt  their  former  courage  revive, 
and  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  of  punish- 
ing the  infidels  for  the  numerous  excesses  which  they  had 
committed.  At  this  important  crisis  fresh  succours  arrived 
from  Europe,  and  the  siege  was  commenced  by  the  Chris- 
tians with  every  hope  of  a  successful  issue. 

The  infidels  sustained  the  siege  with  the  greatest  obsti- 
nacy, but  they  were  at  last  much  straitened  for  want  of 
provisions,  and  were  preparing  to  capitulate ;  when  an  Egyp- 
tian fleet  appeared  in  sight,  consisting  of  seventy  galleys, 
besides  vessels  of  burden,  laden  with  provisions.  The  admi- 
ral of  the  Christian  fleet  having  only  fifteen  galleys,  retired 
upon  the  appearance  of  a  more  powerful  enemy,  and  thus 
enabled  the  Egyptians  to  land  the  provisions.  A  council 
was  held  by  the  croises,  and  many  of  the  officers  urged  the 
necessity  of  retiring  to  Jerusalem ;  but  Raymond  du  Puy, 
the  Master  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  resolutely  stated  his 
determination  to  continue  the  siege,  nothing  daunted  by  the 
succours  that  the  enemy  had  received,  and  at  length  his 
wishes  were  acceded  to. 

Some  of  the  Templars  having  observed  a  breach  in  the 
walls  of  the  city,  informed  the  master  of  their  order  of  the 
circumstance ;  and  he,  being  an  avaricious  man,  (concealing 
the  matter  from  the  rest  of  the  Christian  leaders,)  effected  an 
entrance  into  the  city,  and  with  his  followers  commenced 
plundering  the  houses.  They  were  soon  perceived  by  the 
inhabitants,  who  compelled  them  to  retreat,  by  hurling  upon 
them  stones  and  every  other  missile  that  they  could  pro- 


DEATH    OF    BALDWIN    THE    THIRD.  47 

cure,  and  the  breach  was  soon  afterwards  repaired.  This 
misconduct  on  the  part  of  the  Templars  was  soon  known  to 
the  whole  of  the  besiegers,  and  they  were  subjected  to  dis- 
grace ;  whilst  the  Hospitallers,  by  their  disinterested  conduct, 
gained  great  applause  from  their  companions  in  arms. 

The  siege  of  Ascalon  was  one  of  the  most  important 
achievements  of  the  croises,  who,  after  a  most  resolute 
defence  on  the  part  of  the  infidels,  obtained  possession  of 
the  city.#  The  news  of  this  victory  soon  spread  through 
Europe,  and  language  was  wanting  to  express  the  gratitude 
that  was  felt  for  the  noble  conduct  of  the  Hospitallers.  The 
Pope  (Adrian  IV.)  confirmed  the  privileges  granted  to  them 
by  his  predecessors,  and  especially  confirmed  their  exemp- 
tion from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  clergy. 

Foucher,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  incensed  at  the  increas- 
ing power  of  this  religious  order,  complained  to  the  Pope 
that  the  edifices  belonging  to  it  exceeded  in  magnificence 
his  own  church  and  palace.  These  disputes  were  at  length 
carried  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  Pope  felt  it  necessary  to 
decide  between  the  parties,  and  his  decision  was  given  in 
favour  of  the  Hospitallers.-f- 

The  Christians  of  the  east  sustained  a  most  severe  loss, 
about  this  period,  in  the  death  of  the  Master  of  the  Hospi- 
tallers ;  and  their  afflictions  were  still  further  increased  by 
that  of  King  Baldwin  the  Third. 

The  King  of  Jerusalem  was  generally  supposed  to  have 
been  carried  off  by  poison ;  and  his  loss  was  severely  felt, 
owing  to  his  great  virtues.  His  character  was  held  in  esti- 
mation even  by  the  infidels.  Noradin,  hearing  of  his  death, 
and  being  advised  to  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity 
which  seemed  to  present  itself  of  extending  his  dominions, 
observed,  "  God  forbid  that  I  should  take  advantage  of  the 
miseries  of  the  Christians,  from  whom,  after  the  death  of  so 
great  a  prince,  I  have  nothing  more  to  fear." 

At  Baldwin's  death,  there  were  some  disputes  as  to  the 

*  See  Appendix  M,  t  See  Appendix  N. 


48  THE    SULTAN    SANNAR. 

succession.  Amaury,  his  brother,  laid  claim  to  the  throne, 
but  some  of  the  chiefs  disputed  his  right,  affirming  that 
valour,  and  not  the  ties  of  relationship,  had  hitherto  given 
title  to  the  crown.  These  disputes  were  carried  to  such  a 
pitch,  that  the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers,  (Auger  de  Bal- 
ben,)  who  was  equally  venerated  for  his  virtues  and  great 
age,  explicitly  declared  his  opinion  that  dissensions  among 
the  Christians  would  only  tend  to  promote  the  interests  of 
the  infidels,  and  enable  them  eventually  to  recover  posses- 
sion of  the  Holy  Land.  Amaury  was  therefore  declared 
king,  and  the  various  princes  took  the  oaths  of  allegiance. 
The  venerable  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  died  shortly  after- 
wards, and  was  succeeded  by  Arnauld  de  Camps. 

The  Egyptian  caliphs,  who  were  said  to  be  descended  from 
Mahomed,  after  a  lapse  of  years  appointed  sultans,  who  acted 
as  their  prime  ministers ;  and  it  not  unfrequently  happened 
that  the  latter  swayed  the  sceptre,  whilst  the  former  confined 
their  attention  to  the  harem. 

No  sooner  had  Amaury  ascended  the  throne,  than  his 
repose  was  disturbed  by  the  Sultan  Sannar,  who  not  only 
refused  to  pay  the  contribution  which  his  predecessors  had 
been  accustomed  to  do,  for  being  exempted  from  the  incur- 
sions of  the  Christians  upon  their  territory,  but  even  attacked 
the  garrisons  of  Ascalon  and  several  other  places.  The  King 
of  Jerusalem,  anxious  to  punish  this  rebellious  conduct,  raised 
a  large  army,  and  both  parties  were  preparing  for  hostilities, 
when  the  sultan's  attention  was  called  off  by  various  disturb- 
ances in  Egypt. 

Whilst  Sannar  was  preparing  for  warfare  with  the  Chris- 
tians, a  conspiracy  was  raised  against  him  by  a  chief  named 
D'Hargan,  who  assumed  the  generalship  of  his  army  and 
proceeded  by  forced  marches  towards  Jerusalem,  expecting 
to  surprise  the  inhabitants ;  but  owing  to  the  heroic  courage 
displayed  by  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  the  Christians 
were  enabled  to  repel  this  attack. 

Sannar,  having  taken  refuge  with  Noradin,  Sultan  of  Alep- 
po, besought  his  assistance  against  D'Hargan,  and  the  latter 


AMAUKY    BESIEGES    ALEXANDRIA.  49 

applied  to  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  who  expressed  his  willing- 
ness to  assist  him,  provided  he  agreed,  in  the  event  of  success, 
to  pay  the  customary  tribute.  To  this  D'Hargan  acceded, 
but  he  died  in  the  war  that  ensued. 

The  situation  of  the  Christians  in  the  east  still  continued 
to  occupy  the  attention  of  Europe ;  and  in  1166,  and  the  four 
following  years,  Henry  II.  of  England  obtained  grants  from 
his  barons  for  the  use  of  the  crusaders. 

A.D.  1 167.  Siracon,  (one  of  Noradin's  captains,)  the  leader 
of  the  army  which  had  been  raised  for  the  purpose  of  assist- 
ing Sannar  to  quell  the  insurrection  of  the  rebel  D'Hargan, 
had  no  sooner  succeeded  in  that  object,  than  his  arms  were 
employed  against  Sannar  himself;  who,  now  that  he  no 
longer  needed  the  aid  of  the  Turcomans,  wished  them  to 
depart  from  Egypt.  This  conduct  incensed  Noradin,  and 
Siracon  had  orders  to  punish  Sannar  for  his  ingratitude.  The 
latter  applied  to  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  who,  after  the  rati- 
fication of  a  treaty,  attacked  Siracon,  and  compelled  him 
to  retire  from  Belbeis,  into  which  town  he  had  thrown  his 
troops. 

Amaury  afterwards  besieged  and  took  Alexandria,  which 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  Turcoman  general,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  reinstating  Sannar  in  his  former  authority;  and 
the  advantages  thereby  gained  were  so  great,  as  to  induce 
him  to  contemplate  the  subjection  of  Egypt,  especially 
as  Sannar  evinced  an  anxiety,  almost  amounting  to  fear, 
at  the  continuance  of  the  Christians  in  that  country  after 
they  had  rendered  him  the  service  which  he  had  required  of 
them. 

Amaury  was,  however,  fully  aware  of  the  inadequacy  of 
his  forces  to  accomplish  this  vast  enterprise  ;  and  as  he  was 
urged  to  it  rather  by  motives  of  avarice  than  by  those  of  he- 
roic valour,  he  acted  with  great  caution,  that  he  might  not 
weaken  his  power  and  influence  in  Palestine  whilst  endea- 
vouring to  extend  the  territory  of  the  Christians.  He  had, 
indeed,  obtained  a  decided  victory  over  the  Turcomans  at 


50  SIEGE    OF    BELBEIS. 

Alexandria,  but  they  were  ready  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
first  opportunity  of  regaining  their  lost  possessions.  The  due 
consideration  of  these  circumstances  induced  him  to  apply 
to  the  Greek  emperor  for  assistance;  and  William,  Arch- 
deacon of  Tyre,  having  been  appointed  ambassador  to  the 
court  of  Constantinople,  succeeded  in  persuading  Manuel 
to  prepare  a  fleet  to  assist  the  King  of  Jerusalem  in  his 
enterprise  against  the  Egyptians,  upon  the  condition  that  he 
should  receive  a  moiety  of  the  possessions  which  might  be 
acquired. 

The  master  of  the  hospital,  Gilbert  D'Assalit,  was  also 
gained  over  to  the  cause,  by  the  specious  assurance,  on  the 
part  of  Amaury,  that  the  situation  of  the  military  order  to 
which  he  was  attached  would  be  rendered  more  secure  by  the 
conquest  of  Egypt.  It  was,  however,  extremely  difficult  to 
convince  the  council  of  the  order,  that  they  were  not  depart- 
ing from  the  object  of  the  original  institution  in  entering 
upon  such  an  undertaking ;  but  at  length  these  scruples  were 
silenced,  if  not  overcome,  and  the  Hospitallers  agreed  to 
assist  Amaury,  provided  the  town  of  Belbeis  were  given  to 
them  as  soon  as  it  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Chris- 
tians. The  Templars,  to  their  credit,  steadily  refused  to  take 
any  part  in  this  matter,  declaring  it  to  be  their  duty  to  expel 
the  infidels  from  the  Holy  Land, — not  to  wage  war  against 
them  in  other  countries. 

A.  D.  1169.  The  necessary  arrangements  having  been 
made,  Belbeis  was  besieged  by  the  Christians ;  and  after  a 
most  resolute  defence  on  the  part  of  the  infidels,  the  walls 
were  scaled,  and  the  Christians  proceeded  to  wreak  their 
vengeance  on  the  garrison  and  the  inhabitants.  The  Hos- 
pitallers having  taken  possession  of  the  town,  agreeably 
to  the  compact  entered  into  between  themselves  and  the 
King  of  Jerusalem,  the  latter  proceeded  onwards  to  Grand 
Cairo. 

Sannar  now  became,  more  than  ever,  sensible  of  his  danger; 
and  entered  into  a  treaty,  according  to  the  terms  of  which 


ASSASSINATION    OF    SANNAR.  51 

he  was  to  pay  a  heavy  ransom  for  his  son  and  nephew,  who 
had  been  taken  prisoners  at  the  siege  of  Belbeis ;  upon  their 
liberation,  he  paid  a  portion  of  the  amount,  but  was  quite 
indifferent  as  to  the  full  performance  of  the  treaty,  and 
secretly  applied  to  Noradin  for  aid  against  their  common 
enemy,  the  Christians. 

To  this  application  Noradin  returned  a  favourable  answer, 
and  a  large  army  was  despatched  to  Egypt;  the  general 
receiving  directions  to  avoid  giving  the  King  of  Jerusalem 
battle,  previously  to  the  Turcoman  army  uniting  with  the 
forces  of  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  Amaury,  ignorant  of  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Turcoman  general,  advanced  into  the  interior 
of  the  country,  and  at  length  found  himself  in  an  almost 
helpless  situation,  his  troops  deserting  him  on  all  sides :  to 
add  to  his  distress,  the  fleet  of  the  Greek  emperor  was  nearly 
destroyed  by  a  storm.  He  had,  therefore,  no  other  alternative 
than  to  retreat  with  all  possible  expedition, — his  return  to 
Jerusalem  being  marked  by  vexation  and  disgrace. 

The  religious-military  orders  did  not  fail  to  throw  the 
whole  blame  upon  the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers,  (Gilbert 
D'Assalit) ;  who,  unable  to  support  the  obloquy  thrown  upon 
him,  tendered  his  resignation,  and  retired  to  Europe.  On 
his  arrival  in  Normandy,  he  had  an  interview  with  King 
Henry  II.,  and  was  kindly  received  by  that  monarch.  He 
afterwards  set  sail  for  England ;  but  the  vessel  was  wrecked, 
and  he  was  unfortunately  drowned. 

We  have  now  reached  a  most  interesting  period  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Crusades.  The  Christian  army  having 
retreated  to  Jerusalem,  Sannar  was  extremely  anxious  to  be 
relieved  from  the  presence  of  the  allied  army  furnished  by 
Noradin ;  but  its  departure  was  deferred  under  various  pre- 
texts, and  at  length  Sannar  was  invited  to  visit  the  Turkish 
camp,  where  he  was  assassinated.  Siracon,  (Noradin's 
general,)  was  now  declared  sultan  in  Sannar' s  place ;  but 
dying  shortly  afterwards,  Noradin  appointed  Saladin,  the 
nephew  of  Siracon,  to  the  vacant  post.  Upon  his  appoint- 
ment, (Adhad,  the  last  of  the  Fatamite  caliphs,  having  been 

e  2 


52 


SALADIN, 


put  to  death  by  his  order,)  he  applied  to  Mostadhi,  the 
Abassidian  caliph,  and  by  him  was  formally  invested  with 
the  government  of  the  kingdom. #  During  the  life-time  of 
Noradin,  Saladin  acknowledged  his  authority,  and  even  after 
his  death  the  same  deference  was  shown  to  his  son,  Alma- 
lech-al-Salchismael ;  until  Saladin,  having  married  Noradin's 
widow,  and  finding  his  own  power  fully  established  by  the 
bribes  which  he  had  given  to  the  troops  from  the  treasury 
of  the  murdered  Adhad,  threw  off  the  mask,  and  wrested 
Aleppo  from  the  hands  of  Noradin's  son. 

Leaving  Saladin  in  possession  of  Persia,  Mesopotamia,  and 
the  greater  part  of  Syria,  the  attention  of  the  reader  must 
now  be  directed  to  the  events  which  were  taking  place  in 
Europe  at  this  period. 

A.  D.  1170.  Henry  the  Second  having  had  various  dis- 
putes with  Thomas  a  Becket,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  f 
for  a  long  time  refused  to  be  reconciled  to  the  prelate ;  but 
being  seized  with  sudden  illness,  and  feeling  compunction 
for  his  injustice,  he  promised,  upon  his  recovery,  to  restore 
him  to  his  former  power  and  influence.  The  fulfilment  of 
this  promise  was  delayed  by  some  trivial  circumstance  that 
occurred  at  an  interview  between  these  illustrious  men :  event- 
ually, however,  their  differences  were  arranged. 

During  his  disgrace,  the  archbishop  had  retired  to  the 
continent,  and  upon  his  return  to  England  he  suspended  the 
Bishop  of  London,  and  excommunicated  those  of  Durham 
and  Exeter.  These  prelates  went  over  to  Normandy,  and 
laid  their  complaints  before  the  King  of  England,  who 
observed,  that  among  his  numerous  attendants  he  had  none 
who  were  willing  to  resent  the  affronts  he  was  continually 
receiving  from  the  imperious  a  Becket.  Upon  hearing  this, 
four  of  his  attendants  conspired  together,  and  having  passed 

*  The  Fatamite  caliphs  were  descended  from  Fatima,  the  daughter  of 
Mahomed;  the  Abassidian  caliphs  from  Abassides,  the  uncle  of  Mahomed.  The 
caliphs  had  continual  conflicts  with  each  other,  and  were  styled  the  white  and 
black  parties,  from  the  colours  of  their  ensigns. 

f  For  an  interesting  account  of  Becket's  character,   see  Turner's  History 
of  England,  &c,  vol.  i.,  4to. 


MURDER  OF  THOMAS  A  BECKET.  53 

over  to  England,  murdered  the  archbishop  as  he  was  offi- 
ciating at  the  high  altar  of  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury.* 
It  was  not  probable  that  Henry  would  escape  the  opprobrium 
of  having  caused  the  commission  of  this  murder ;  indeed,  the 
Pope  immediately  appointed  a  legate  to  inquire  into  the 
matter.  The  examination  lasted  for  four  months,  and  every 
endeavour  was  made  to  prove  the  king  guilty,  in  order  to 
enhance  the  value  of  the  Pope's  intended  pardon  of  the 
offence;  but  the  former  denied  being  accessary  to  the  mur- 
der^ although  he  acknowledged  that  the  words  he  had 
dropped  might  have  induced  others  to  the  commission  of  it. 
The  charge  was  therefore  withdrawn,  upon  his  expressing 
sorrow  at  what  had  taken  place,  and  entering  into  an  agree- 
ment to  support,  at  his  own  cost,  two  hundred  soldiers,  who 
were  to  fight  against  the  infidels  in  Spain ;  or,  in  lieu  there- 
of, to  lead  an  army  to  the  Holy  Land  in  person,  and  to 
remain  there  for  three  years. J 

Henry  paid  but  little  attention  to  the  promises  made  to  the 
Pope.  Indeed,  he  even  disputed  his  supremacy ;  and  when 
Cardinal  Vivian  visited  Scotland  and  Ireland,  as  apostolical 
legate,  for  the  purpose  of  inquiring  into  the  administration 
of  the  affairs  of  the  church  in  those  parts,  the  Bishops  of 
Ely  and  Winchester  were  sent  by  him  to  demand  by  whose 
authority  he  had  entered  England  for  such  a  purpose. 

A.  D.  1182.  The  Pope  (Lucius  III.)  being  convinced 
of  the  necessity  of  another  Crusade  against  the  infidels, 
despatched  two  letters  to  the  King  of  England,  giving  a  most 
lamentable  account  of  the  condition  of  the  Christians  in  the 
Holy  Land,  and  urging  upon  him  the  duty  of  fulfilling  the 
promise  made  after  the  death  of  Saint  Thomas  a  Becket. 
The  king  accordingly,  in  presence  of  his  nobles  at  Waltham, 
assigned  42,000  marks  of  silver,  and  500  marks  of  gold,  in 
aid  of  the  holy  cause,§  but  resolutely  refused  to  visit  the 

*  Chronica  de  Mailros.  Hume. 

t  "  Nee  prsecepi  uec  volui  quo  Arcbiep.  Cant,  occideretur." — Rog.  Hoveden, 
Purgatio  Henrici  Regis. 

t  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  516.  $  Stow's  Annals,  p.  156. 


54       DISSENSIONS    OF    THE    HOSPITALLERS    AND    TEMPLARS. 

Holy  Land,  or  to  accept  the  crown  of  Jerusalem,  which  had 
been  offered  to  him  as  a  lineal  descendant  of  Fulk  of  Anjou.* 
At  this  time  fresh  disputes  arose  between  the  Hospitallers 
and  Templars,  which  were  afterwards  adjusted  by  an  agree- 
ment entered  into  by  the  parties. f  BromptonJ  remarks,  that 
"  although  the  Templars  sprang  from  the  Hospitallers,  yet 
this  branch,  growing  up  to  a  great  tree,  seemed  likely  to 
smother  the  stock  from  which  it  was  taken."  The  emulation 
between  these  military  orders  was  frequently  the  forerunner 
of  open  ruptures,  and  their  disputes  had  become  so  frequent, 
and  so  prejudicial  to  the  cause  in  which  both  parties  were 
engaged,  as  to  call  for  the  interference  of  the  Pope,  (Lucius 
III.,)  who  enjoined  them  to  become  more  friendly,  and  to 
remember  that,  "  although  the  institutions  were  different, 
yet  it  should  appear,  by  that  bond  of  charity  which  ought 
to  unite  them,  that  they  were  one  and  the  same  regular  mili- 
tary order."  § 

The  ill  success  that  had  attended  those  who  engaged  in 
the  second  Crusade,  had  convinced  the  nations  of  Europe 
of  the  great  danger  and  difficulty  of  making  any  further 
efforts  to  prevent  the  increasing  power  of  the  infidels  in  the 
Holy  Land.  Without  altogether  opposing  the  wishes  of  the 
Pope,  the  princes  of  Europe  listened  to  his  solicitations  with 
suspicion,  and  exhibited  little  alacrity  in  attending  to  his 
orders. 

A.  D.  1185.  During  this  year,  Baldwin,  King  of  Jeru- 
salem, sent  the  Masters  of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars, 
together  with  patriarch  Heraclius,  into  Europe,  to  solicit  aid 
against  the  infidels.  ||  These  legates,  upon  their  arrival  in 
Italy,  had  an  interview  with  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
Frederic  I.,  at  Verona.  The  latter  felt  little  inclination  to 
engage  in  a  Crusade,  but  the  Pope  promised  to  recommend 
the   matter   to   the    serious   consideration    of  the  kings   of 

*  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  519. 

t  Rymer's  Foedera,  p.  61.         Nichols's  Leicestershire,  fol.,  vol.iii.,  p.  945. 

$  Brompton,  (Hist.  Anglic.  Scriptores,)  p.  1008. 

§  Vertot.  ||   Roger  Hoveden. 


HENRY    II.    AND    HERACLIUS.  55 

England  and  France,*  and  he  afterwards  addressed  letters  to 
them  upon  the  subject-f- 
it should  have  been  observed,  that  the  Master  of  the 
Templars  (one  of  the  legates  sent  from  the  Holy  Land,)  did 
not  reach  England,  having  died  on  the  way ;  and  owing  to 
this  circumstance,  the  situation  of  the  Master  of  the  Hos- 
pitallers was  rendered  extremely  unenviable,  on  account  of 
the  haughty  and  imperious  behaviour  of  the  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  legates  in  England, 
King  Henry  went  as  far  as  Reading  to  meet  them  ;  and  upon 
Heraclius  presenting  to  him  a  letter  from  the  Pope  upon  the 
subject  of  the  contemplated  Crusade,  the  king  proceeded 
with  them  to  London,  and  summoned  the  barons  to  meet 
him  at  the  priory  of  Saint  John,  in  Clerkenwell. 

"  At  this  meeting,  King  Henry  declared  that  Heraclius 
(then  present,)  had  stirred  compassion  and  tears  at  the 
rehearsal  of  the  tragical  afflictions  of  the  eastern  world,  and 
had  brought  the  keys  of  the  places  of  Christ's  Nativity, 
Passion,  and  Resurrection, — of  David's  Tower  and  the  Holy 
Sepulchre ;  and  the  humble  offer  of  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem, with  the  standard  of  the  kingdom,  as  duly  belonging 
to  him  (King  Henry,)  as  grandson  of  Fulk  of  Anjou."  j 

The  barons,  after  deliberating  upon  the  matter,  determined 
that  the  king  ought  not  to  venture  his  person  in  the  Crusade, 
but  recommended  a  grant  of  money  being  made  towards  the 
same.§  Heraclius,  displeased  at  the  result  of  his  application, 
broke  out  into  open  abuse  against  the  king,  saying,  "  Here 
is  my  head  ;  treat  me,  if  you  like,  as  you  did  my  brother 
Thomas,  (meaning  a  Becket);  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to 
me,  whether  I  die  by  your  orders,  or  in  Syria  by  the  hands 
of  the  infidels,  for  you  are  worse  than  any  Saracen."  The 
king  was  afterwards  advised  by  his  barons  to  confer  with 

*  Stow's  Annals,  p.  157.         See  Appendix  O. 

t  During  the  time  that  the  patriarch  Heraclius  was  in  England,  he  consecrated 
the  circular  part  of  the  Temple  church,  and  also  the  high  altar  of  the  church 
belonging  to  the  priory  of  St.  John,  Clerkenwell. 

$  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  522.  $  Rapin. — Henry  II. 


56  INSOLENCE    OF    HERACLIUS. 

Philip  of  France,  as  to  the  propriety  of  their  uniting  together 
in  a  Crusade,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  to  give  free  permission 
to  his  subjects  to  assume  the  cross. 

The  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  was  extremely  hurt  at  the 
behaviour  of  the  patriarch  Heraclius,  but  the  King  of  Eng- 
land took  no  notice  of  his  insolence.  At  another  interview, 
Henry  having  adverted  to  the  subject  of  the  subsidy  that 
had  been  granted  by  his  barons,  Heraclius  replied,  that  "  it 
was  not  money  he  wanted,  but  an  able  general  to  conduct 
the  war."  Henry  then  observed,  that  although  his  son  John 
(afterwards  king)  had  declared,  "  he  had  rather  in  devotion 
conduct  an  army  against  the  Turks,  than  in  ambition  take 
possession  of  the  kingdom  of  England,"  he  had  reason  to 
believe  that  the  declaration  was  not  sincere.*  Heraclius, 
being  incensed,  again  urged  upon  the  king  the  propriety  of 
his  going  to  the  Holy  Land  himself;  the  latter,  however, 
declined,  assigning  as  a  reason  that,  in  all  probability,  his 
sons  would  break  out  into  open  rebellion,  if  he  wTere  to  leave 
his  kingdom.  Upon  hearing  this  observation,  Heraclius 
addressed  the  king  in  the  most  insulting  manner,  saying, 
"  Well,  if  it  should  happen  so,  it  will  be  no  wonder;  for  from 
the  devil  they  came,  and  to  the  devil  they  will  go  !"f  Not- 
withstanding these  repeated  insults,  the  King  of  England 
had  too  noble  a  spirit  to  exhibit  any  resentment ;  and,  upon 
the  departure  of  Heraclius  for  the  Holy  Land,  he  even  ac- 
companied him  as  far  as  Normandy. 

Whilst  Heraclius  was  in  England,  and  indeed  for  some 
years  previously,  the  situation  of  the  Christians  in  the  east 
was  extremely  critical.  Saladin,  as  already  observed,  being 
possessed  of  Persia,  Mesopotamia,  and  part  of  Syria,  turned 

*  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  572.  Rapin. — Henry  II. 

t  The  introduction  of  this  anecdote  may  seem  ohjectionable  ;  hut  the  following 
note  from  Rapin  will  explain  the  meaning  of  the  remark  made  by  Heraclius, 
which,  as  it  will  be  seen,  was  not  the  result  of  mere  angry  feeling  on  his  part : — 

«'  Brompton  says,  that  the  patriarch  gave  the  king  very  hard  words,  reflecting 
on  an  old  story  of  a  certain  Countess  ofAnjou,  the  king's  great  grandmother, 
who,  being  reckoned  a  witch,  was  said  to  have  flown  out  of  the  window  while  she 
was  at  mass,  against  her  will,  and  was  never  seen  afterwards." 


PROGRESS    OF    SALADIN.  57 

his  eyes  towards  Palestine,  which  country  separated  several 
parts  of  his  empire.  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  ambition 
prompted  him  in  his  desire  to  expel  the  Christians  from 
Palestine.  He  attacked  the  castle  of  Daran,  situated  about 
four  miles  from  Gaza,  with  an  army  of  40,000  men ;  but 
meeting  with  a  repulse,  he  retired  upon  Gaza  itself.  Here 
again  his  hopes  were  frustrated,  and  he  therefore  satisfied 
himself,  at  the  time,  with  laying  waste  the  surrounding 
country  with  fire  and  sword. 

The  Hospitallers  and  Templars  fought  with  the  greatest 
heroism  during  these  contests  ;#  but  it  was  apparent  to  the 
King  of  .  erusalem  (Amaury)  that  he  could  not  retain  pos- 
session of  the  Holy  Land,  unless  he  were  assisted.  He 
therefore  resolved  upon  making  a  personal  application  to 
the  Emperor  of  the  East.  Upon  his  leaving  Jerusalem,  the 
government  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Hospitallers 
and  Templars,  the  masters  of  the  two  orders  having  an  equal 
share  of  power. 

The  lesser  Armenia  was  at  this  time  governed  by  Thodos, 
or  Theodore,  who  allowed  the  religious-military  orders  of 
the  Latins  to  have  churches  in  his  territory.  He  also  mar- 
ried one  of  his  sisters  to  a  Christian  prince,  and  declared 
Thomas,  the  fruit  of  this  marriage,  his  successor.  His  bro- 
ther, Melier,  who  had  actually  become  a  Knight  Templar, 
afterwards  deprived  Theodore  of  his  throne,  and  engaged 
with  Saladin  against  the  Christians  in  an  attempt  to  besiege 
Jerusalem.  Whilst  the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  felt  it 
necessary  to  remain  in  Egypt,  so  as  to  prevent  the  depar- 
ture of  Saladin's  troops  for  the  Holy  Land,  he  directed  his 
brethren  to  unite  with  the  Templars  against  Melier.  The 
cruelties  inflicted  upon  the  military  orders  by  this  recreant 
were  frightful,  as  he  caused  his  victims  to  be  destroyed  by 
the  most  lingering  deaths.  To  add  to  the  distress  of  the 
Christians,  Amaury  returned  from  Constantinople,  after  an 
unsuccessful  application   to   the  emperor,  and  died  shortly 

*  Vertot. 


58  GUY    OF    LUSIGNAN. 

afterwards,  being  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Jerusalem  by 
Baldwin  the  Fourth,  surnamed  the  Leprous. 

A.  D.  1174.  In  this  year  the  Christians,  though  greatly 
inferior  in  numerical  strength,  gained  a  decisive  victory  over 
the  troops  of  Saladin,  in  the  plain  of  Ascalon,  and  the  latter 
were  compelled  to  retreat  with  considerable  loss.  In  the 
following  year,  however,  the  former  suffered  severely  in  an 
engagement  with  Saladin,  when  the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers 
was  wounded  very  seriously,  and  the  Master  of  the  Templars 
taken  prisoner.  The  Hospitallers  having  afterwards  fortified 
a  castle  on  the  confines  of  Judea,  one  of  the  generals  of  the 
caliph  besieged  it ;  and  although  the  knights  sustained  their 
usual  character  for  valour,  the  castle  was  carried  sword  in 
hand,  the  master  of  the  order  was  cast  into  a  dungeon,  where 
he  died  from  starvation,  and  almost  all  the  knights  were  put 
to  death. 

Saladin  having  ravaged  the  open  country  around  Jordan, 
as  a  return  for  certain  injuries  done  by  the  Christians,  the 
latter,  feeling  the  uncertainty  of  the  tenure  upon  which  they 
held  possession  of  the  Holy  Land,  determined  upon  obtain- 
ing, if  possible,  fresh  succours  from  the  west.  Baldwin,  about 
this  period,  married  his  daughter  to  Guy  of  Lusignan,  whom 
he  nominated  regent,  being  himself  incapacitated,  by  a  con- 
firmed leprosy,  from  governing  his  kingdom.  Raymond, 
Count  of  Tripoli,  opposed  Lusignan's  appointment,  and  en- 
tered secretly  into  an  arrangement  with  Saladin. 

In  1186,  the  King  of  Jerusalem  died,  and  also  his  nephew 
and  successor,  Baldwin  the  Fifth.  Raymond  was  now,  more 
than  ever,  determined  that  Lusignan  should  not  ascend  the 
vacant  throne,  and  agreed  with  Saladin  to  become  a  Mus- 
sulman, provided  he  were  allowed  to  enjoy  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  in  peace.  Saladin,  however,  declined  this  pro- 
posal, and  soon  afterwards  entered  Palestine  and  invested 
Acre,  the  care  of  which  had  been  previously  committed  to 
the  Hospitallers  and  Templars.  The  immense  army  of  the 
besiegers  did  not  terrify  these  brave  warriors,  who  sallied 
out  in  the  night,  "  with  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  fire  in  the 


REGINALD    OF    CHATILLON.  59 

other,  and  destroyed  the  enemy's  tents,  giving  no  quarter 
to  the  infidels. "#  Upon  the  dawn  of  day,  Saladin,  perceiving 
the  inferiority  of  the  Christians  in  point  of  numbers,  reani- 
mated his  soldiers,  and  a  desperate  battle  ensued,  in  which 
the  brave  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  fell,  covered  with 
wounds.  In  this  battle  many  of  the  Hospitallers  were  cut 
off,  and  no  less  than  sixty  of  the  Templars.f  The  loss  of 
Saladin  was  also  very  severe,  as  he  retreated  without  taking 
possession  of  Acre.  After  the  battle,  the  body  of  the  Master 
of  the  Hospitallers  was  sought  for,J  and  his  funeral  solem- 
nized within  the  city,  "  amidst  the  tears  of  his  knights,  and 
the  universal  lamentation  of  the  inhabitants." 

"After  the  death  of  Amaury,"  says  Gibbon,  "the  sove- 
reigns, or  the  guardians,  of  the  Holy  City  were — a  leper,  a 
child,  a  woman,  a  coward,  and  a  traitor ;  yet  its  fate  was 
delayed  by  the  valour  of  the  military  orders,  and  by  the 
distant  or  domestic  avocations  of  their  great  enemy."  In 
1187,  Reginald  of  Chatillon  seized  a  fortress  belonging  to 
the  Moslems,  and  Saladin  immediately  entered  the  Holy 
Land,  in  order  to  revenge  himself  for  this  insult.  He 
determined  upon  besieging  Tiberias,  and  the  perfidious 
Raymond  prevailed  upon  Guy  de  Lusignan  to  throw  into 
the  place  his  choicest  troops ;  and  having  succeeded  in  this 
object,  the  traitor  slunk  away  from  the  garrison,  although 
the  city  belonged  to  himself,  and  Saladin,  by  his  advice, 
attacked  it  with  a  powerful  army.  The  infidels  soon  obtained 
possession  of  the  place,  taking  the  King  of  Jerusalem  and 
Reginald  of  Chatillon  (the  cause  of  the  invasion)  prisoners. 
The  former  he  treated  honourably ;  to  the  latter  he  offered 
the  alternative  of  becoming  a  Moslem,  or  suffering  immediate 
death.  The  noble  prince  refused  to  deny  his  religion,  and 
perished  by  the  hands  of  Saladin  himself.  "  The  trembling 
Lusignan  was  sent  to  Damascus,  to  an  honourable  prison 
and  speedy   ransom ;    but   the  victory  was  stained  by  the 

*  Contin.  Gul.  Tyrr.  lib.  i.,  c.  5.  t  Roger  Hoveden,  in  Hen.  TI. 

X  Contin.  Gul.  Tyrr.  lib.  i.,  c.  5. 


60 


SACKING    OF    JERUSALEM. 


execution  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  Hospitallers,  the 
intrepid  champions  and  martyrs  of  their  faith.  The  king- 
dom was  left  without  a  head,  and  of  the  two  grand  masters 
of  the  military  orders,  the  one  was  slain  and  the  other  was 
a  prisoner."* 

Saladin,  after  allowing  his  troops  to  relieve  themselves 
from  the  fatigues  they  had  endured,  marched  towards  Jeru- 
salem, and  besieged  it ;  f  but  the  inhabitants  flew  to  arms, 
and  men,  women,  and  children  determined  to  die  within  the 
walls  of  the  holy  city,  rather  than  submit  to  the  infidel. 
Saladin  himself,   however,  offered  favourable  terms  to  the 
besieged,  having  some  ulterior  object  in  view,  which  induced 
him  to  think  that   it  was  better  to  obtain   Jerusalem   by 
mild   measures,  than  to   cause  its   utter  destruction.     The 
reverence  in  which  the  city  was  held  by  the  Moslems  was 
doubtless  a  powerful  motive  in  influencing  his  mind,  as  it 
was  regarded  as  the  centre  of  the  earth,  and  the  appointed 
place  for  the  general  resurrection ;  and  a  prayer  offered  up 
within  its  walls,  was  considered  equal  to  thirty  thousand  com- 
mon orisons  !     The  terms  of  capitulation  being  agreed  upon, 
the  Queen  of  Jerusalem,  attended  by  the  inhabitants,  passed 
out  of  the  city  before  the  generous  Saladin ;  who,  instead  of 
insulting  their  misfortunes,  paid  every  respect  to  the  queen, 
and  liberated  many  of  the  prisoners  upon  the  intercession  of 
their  female  relatives.     By  this  event  the  spirit  of  the  Chris- 
tians was  completely  broken,  the  holy  city  was  again  dese- 
crated by  the  Moslems,  and  the  cross  was  dragged  through 
the  streets  in  awful  mockery.     But  amidst  these  excesses, 
Saladin  allowed  one  hundred  of  the  knights  of  Saint  John 
to  remain  in  their  hospital,  having  heard  with  pleasure  of  the 
tender  care  with  which  they  treated  the  sick  and  wounded, 
of  every  country  and  every  religion.  A  most  affecting  descrip- 
tion of  the  sufferings  endured  by  the  Christians  upon  this 
occasion,   is  contained  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Henry  the 
Second,  of  England,  by  one  of  the  Knights  Templars.  J 

*  Chronica  de  Mailros.  t  Ibid.  J  Vertot. 


THE    SALADINE    TAX.  6i 

A.  D.  1 1 87.  The  King  of  England*  and  Philip  of  France, 
together  with  the  Count  of  Flanders,  moved  by  the  accounts 
received  of  their  suffering  brethren  in  the  east,  had  a 
meeting  at  Guiennes,  where  they  agreed  to  drop  all  private 
animosities,  to  assume  the  cross,  and  unite  their  forces 
against  the  Turks.  The  tax  collected  in  England  at  this 
time  was  termed  the  Saladine  Tax,  and  in  order  to  raise  it, 
the  king  held  a  parliament  at  Geddington,  in  Northampton- 
shire,f  when  it  was  determined  that  the  whole  realm  should 
be  laid  under  tribute,  and  towards  it  the  Christians  were 
made  to  contribute  seventy  thousand  pounds,  and  the  Jews 
sixty  thousand.  The  Bishop  of  Norwich  is  said  to  have 
given  one  thousand  marks  to  be  relieved  from  joining  the 
Crusade. 

Prince  Richard,  (afterwards  Richard  I.)  strongly  suspecting 
that  his  father  wished  to  make  John  his  successor,  endea- 
voured, but  in  vain,  to  prevail  upon  the  latter  to  join  the 
Crusade.  Henry  died  soon  afterwards,  at  Chinon; — the  re- 
bellion of  Richard,  and  the  treachery  of  John,  his  favourite 
son,  combining  with  other  reverses  to  accelerate  his  death. 
His  corpse  was  treated  with  every  mark  of  disrespect,  even  the 
covering  being  stolen  from  it  by  his  mercenary  attendants. 
He  was  buried  at  Font  Everard,  in  Normandy,  and  a  stately 
tomb  was  afterwards  erected  over  his  remains. J  It  is  said, 
that  when  Richard  approached  the  body  as  it  lay  in  state,  (if 
such  a  term  can  be  used  with  propriety,)  the  blood  gushed 
out  from  the  nostrils  of  the  deceased  monarch;  and  that 
circumstance  so  deeply  affected  Richard,  that  he  declared 
himself,  by  his  unfilial  conduct,  to  have  been  the  cause  of 
his  father's  death.§ 

*  Annales  de  Margan.      Rapin.      Speed's  Chronicles.     Chronica  de  Mailros. 
t  Stow's  Annals,  p.  157.  $  See  Stothard's  Monumental  Effigies. 

§  Rapin.     Hume. 


62 


THE    THIRD    CRUSADE. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

A.  D.   1189. RICHARD    I. 


(Cceur  de  Lion)# 
succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
England  upon  the  death  of  his 
father,  but  evinced  no  anxiety 
to  leave  the  continent,  where 
he  remained  for  two  or  three 
months,  in  order  that  he  might 
formally  receive  the  ducal  crown  of  Normandy,  and  pay 
homage  to  Philip,  King  of  France.  Almost  the  first  act  of 
his  reign  was  to  despatch  messengers  to  England  to  liberate 
his  mother,  Queen  Eleanora,  f  (who  had  been  imprisoned  for 
many  years,)  in  whose  hands  he  placed  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment during  his  absence. 

Prince  John,  whose  irregularities  were  a  source  of  great 
uneasiness  to  Richard,  received  undeserved  favours  at  his 
hands,  having  no  less  than  six  earldoms  given  to  him,  toge- 
ther with  other  very  extensive  grants.  The  alteration  in 
Richard's  feelings  towards  his  brother  was  not  more  remark- 

*  "  It  is  sayd,  that  a  lyon  was  put  to  Kynge  Richard,  beynge  in  prison,  to 
have  devoured  hym,  and  when  the  lyon  was  gapynge,  he  put  his  arme  in  his 
mouthe,  and  pulled  him  hy  the  harte  so  harde,  that  he  slew  the  lyon  ;  aud  there- 
fore some  saye  he  is  called  Rycharde,  Cure  de  Lyon  ;  but  some  saye  he  is  called 
Cure  de  Lyon,  because  of  his  boldenesse  and  hardy  stomacke." — Peter  Langtofft's 
Chronicles.     Note. 

t  Queen  Eleanora,  upon  her  death,  was  buried  by  the  side  of  Henry  II.,  at 
Font  Everard.  For  a  graphic  illustration  of  her  tomb,  see  Stothard's  Monu- 
mental Effigies. 


PREPARATIONS    IN    ENGLAND.  63 

able  than  that  which  he  evinced  towards  those  who  had  been 
his  own  advisers  and  friends  during  his  father's  life  time. 
Instead  of  loading  them  with  favours  commensurate  with 
his  ability,  he  discarded  them  from  his  presence,  and,  as  if 
stung  with  remorse  at  his  unfilial  conduct  towards  his  late 
parent,  all  the  advisers  of  Henry  enj  oyed  his  special  protec- 
tion and  regard. 

"The  king,  (says  Hume,)  impelled  more  by  a  love  of 
military  glory  than  religion,  acted  from  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  as  if  the  sole  purpose  of  his  government  had  been  the 
relief  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem  from 
the  Saracens."  In  order  to  accomplish  this  purpose,  he 
used  every  means  of  obtaining  money,  both  by  direct  and 
indirect  means.*  The  ecclesiastics  preached  the  Crusade 
from  their  pulpits,  and  the  confessors  enjoined  few  penances 
but  what  tended  to  promote  the  great  design  of  recovering 
the  Holy  Land.f 

Many  persons  in  England  having  made  vows  to  visit  Jeru- 
salem, and  then  wishing  to  excuse  themselves  from  their 
observance,  Richard  obtained  authority  from  the  Pope  to 
sell  them  the  liberty  of  violating  their  oath,  and  to  apply 
the  money  thus  raised  to  the  purposes  of  the  intended  Cru- 
sade. The  revenues  of  the  crown  were  also  sold ;  the  offi- 
cers of  state  were  obliged  to  purchase  their  situations ;  the 
richer  subjects  of  the  realm  were  compelled  to  lend  money 
to  the  king;  and  the  most  oppressive  taxes  were  imposed 
upon  the  people.^  The  King  of  Scotland,  upon  payment  of 
a  comparatively  small  sum  of  money,  had  Berwick  and 
Roxborough  given  up  to  him,  Richard  resigning,  at  the 
same  time,  all  claims  to  the  sovereignty  of  Scotland  ;  and 
the  Bishop  of  Durham  purchased  the  earldom  of  Northum- 
berland,^  upon  which  occasion  the  king  boasted  that  he  had 

*  Clarke's  Vestigia  Anglicana,  vol.  i.,  p.  322. 

t  Rapin. — Richard  I.  "  Pope  Gregory  exhorted  persons  of  every  class 

to  go  to  the  Holy  Land." — Chron.  Walteri  Hemingford,  p.  459. 
t  Roger  Hoveden,  p.  641. 
§  Chron.  Thomae  Wykes.  Stowe's  Annals,  p.  159. 


64 


FREDERIC    BARBAROSSA. 


made  a  young  earl  out  of  an  old  bishop.  At  length,  when 
his  ministers  upbraided  him  for  sacrificing  every  other  con- 
sideration to  the  support  of  the  Crusades,  he  replied  that  he 
would  sell  London  itself,  if  he  could  find  a  purchaser.  # 

Fulk,  a  very  eloquent  preacher,  who  was  inciting  the  Nor- 
mans to  engage  in  the  holy  war,  meeting  with  Richard, 
King  of  England,  praised  his  piety  and  religious  enthusiasm  ; 
he  however  observed,  that  he  had  three  pernicious  passions, 
(these  he  termed  Richard's  three  daughters,)  which  it  would 
be  well  for  him  to  part  with  :  viz. — Pride,  Avarice,  and 
Luxury.  Richard  replied,  smartly,  that  he  would  give  the 
first  to  the  Templars,  the  second  to  the  Cistertian  monks, 
and  the  third  to  the  bishops  of  his  dominions.^ 

The  Emperor  of  Germany,  (Frederic  Barbarossa,  nephew 
of  Conrad,)  although  advanced  in  years,  assumed  the  cross 
with  his  son,  the  Duke  of  Suabia.  Having  collected  toge- 
ther 150,000  persons,  they  set  out  for  Palestine  from  Ratis- 
bon ;  but,  on  their  way  through  the  territories  of  the  Greek 
emperor,  were  attacked  on  all  sides.  Frederic,  however, 
succeeded  in  putting  to  flight  the  troops  opposed  to  him,  and 
at  length  reached  Cilicia.  Here,  during  the  heat  of  sum- 
mer, he  was  tempted  to  bathe  in  the  Cydnus  ;  but  owing  to 
his  great  age,  the  coldness  of  the  stream  affected  him  so 
much,  that  he  lost  his  life. J  After  the  death  of  their  em- 
peror, the  Germans,  under  the  Duke  of  Suabia,  proceeded 
to  Jerusalem,  but  by  the  time  they  had  arrived,  their  num- 
ber was  scarcely  a  tithe  of  those  that  had  originally  left 
Germany. 

Richard,  previously  to  leaving  his  dominions  for  the  Holy 
Land,  laid  Prince  John  under  an  engagement  not  to  enter 
the  kingdom  till  his  return ;  and  afterwards  gave  the  reins 
of  government  into  the  hands  of  the  Bishops  of  Durham 
and  Ely.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  plains  of  Vezely,  on 
the  borders  of  Burgundy,  where  he  met  Philip  of  France. 
The  two  monarchs,  after  having  entered  into  the  most  solemn 

*  Simeon  of  Durham.  t  Vertot. 

t  Annales  de  Margan. 


PHILIP    VII.    OF    FRANCE.  65 

engagements  not  to  invade  each  other's  dominions,  either 
in  person  or  by  their  subjects,  during  the  existence  of  the 
Crusade,  embraced  each  other  with  apparent  affection,  and 
parted ;  Philip  taking  the  road  to  Genoa,  and  Richard  that 
to  Marseilles,  where  their  respective  fleets  were  ordered  to 
await  their  arrival.*  The  combined  forces  of  the  English 
and  French  before  Vezely  amounted  to  100,000  men;  and, 
although  all  of  them  put  to  sea,  they  were  compelled 
by  stress  of  weather  to  make  for  the  harbour  of  Messina,  in 
Sicily,  where  they  remained  the  whole  winter;  and  to  this 
delay,  Hume  attributes  all  the  evils  that  afterwards  resulted 
from  the  misunderstanding  between  the  two  monarchs. 

"Richard  and  Philip,"  says  he,  "were,  by  the  situation 
and  extent  of  their  dominions,  rivals  in  power ;  by  their  age 
and  inclinations  competitors  for  glory;  and  these  causes  of 
emulation,  which,  had  the  princes  been  employed  in  the 
field  against  the  common  enemy,  might  have  stimulated 
them  to  martial  enterprises,  soon  excited,  during  the  present 
leisure  and  repose,  quarrels  between  monarchs  of  such  a 
fiery  character." 

During  the  time  they  sojourned  at  Messina,  a  quarrel 
arose  between  the  English  and  the  Messinians ;  the  for- 
mer, after  having  gained  the  advantage,  encamped  within 
the  city,  and  planted  the  royal  standard  of  England  on 
the  walls.  This  conduct  gave  great  umbrage  to  King 
Philip,  which  was  still  further  increased  by  Richard's 
refusal  to  marry  Alice,  the  sister  of  the  French  monarch, 
owing  to  her  disreputable  character.  Philip  left  Messina 
when  these  differences  had  been  arranged ;  but  Richard 
awaited  the  arrival  of  Berengeria,  the  daughter  of  the 
King  of  Navarre,  (to  whom  he  was  afterwards  espoused,) 
and  then  set  sail  for  the  Holy  Land. 

The  English  squadron  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
sail,  fifty-two  galleys,  ten  large  ships  of  burden,  laden  with 
provisions,  and  many  other  smaller  vessels ;  but  a  storm 
arose,  the  fleet  was  dispersed  between  Rhodes  and  Cyprus, 

*  Gul.  Neub.  p.  355.  Aunales  de  Margan. 


ti(5  THE    CAPTURE    OF    CYPRUS. 

and  part  of  it  was  driven  on  shore  at  the  latter  place, 
which  was  then  governed  by  Isaac  Comnenus,  whose  avarice 
induced  him  to  plunder  the  vessels.* 

Richard  succeeded  in  collecting  together  that  part  of  the 
fleet  which  had  braved  the  storm,  and  at  once  sailed  for 
Cyprus,  where  he  soon  heard  of  the  outrage  that  had  been 
committed  by  the  cruel  and  avaricious  Isaac.  He  demanded 
the  instant  liberation  of  those  of  his  subjects  who  had  been 
imprisoned,  but  no  attention  was  paid  to  this  request;  he 
therefore  attacked  the  Cypriots  on  the  sea-shore,  and  com- 
pletely routed  them.  Roger  Hoveden  observes,  that  the 
barbed  arrows  of  the  English  archers  fell  like  showers  of 
rain  on  the  meadows.  Richard  afterwards  attacked  the  city 
of  Limisso,  and  took  Isaac  and  his  daughter  prisoners. 

"  The  former  he  bound  with  silver  fetters,^  with  which  he 
is  said  to  have  been  much  pleased,  as  he  had  entreated  the 
conqueror  not  to  put  him  in  irons  ;  but  the  latter  is  suspected 
of  having  put  chains  of  another  description  on  Richard  him- 
self, as  he  afterwards  evinced  great  regard  for  this  beautiful 
princess,  and  an  increasing  coolness  towards  Berengeria." 
Richard,  before  his  departure  from  Cyprus,  sold  the  island 
to  the  Templars,  who  accordingly  took  possession  of  it. 

A.D.  1191.  Great  joy  was  diffused  throughout  the  Chris- 
tian army  upon  the  arrival  of  the  English  at  Acre.  This  place 
had  been  besieged  by  the  Christians  for  nearly  a  whole  year, 
and  the  troops  of  Saladin,  by  their  continual  attacks  upon  the 
besiegers,  had  nearly  destroyed  all  their  forces.  The  arrival 
of  Philip  and  Richard  awakened  Saladin  to  a  sense  of  his 
imprudence,  in  not  previously  attempting,  by  a  bold  effort, 
to  relieve  the  city;  as  the  immense  armies  of  the  kings 
of  England  and  France  now  rendered  the  attempt  almost 
hopeless. 

The  Christians  in  Palestine,  having  received  such  impor- 
tant aid  from  Europe,  were  soon  enabled,  by  the  assistance 
of  these  illustrious  leaders,  to  carry  on  a  series  of  effective 
operations.     The  English  and  French  each  day  occupied  a 

*  Chronica  Walteri  Hemingford,  p.  523.         t  Chronicon  Thoma3  Wjkes. 


SIEGE    OF    ACRE.  67 

particular  post ;  whilst  the  soldiers  of  one  nation  were  en- 
gaged in  leading  the  assault,  those  of  the  other  guarded  the 
trenches,  and  provided  for  the  safety  of  the  assailants. 
Vinesauf  gives  a  most  brilliant  description  of  the  appear- 
ance of  the  allied  army  before  the  walls  of  Acre ;  it  con- 
sisted, in  fact,  "  of  the  noblest  youths  of  Christendom,  whose 
splendid  tents,  glittering  weapons,  and  gorgeous  cogni- 
zances, displayed  every  variety  of  national  and  individual 
peculiarity.' '  Nor  was  the  appearance  of  the  troops  of 
Saladin  less  imposing.  Acre  was  strongly  garrisoned,  and 
on  the  eminences  overlooking  the  city  were  seen  the  Mos- 
lems of  Egypt,  Syria,  Arabia,  and  other  oriental  provinces  ; 
and  the  black  banner  of  the  Prophet  floated  on  the  walls  of 
Acre,  in  proud  defiance  of  the  crimson  standard  of  the  cross.* 

During  this  memorable  siege,  the  petty  jealousies  between 
the  monarchs  of  England  and  France  were  continually 
reviving ;  and  the  following  circumstance  may  be  referred  to 
as  increasing  these  feelings. 

The  throne  of  Jerusalem,  which  originally  belonged  to  the 
family  of  Bouillon,  having  descended  to  a  female  of  that 
line,  who  married  Fulk,  Count  of  Anjou,  (an  ancestor  of 
Henry  II.  of  England,)  was  afterwards  transmitted  by  title 
to  his  descendants.  This  race  also  ended  in  a  female, 
named  Sibylla ;  and  Guy  de  Lusignan,  by  marrying  her, 
succeeded  to  the  title  of  King  of  Jerusalem ;  and  although 
Saladin  had  deprived  him  of  the  throne,  his  title  was  still 
acknowledged  by  the  Christians.  Queen  Sibylla  and  her 
children  dying,  Isabella,  sister  of  the  former,  was  persuaded 
to  have  the  marriage  between  herself  and  Humphrey  de 
Thoron  annulled;  and  she  afterwards  married  Conrad, 
Prince  of  Tyre,  of  the  house  of  Mountserrat,  who  opposed 
Lusignan's  further  pretensions  to  the  crown  of  Jerusalem. 
These  disputes  arose  previously  to  the  siege  of  Acre  : 
Lusignan  applied  to  Richard,  who  promised  to  support  his 
pretensions ;  Conrad  obtained  the  aid  of  Philip, — so  that  a 
fruitful  source  of  dispute  arose  even  at  the  commencement  of 

*  Vinesauf,  lib.  i.,  c.  2. 


68  THE    FALL    OF    ACRE. 

the  siege.  It  was  natural  that  the  same  differences  should 
prevail  throughout  the  subordinate  divisions  of  the  army. 
The  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  as  usual,  attached  themselves 
to  different  interests.  *  The  Hospitallers,  together  with  the 
Flemings  and  Pisans,  sided  with  Richard  and  Lusignan; 
and  the  Templars,  with  the  Germans  and  Genoese,  took  part 
with  Philip  and  Conrad.  The  differences  between  the  con- 
tending parties  were,  however,  eventually  arranged ;  Lusig- 
nan remaining  titular  sovereign  of  Jerusalem,  but  Conrad,  in 
right  of  his  wife  Isabella,  being  acknowledged  indefeasible 
heir  to  the  throne,  f 

During  the  siege,  Leopold,  Duke  of  Austria,  having  taken 
one  of  the  towers  by  assault,  ordered  his  banner  to  be  raised 
upon  it,  which  Richard  immediately  had  removed ;  this 
conduct  excited  the  deadliest  hatred  in  the  breast  of  the 
duke,  which  he  afterwards  took  the  opportunity  of  gratifying, 
by  imprisoning  Richard  on  his  return  to  Europe.  £ 

The  infidels  were  not  wanting  in  courage  during  the  pro- 
tracted siege  of  Acre,  which  lasted  more  than  two  years; 
but  at  length  the  kings  of  England  and  France,  being  con- 
vinced of  the  impolicy  of  continuing  their  private  animosities 
whilst  an  enemy  was  before  them,  became  reconciled,  and 
had  nearly  succeeded  in  taking  the  city  by  assault,  when  a 
capitulation  was  demanded  by  the  Moslems,  the  terms  of 
which  were  at  length  agreed  upon. 

The  besieged  were  allowed  to  leave  the  city  upon  pay- 
ment of  a  large  sum  of  money,  and  the  deliverance  of  one 
hundred   Christian  nobles   and  one  thousand  five  hundred 

*  "  Robert  d'Artois  (during  the  eighth  Crusade)  upbraided  the  Master  of  the 
Templars,  that  it  was  the  common  speech  that  the  Holy  Land  had  long  since 
been  wonne,  but  for  the  collisions  of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars." — Fuller, 
book  v.,  chap.  17. 

t  Hume — Richard  I. 

%  "  Richard,  with  pride  and  for  humane  respect, 
The  Austrian  colours  he  doth  here  deject 
With  too  much  soorn ;   behold,  at  length,  how  fate 
Makes  him  a  wretched  prisoner  to  that  state  ; 
And  leaves  him,  as  a  mark  of  fortune's  spite, 
When  princes  tempt  their  stars  beyond  their  light." 

Ben  Jeruon. 


LOSSES    OF    THE    CRUSADERS.  69 

inferior  captives,  together  with  the  restoration  of  the  true 
cross.*  The  privations  endured  by  the  ciusaders  were  ex- 
tremely severe ;  and  Vinesauf  says,  that  300,000  were  killed 
by  the  enemy,  and  that  many  more  died  from  disease,  fatigue, 
and  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate.  The  Hospitallers  par- 
ticularly distinguished  themselves  upon  this  occasion,  so 
much  so  indeed  as  to  induce  many  of  the  crusaders  to  enter 
their  order;  and  upon  application  to  the  commanderies  of 
Europe  for  recruits,  it  was  observed,  that  the  Hospitallers 
supplied  a  greater  number  than  the  Templars,  who  seemed 
more  proud  and  haughty  than  was  suitable  to  the  character 
of  a  religious  society,  "  so  that  all  the  world  was  for  fight- 
ing under  the  banners  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem. "-f 

It  is  observed  by  many  English  historians,  that  the  order 
of  the  Garter  originated  at  the  memorable  siege  of  Acre, 
Richard  the  First  having  bound  leathern  thongs  round  the 
knees  of  those  soldiers  who  displayed  the  greatest  valour  and 
particularly  distinguished  themselves  in  the  assault.  There 
is  probably  as  little  truth  in  the  above  statement,  as  in  that 
which  assigns  the  institution  of  the  order  to  the  gallantry  of 
Edward  III. ;  although  it  must  be  admitted,  with  Hume, 
that  unless  the  latter  be  the  correct  statement,  "  it  is  difficult 
to  account  for  the  seemingly  unmeaning  terms  of  the  motto, 
or  the  peculiar  badge  of  the  order/'  The  reader  will  find 
much  interesting  matter  connected  with  this  subject  in  the 
Introduction  to  "  Ashmole's  Order  of  the  Garter,"  by  which 
it  would  appear  to  be  the  opinion  of  the  learned  author,  that 
the  order  originated  under  circumstances  which  it  is  difficult, 
at  the  present  day,  to  ascertain  with  any  degree  of  correct- 
ness ;  both  of  the  preceding  accounts  being  liable  to  many 
weighty  objections. 

Upon  the  taking  of  Acre,  it  was  agreed  that  the  spoil 
should  be  equally  divided  between  the  French  and  English, 

*  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  535. 

t  "  The  military  orders,  it  seems,  were  augmented  by  the  entrance  of  many 
nohle  persons  ahroad,  after  the  departure  of  the  two  kings,  (Richard  and  Philip,) 
which  noble  persons  bestowed  all  their  transmarine  property  on  them." — Fas- 
ti role,  p.  119. 


70  BRAVERY    OF    THE    HOSPITALLERS. 

and  two  commissioners  (each  attended  by  one  hundred 
soldiers)  were  appointed  to  effect  this  object;  but  the  dis- 
tribution was  delayed  so  long,  that  many  of  the  earls  and 
barons  were  compelled  to  sell  their  weapons  and  return  home. 
The  recovery  of  Acre  is  celebrated  in  verse  by  a  Floren- 
tine monk  ;*  and  we  are  told  that  "  the  brave  Hospitallers, 
seeing  the  Turks,  in  a  sally,  take  a  great  number  of  prison- 
ers, dismounted  from  their  horses,  flew  to  the  rescue,  like  a 
bear  going  to  be  robbed  of  her  whelps,  cut  some  of  the  Turks 
in  pieces,  and  then  mounting  again,  pursued  the  rest  of  the 
infidels  to  the  walls  of  the  city." 


No  sooner  had  Acre  fallen,  than  Philip  of  France  exhi- 
bited great  anxiety  to  return  to  Europe,  under  the  plea  of 
ill  health  ;f  and  Richard  remarked,  that  if  such  were  the  real 
cause  of  his  wish  to  leave  the  Holy  Land,  he  had  better  go, 
as  the  climate  was  ill  suited  to  valetudinarians.  No  doubt, 
Richard  secretly  suspected  Philip's  intention  of  interfering 

*    "  Hospitalis  milites  ab  Equis  descendunt, 

Ut  ursa  pro  filiis,  cum  Turcis  contendunt, 
Turci  nostrum  aggerem  per  vim  bis  contendunt, 
Hos  sagittis  fauciunt,  hos  igni  succendunt, 
Et  Hospitalarii  Equos  accenderunt, 
Et  Turcos  a  latere  manus  invaserunt, 
Quos  ad  urbis  mcenia  per  vim  reduxerunt, 
Et  ex  his  in  foveis  multos  exciderunt." 

Mon.  Florentin.  de  Recuperata  PtoJemaide. 

t  Annales  Monast.  Burton. 


THE  HOSPITALLERS  SETTLE  AT  ACRE.         71 

with  his  possessions  in  Normandy,  and  of  creating  disturb- 
ances in  England,  as  he  bound  him,  previously  to  his  depar- 
ture, under  the  most  solemn  engagements,  to  conform  to 
his  former  protestations  of  friendship.  Philip,  however,  no 
sooner  reached  Italy,  than  he  endeavoured  to  obtain  abso- 
lution from  the  Pope  as  to  these  engagements ;  but  his 
application  was  unsuccessful,  as  all  those  who  had  taken 
the  cross  were  under  the  special  protection  of  the  court  of 
Rome.*  Philip  pretended  that  Richard  had  driven  him 
from  the  Holy  Land;  but  this  ridiculous  statement  was 
opposed  by  the  circumstance  of  his  own  warlike  character, 
and  his  having  left  part  of  his  troops  with  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, publicly  ordering  them  to  pay  him  the  same  allegi- 
ance as  they  had  done  to  himself. 

After  the  departure  of  Philip,  Richard  put  to  death  many 
of  the  prisoners  in  his  possession,  in  consequence  of  Saladin 
refusing  to  complete  his  engagement  to  deliver  up  into  the 
hands  of  the  Christians  the  wood  of  the  true  cross. f  Upon 
hearing  of  this  act  of  cruelty,  Saladin  treated  the  Christian 
prisoners  in  the  same  manner.  The  walls  of  Acre  were 
then  repaired  by  the  crusaders,  and  the  altars  of  the  various 
churches  were  re-consecrated  by  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
who  had  taken  a  very  active  part  in  the  late  contest. J  A 
portion  of  the  city  was  presented  to  the  Knights  Hos- 
pitallers, as  a  return  for  their  noble  conduct,  and  Acre 
became  their  principal  place  of  residence,^  as  they  had  been 
expelled  from  Jerusalem  by  Saladin,  after  the  siege  of  that 
place.  The  Grand -Master  of  this  religious-military  order 
died  within  the  walls  of  Acre,||  about  a  year  after  the  Chris- 

*  This  circumstance  will  at  once  account  for  the  great  numher  of  persons 
assuming  the  cross.     See  Appendix  O. 

t  "  Crucem  tenent,  qui  crucifixum  contemnunt." — Vinesauf, p.  253.     (Gale.) 

t  See  Appendix  P. 

§  "  Of  the  several  courts  and  jurisdictions  established  in  the  great  city  of  Acre, 
the  tenth  belonged  to  the  Grand-Master  of  the  Hospitallers." — Favine's  Theatre 
of  Heraldry,  fol. ,  p.  389. 

||  Roger  Hoveden.     Contin.  Gul.  Tyr.,  lib.  i.,  cap.  5. 


72 


PROWESS    OF    RICHARD. 


tians  had  obtained  possession  Jof  it.  Among  the  English 
who  fell  in  the  third  Crusade,  were  "  William,  Earl  of  Fer- 
rers ;  Ralph,  Archdeacon  of  Colchester ;  Robert  Scrope,  of 
Barton  ;  Silvester,  the  seneschal  of  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury ;  Henry  Pigot,  seneschal  of  Lord  Surry ;  Walter 
Scrope,  Mowbray,  Talbot,  and  Saint  John  ;"  and  Vinesauf 
computes  those  who  died  at  the  siege  of  Acre  at  300,000. 
Bohadin,  however,  doubles  this  number. 

The  name  of  Richard,  Cceur  de  Lion,  had  become  so  ter- 
rible in  the  east,  that  mothers  used  it  for  the  purpose  of 
silencing  their  refractory  offspring,  and  this  method  is  said 
to  have  been  resorted  to  successfully.  In  the  field  of  battle, 
Richard  seemed  to  possess  the  attribute  of  ubiquity,  as 
scarcely  any  part  of  the  enemy's  ranks  escaped  coming  into 
collision  with  him. 

Wherever  danger  appeared,  the  King  of  England  was  sure 
to  be  engaged ;  and  he  frequently  retired  from  his  own 
troops,  and  dashing  into  the  opposing  ranks  of  the  infidels, 


CONQUESTS    OF    THE    CHRISTIANS.  73 

left  ten  or  twenty  breathless  corpses  to  bespeak  his  mili- 
tary prowess  and  the  effect  of  his  tremendous  battle-axe. 
Even  the  horses  are  said  to  have  been  sensible  of  his  pre- 
sence, so  that  it  became  a  common  practice  for  the  Moslem 
soldier  to  say  to  his  restive  steed,  "  You  jade  !  do  you  think 
that  King  Richard  is  on  your  back  ?"# 

Being  left  in  the  Holy  Land  with  30,000  soldiers  of  various 
nations,  and  having  arranged  for  his  queen,  Berengeria,  to 
remain  at  Acre,  Richard  determined  upon  attempting  the 
capture  of  the  cities  and  towns  on  the  sea-coast;  and  in 
order  to  effect  this  object  the  more  readily,  the  ships  be- 
longing to  the  Christians  carried  the  provisions,  and  coasted 
along  in  sight  of  the  army.  The  Christian  forces  were  so 
closely  packed  in  their  march,  that  Vinesauf  (the  historian 
of  this  Crusade)  says,  if  an  apple  had  been  thrown  up 
into  the  air,  it  would  have  fallen  on  either  man  or  horse. 
The  cities  on  the  sea-coast  were  successively  abandoned  by 
Saladin,  after  laying  their  walls  prostrate ;  and  the  march  of 
the  crusaders  towards  Jerusalem  was  a  continued  battle,  as 
the  infidels  amounted  in  number  to  300,000.  On  the  plains 
of  Arsura  dreadful  conflict  took  place,  during  which  Richard 
displayed  his  usual  valour  and  strength ;  but  although  the 
enemy  was  superior  in  number,  victory  was  declared  on  the 
side  of  the  Christians.  Similar  success  attended  them  as 
they  proceeded  onwards ;  but  the  voice  of  envy  exposing 
Richard  to  imminent  danger,  he  felt  desirous  of  entering 
into  terms  with  the  Moslems,  and  of  returning  to  Europe. 

Saladin,  however,  refused  to  give  up  the  true  cross, 
and  the  proposals  for  peace  were  not  again  renewed  for 
some  time.  The  Christians,  therefore,  proceeded  towards 
Ascalon,  "  the  bride  of  Syria,"  and  Saladin  wept  over  the 
city  as  he  ordered  its  destruction.  As  soon  as  the  Chris- 
tians had  obtained  possession  of  this  once  magnificent  place, 
Richard  ordered  his  troops  to  repair  the  walls  ;  but  many  of 
the  chiefs  demurred,  and  the  Duke  of  Austria,  still  thirsting 
with  revenge  for  the  indignity  offered  to  him  at  Acre,  sent 

*  Join ville,  tome  i.,   p.  274. 


74  prince  John's  rebellion. 

a  sarcastic  message  to  the  king,  stating  that  he  was  neither 
a  mason  nor  a  carpenter  ! 

A.  D.  1191.  About  this  period,  the  prior  of  Hereford  was 
despatched  to  the  Holy  Land,  to  inform  Richard  of  the 
endeavour,  on  the  part  of  Prince  John,  to  usurp  the  crown 
of  England.*  This  at  once  fixed  the  determination,  on 
the  part  of  the  king,  to  leave  the  Holy  Land  ;  but  he 
was  unwilling  to  do  so,  until  a  fresh  leader  had  been  ap- 
pointed for  the  Christian  army.  Conrad  was  eventually 
elected,  and  Richard  displayed  his  magnanimity  by  assenting 
to  the  election  of  his  deadliest  enemy,  thereby  sacrificing  his 
personal  feelings  at  the  shrine  of  public  duty. 

Conrad  was,  however,  soon  carried  off  by  the  hands  of  an 
assassin,  one  of  the  disciples  of  the  Old  Man  of  the  Moun- 
tain.f  Richard  lay  under  the  imputation  of  this  murder,  but 
without  the  slightest  reason.  J  Henry,  Count  of  Champagne, 
was  elected  in  Conrad's  place,  and  arrived  in  the  Holy 
Land,  shortly  afterwards,  with  60,000  troops.  The  reco- 
very of  Jerusalem  was  again  determined  upon,  notwith- 
standing the  intended  departure  of  the  King  of  England ; 
and  a  council  was  afterwards  held,  (consisting  of  five  French 
barons,  five  barons  of  Palestine,  five  Hospitallers,  and  five 
Templars,)  for  the  consideration  of  this  plan,  which  was 
ultimately  abandoned. § 

The  Christian  army  was  still  opposed  by  the  infidels,  and  nu- 
merous engagements  took  place,  in  most  of  which  the  former 
was  victorious  ;  but  many  of  the  crusaders  who  had  left  Eng- 
land with  Richard,  were  wearied  by  their  exertions  during  this 
protracted  Crusade,  and  expressed  their  anxiety  to  return  to 
their  native  country.  The  king,  listening  to  their  solicita- 
tions, and  fearing  the  consequences  of  Prince  John's  rebel- 
lious conduct,  at  length  concluded  a  singular  truce  with 
Saladin  for  a  term  of  "  three  years,  three  months,  three 
days,  and  three  hours  ! "  ||      Upon  departing  for  England, 

*  Vinesauf,  p.  384.  t  See  Appendix  Q. 

t  See  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  accusation  in  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  p.  136. 

$  Vinesauf,  (Gale,)  pp.  372,  404.  ||  Matt.  Paris,  p.  203. 


Richard's  imprisonment.  75 

Richard  sent  word  to  Saladin  that  he  might  depend  upon 
seeing  him  again,  to  attempt  once  more  the  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Land ;  to  which  Saladin  nobly  replied,  that  he  had 
rather  be  dispossessed  of  his  dominions  by  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, than  by  any  other  monarch  in  Christendom.* 

A.  D.  1193.  Richard  passed  through  the  possessions  of 
the  Duke  of  Austria  in  his  way  to  England ;  and,  although 
disguised,  he  was  discovered,  seized,  and  imprisoned. f  It 
is  probable  that  he  would  never  have  regained  his  liberty, 
had  not  the  place  of  his  incarceration  been  discovered  by 
the  minstrel  Blondel,  who  informed  Queen  Eleanora  of  the 
circumstance. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany  demanded  150,000  marks  for 
Richard's  ransom,  and 

"  His  moder,  dame  Alienore,  and  the  barons  of  England, 
For  him  travailed  sore  to  bring  him  out  of  band." 

Peter  Langtofft's  Chronicle. 

Commissioners  were  appointed  to  raise  the  money,  which  was 
partly  effected  by  imposing  additional  taxes  upon  the  people, 
and  by  borrowing  one  year's  wool  of  the  Cistertian  monks. 
In  order  to  make  up  the  deficiency,  the  plate  belonging  to  the 
clergy  was  given  up,  and  even  the  church  chalices  J  were 
delivered  to  the  queen,  upon  her  promising  to  restore  them 
when  the  king  had  obtained  his  freedom. § 

*  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  537.  Vinesauf. — Kicardi  Regis  Iter.  Hieros.,  p.  423, 
(Gale). 

t  Annales  de  Margan.         Chronica  Walteri  Hemingford,  (Gale,)  p.  535. 

"  Queen  Eleanora  applied  to  the  Pope  to  intercede  for  Richard's  liberation,  and 
stated  that  "  the  princes  of  the  earth  were  agreed  to  destroy  a  Christian  king, 
and  yet  the  sword  of  St.  Peter  remained  in  its  scabbard." — Rymer,  i.,  p.  57, 
new  edit. 

X  Stavely's  History  of  Churches.  Gul.  Neub.  Matt.  Paris. 

"  Sacra  etiam  vasa  altaris  direpta  sunt." — Annales  de  Margan. 
"  Ecclesiarum  calices  vendebantur." — Chronicon  Thom<z  Wykes. 
"  Deinde  ad  sacra  vasa  ventum  est." — Chronica  Walteri  Hemingford. 

§  "  Richard,  after  his  liberation,  bountifully  relieved  every  day  much  poor, 
and  restored  gold  and  silver  vessels  to  those  churches  from  which,  to  pay  his 
ransom,  they  had  been  taken  away." — Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  544. 


76  DEATH    OF    SALADIN. 

It  appears,  according  to  Holinshed,  that  much  difference 
of  opinion  existed  as  to  the  exact  sum  paid  for  the  king's 
ransom;*  for  he  observes,  "Some  write  it  was  two  hun- 
dred thousend  markes,  others  saie  that  it  was  but  one 
hundred  and  forty  ;  but  William  Paris,  who  lived  in  those 
daies,  affirmeth  that  it  was  an  hundred  thousend  markes 
of  Cullen  weight."  f 

About  this  period,  the  Moslems  had  to  lament  the  loss  of 
Saladin,  who  entailed  many  evils  upon  his  subjects  by  the 
disputes  that  arose  in  consequence  of  his  having  neglected  to 
name  his  successor.  The  situation  of  the  Christians  in  the 
east,  after  the  departure  of  the  King  of  England,  was  also 
extremely  critical,  the  knights  belonging  to  the  military 
orders  having  revived  their  former  quarrels ;  and  as  the 
Christians  had  really  no  efficient  leader,  application  was 
made  to  Pope  Celestine  III.,  to  exhort  the  princes  of 
Europe  to  undertake  a  new  Crusade. J  The  aged  pontiff 
immediately  complied  with  this  request,  and  endeavoured  to 
interest  Richard,  Cceur  de  Lion,  in  favour  of  the  enterprise ; 
but  his  recent  imprisonment,  and  the  distracted  state  of  his 
kingdom,  induced  him  to  decline  the  proposition. 

With  Philip  of  France  the  application  was  equally  unsuc- 
cessful, as  he  had  too  much  reason  to  fear  retaliation  on  the 
part  of  the  King  of  England  for  his  conduct  towards  him,  to 
render  it  prudent  to  leave  his  kingdom.  Henry  IV.,  the 
Emperor  of  Germany,  was  the  next  sovereign  applied  to; 
he  obeyed  the  call,  and  made  an  appeal  to  his  subjects  in 
behalf  of  the  Crusade. 

The  object  of  the  emperor  was  not  merely  that  of  recover- 
ing possession  of  Jerusalem  ;  he  hoped  also  to  conquer  Sicily, 

*  "  An  old  traveller  through  Germany  says,  that  the  ransom  of  Richard 
beautified  Vienna,  and  that  the  two  walls  round  the  city  were  built  with  this 
money." — Mills. 

t  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  p.  136. 

t  The  Master  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers  sent  a  letter  to  the  prior  of  England, 
for  which  see  Hoveden,  p.  827. 

"  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  preached  through  Wales  in  favour  of  the 
Crusade." — Speed's  Chronicles. 


THE    FOURTH    CRUSADE.  77 

and  thereby  eventually  to  effect  the  reunion  of  the  eastern 
and  western  empires,  being  well  aware  of  the  importance 
g**  this  maritime  country  to  the  Greek  emperor.  Prudence, 
therefore,  determined  him  upon  remaining  in  Europe,  in  order 
to  accomplish  the  above-mentioned  object;  but  he  raised  a 
large  army  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  Crusade,  which 
was  placed  under  the  generalship  of  the  Dukes  of  Saxony 
and  Brabant,  with  whom  the  Queen  of  Hungary,  after  having 
assumed  the  cross,  united  her  forces. 

.  The  arrival  of  these  crusaders  in  the  Holy  Land  was  re- 
garded by  many  of  the  Latins,  who  resided  there,  as  an  evil 
rather  than  otherwise,  for  owing  to  the  dissensions  between 
the  sons  of  Saladin,  the  Christians  had  lately  remained  in 
comparative  security ;  but  nothing  could  induce  the  enthu- 
siastic soldiers  from  Germany  to  delay  the  commencement 
of  the  war,  and  Saphadin,  (the  brother  of  the  deceased  Sa- 
ladin,) the  Moslem  leader,  immediately  prepared  to  oppose 
their  march.  Between  Tyre  and  Sidon  a  desperate  engage- 
ment ensued,  in  which  the  Christians  were  victorious,  and 
their  joy  at  this  occurrence  was  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
fresh  succours  from  Europe. 

As  there  was  now  every  prospect  of  success,  they  marched 
onwards  and  besieged  the  fortress  of  Thoron,  and  after  a 
protracted  siege  of  nearly  five  weeks,  the  Moslems  demanded 
a  free  passage ;  but  the  Christian  leaders,  not  being  agreed 
as  to  the  propriety  of  granting  this  request,  the  former 
determined  to  abide  the  result  of  the  continuance  of  the 
assault.  The  delay  proved  favourable  to  their  hopes,  for 
the  German  leaders,  having  heard  of  the  approach  of  the 
Egyptians  to  relieve  the  besieged,  were  panic-struck,  and 
deserted  their  troops  in  the  night.  This  circumstance  was 
discovered  at  day-break,  and  their  example  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  the  soldiery.  Mutual  recrimination  took  place 
between  the  German  and  the  other  princes ;  and  to  add 
to  the  distress  of  the  Christians,  the  report  reached  them 
of  the  death  of  the  emperor,  Henry  IV.,  who  having 
conquered    Sicily,    had    purposed    proceeding    to  their  aid. 


78  RICHARD    ARRIVES    IN    ENGLAND. 

The  major  part  of  the  crusaders  now  determined  to  return 
to  Europe ;  but  the  heroic  Queen  of  Hungary,  with  the 
remnant  of  the  army,  shut  herself  up  in  Jaffa,  which  the 
Moslems  entered  on  the  11th  of  November,  1187,  and  put 
every  one  to  the  sword.  Thus  ended  this  short,  yet  inglo- 
rious Crusade.  Henry,  Count  of  Champagne  and  King  of 
Jerusalem,  died  almost  at  the  same  period.  Fuller  observes, 
that  "  at  this  time,  the  spring-tide  of  the  Christians'  mirth 
so  drowned  their  souls,  that  the  Turks,  coming  in  upon  them, 
cut  every  one  of  their  throats,  to  the  number  of  twenty 
thousand ;  and  quickly  they  were  stabbed  with  the  sword 
that  were  cup-shot  before.  A  day,  which  the  Dutch  (or 
Germans)  may  well  write  in  their  calendars  in  red  letters, 
dyed  with  their  own  blood,  when  the  camp  was  the  sham- 
bles, the  Turks  their  butchers,  and  themselves  the  Mar- 
tinmasse  beeves,  from  which  the  beastly  drunkards  differ 
but  little."  * 

We  must  now  turn  to  the  events  that  were  passing  at  this 
period  in  Europe.  No  sooner  had  Richard  regained  his 
liberty,  than  intimation  of  the  circumstance  was  forwarded 
by  Philip  of  France  to  Prince  John,  in  the  following  memo- 
rable words  :  —  "  Take  care  : — the  devil  has  broken  loose 
again." -j-  The  escape  of  Richard  was  little  less  than  mi- 
raculous, as  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  having  assassinated 
the  Bishop  of  Liege  and  thereby  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  the  German  princes,  purposed  entering  into  an  alliance 
with  Philip.  In  order  to  facilitate  this  object,  he  had 
intended  to  keep  both  his  prisoner  and  the  money  sent 
for  his  ransom  ;  but  his  orders  were  sent  too  late,  the  King 
of  England  having  left  the  shores  of  Germany  before  the 
arrival  of  Henry's  mercenaries,  and  after  a  fair  voyage, 
landed  in  his  own  territories,  at  Sandwich,  in  Kent.  J  His 
subjects  were  delighted  with  his  liberation,  the  barons  con- 

*  Holy  War,  book  iii.,  c.  16.  t  Matt.  Paris,  p.  204. 

X  "  Philip  of  France  and  Prince  John  offered  the  emperor  large  sums  of 
money  to  retain  Richard  prisoner.  Their  letters  were  shown  to  the  latter." — 
Stow's  Annals,  p.  160.         Matt.  Westmonast.,  p.  68. 


RICHARD    INVADES    FRANCE.  79 

fiscated  all  the  possessions  of  John,  and  after  a  short  time, 
Richard  was  firmly  re-established  on  his  throne.  Through 
the  intercession  of  Queen  Eleanor,  he  became  reconciled  to 
his  brother,  to  whom  he  observed,  "  I  freely  forgive  you ; 
and  I  hope  I  shall  as  soon  forget  your  injuries,  as  you 
will  my  pardon  !  " 

The  Duke  of  Austria,  on  his  death-bed,  felt  great  com- 
punction at  his  treatment  of  King  Richard,  and  set  at  liberty 
all  the  English  hostages  that  remained  in  his  hands.  The 
Emperor  Henry*  also  sought  to  ingratiate  himself  into  favour 
with  the  English  monarch,  when  he  found  he  had  got  beyond 
the  reach  of  his  power.  The  universal  hatred  which  the 
base  conduct  of  these  monarchs  excited,  was  considered  by 
Richard  as  a  sufficient  punishment ;  and  all  his  enmity  was 
reserved  for  Philip  of  France. 

A.  D.  1198.  As  soon  as  Richard  had  regained  posses- 
sion of  his  throne,  he  entered  France  and  ravaged  the 
country ;  but  no  very  important  consequences  resulted,  as 
it  was  soon  found  the  more  politic  course  for  the  two 
kings  to  become  reconciled.  There  is,  however,  one  inci- 
dent connected  with  the  war  worth  noticing,  inasmuch  as 
it  bespeaks  the  character  of  the  period.  The  Bishop  of 
Beauvais,  having  been  taken  prisoner  in  an  engagement  with 
the  English,  was  thrown  into  prison ;  and  when  the  Pope 
claimed  the  liberation  of  the  prelate  as  his  son,  the  coat  of 
mail  worn  by  the  latter  in  the  field  of  battle  was  forwarded 
to  the  pontiff  smeared  with  blood,  Richard  replying  to  his 
message  in  the  language  of  Jacob's  sons  to  their  father,  after 
they  had  sold  their  brother  and  saturated  his  coat  with 
blood  in  order  to  conceal  their  crime, — "  This  have  we  found  : 
know  now  whether  it  be  thy  son's  coat  or  no." 

After  the  reconciliation  of  the  kings  of  England  and  France, 
an  exchange  of  possessions  took  place ;  and  one  of  Richard's 
French  vassals  having  found  a  treasure,  and  sending  only  part 

*  "  Three  thousand  marks  were  offered  by  the  emperor,  owing  to  remorse,  to 
make  silver  censers  for  the  use  of  the  church,  hut  they  were  refused  by  the  Cister- 
tian  order." — Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  540.  Stow's  Annals,  p.  161. 


80  DEATH    OF    RICHARD. 

of  it  to  him,  Richard  claimed  the  whole,  and  in  order  to 
recover  possession  of  it,  besieged  the  castle  of  Chaluz,  near 
Limoges.  Here  it  was  that  he  closed  his  life,*  having 
been  wounded  by  a  poisoned  arrow,-f-  by  an  archer  named 
Bertrand  de  Gourdon.J 

The  place  of  his  death,  referring  to  the  means  by  which 
his  ransom  had  been  effected,  gave  rise  to  the  following 
epigram : — 

"  Christe,  tui  calicis  praedo  fit  praeda  Caluzis." 

"  0  Christ !  the  robber  of  your  chalice  becomes  a  prey  at  Chaluz." 


*  "  His  heart  was  buried  at  Rouen,  and  bis  bowels  at  Cbaluz." — Stow's  Annals, 
p.  163. 

t  Some  valuable  information  upon  tbe  subject  of    Richard's  death  will  be 
found  in  Dr.  Meyrick's  work  on  Ancient  Armour. 

$  Annates  Monast.  Burton.  Annales  de  Margan. 


ARTHUR    DUKE    OF    BRITTANY. 


81 


CHAPTER  V. 

A.  D.    1200. JOHN. 


p^1S  reign  of  King  John  was  marked 
by  a  series  of  events,  which,  in  a 
great  measure,  prevented  the  Eng- 
lish from  the  prosecution  of  the 
Crusades.  Previously  to  the  death 
of  Richard  I.,  his  nephew,  Arthur, 
Duke  of  Brittany,  had  been  de- 
clared his  successor;  and  although  this  disposition  of  the 
crown  was  afterwards  altered  in  John's  favour,  the  claims  of 
the  young  duke  were  warmly  espoused  by  Philip  of  France 
and  many  of  the  English  nobility.  These  dissensions  were, 
however,  speedily  settled  by  Constantia,  the  mother  of 
young  Arthur ;  who,  believing  that  Philip  had  no  other 
motive  for  opposing  the  King  of  England  than  a  desire  to 
secure  to  himself  the  revolted  provinces,  compelled  her  son 
to  swear  allegiance  to  John.  The  disputes  between  the  kings 
of  England  and  France  were  also  arranged,  by  the  marriage 
of  Philip's  son,  Louis,  to  Blanche  of  Castile,  the  niece  of 
Kmg  John.  Upon  this  occasion,  the  two  monarchs  entered 
into  a  solemn  treaty  of  peace,  which  was  guaranteed  by  the 
barons  of  each  country,  who  declared,  that  in  the  event  of 
its  violation,  they  would  assist  the  injured  party. # 

Although  the  fourth  Crusade  had  been  attended  with  such 
ill  success,  Pope  Innocent  III.,  (then  in  his  ninetieth  year,) 

*  Hume. — John. 


82  THE    FIFTH    CRUSADE. 

determined  upon  applying  to  the  sovereigns  of  the  west  to 
persuade  them  to  engage  in  another ;  and  the  arrival  of  the 
Bishop  of  Ptolemais  from  the  Holy  Land,  on  purpose  to 
solicit  aid  against  the  infidels,  rendered  the  application  the 
more  plausible.  In  order  to  show  his  devotedness,  the  pontiff 
had  the  whole  of  his  plate  melted  down,  which  he  gave 
towards  the  expenses  of  the  Crusade,  and  expressed  his  reso- 
lution, during  its  continuance,  of  using  only  earthenware  in 
his  household.  An  application  was  then  made  to  the  kings 
of  England  and  France,  who  granted  a  fortieth  part  of  the 
revenues  of  the  ecclesiastics  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting 
the  war,  and  all  persons.  "  who  had  taken  the  cross,  and 
secretly  laid  it  down,  were  compelled  to  receive  it  again." 

The  disputes  between  King  John  and  his  barons,  together 
with  the  murder  of  Duke  Arthur,  his  nephew,  (which  latter 
circumstance  had  revived  hostilities  with  France,)  prevented 
the  English  monarch  from  taking  an  active  part  in  the  Cru- 
sade. Philip  of  France  was  under  an  interdict,  and  the 
influence  of  the  Pope  had  so  much  declined  in  Europe,  that 
although  his  nuncios  preached  the  Crusade,  and  offered  to 
grant  pardons  and  indulgences  to  all  those  who  assumed  the 
cross,  nearly  two  years  elapsed  before  any  active  preparations 
were  made  to  leave  Europe.  Among  those  who  listened  to 
the  solicitations  of  the  Pope,  were  some  of  the  most  influ- 
ential nobles  of  France.  Thibaud,  Count  of  Champagne, 
Louis,  Count  of  Blois  and  Chartres,  Reginald  of  Montmi- 
rail,  and  Simon  de  Montfort,#  eagerly  embraced  the  holy 
cause,  and  were  afterwards  joined  by  Baldwin,  Count  of 
Flanders.  Having  determined  upon  going  to  Palestine  by 
sea,  these  chiefs  sent  deputies  to  the  Doge  of  Venice,  who 
agreed  to  supply  them  with  transports,  provided  they  paid 
him,  before  their  embarkation,  85,000  marks  of  silver,  for 
the  use  of  the  same.  He  also  further  agreed  to  fit  out 
fifty  galleys  at  his  own  expense,  upon  the  condition  that 
he  received  a  moiety  of  their  conquests  from  the  infidels. 

*  "  Father  of  the  Simon  de  Montfort  who,  by  marrying  the  sister  of  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  succeeded  to  that  title  of  English  nobility." — Mills. 


REVOLT    OF    ZARA.  83 

This  treaty #  was  concluded ;  but  previously  to  the  depar- 
ture of  the  French,  Thibaud,  Count  of  Champagne,  having 
died,  the  command  of  the  army  was  given  to  Boniface, 
Marquis  of  Montferrat. 

A.  D.  1202.  Baldwin,  and  some  others  of  the  chiefs  who 
had  embarked  for  the  Holy  Land  from  the  maritime  towns 
of  France,  having  arrived  at  Venice,  the  Doge  demanded 
the  immediate  payment  of  the  whole  of  the  sum  agreed  upon 
for  the  use  of  the  transports ;  but  from  the  circumstance  of  all 
of  them  not  having  been  required,  this  demand  could  not 
be  complied  with.  It  was  at  length  arranged  that,  if  the 
crusaders  would  assist  the  Doge  in  reducing  the  town  of 
Zara,  which  had  revolted  from  the  republic  of  Venice,  he 
would  forego  the  payment  of  part  of  the  above-mentioned 
sum. 

The  Marquis  of  Montferrat  declined  engaging  in  this  enter- 
prise ;f  but  although  the  Pope  forbade  it,  the  majority  of  the 
crusaders  listened  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Doge,  and  assisted 
him  in  the  siege  of  Zara,  which  place  soon  surrendered  at 
discretion.  Many  of  the  French,  feeling  compunction  for 
having  disobeyed  the  orders  of  the  Pope,  returned  to  Rome, 
and,  with  some  difficulty,  obtained  pardon  for  their  offence  ; 
the  Venetians,  however,  paid  little  respect  to  the  occupier  of 
Saint  Peter's  chair.  Soon  after  the  submission  of  the  Zara- 
denes,  Alexius,  the  son  of  Isaac  Angelus,  the  Emperor  of 
Constantinople,  applied  to  the  Venetians  for  assistance  against 
his  uncle,  who  had  dethroned  his  father,  thrown  him  into 
prison,  and  deprived  him  of  his  sight.  The  Venetians  readily 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  young  prince;  and  although  Pope 
Innocent  prohibited  the  crusaders  from  intermeddling  with 
any  other  object  than  that  for  which  they  had  left  Europe, 
the  greater  part  of  them  set  his  authority  at  defiance,  and 
united  with  the  Venetians  against  the  usurper  of  the  throne 
of  Constantinople. 

*  See  the  treaty  in  Andrew  Dandolo's  Chronicle  ;  Muratori  xii.,  3C23. 
t  "  He  was  the  only  leader  on  this  occasion  who  respected  the  Pope's  autho- 
rity."— Milk. 

G    2 


84  CAPTURE    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 

A.D.  1203.  The  allied  forces  having  arrived  at  their  desti- 
nation, endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  the  inhabitants  to  declare 
themselves  in  favour  of  the  young  Alexius,  but  without 
effect.  The  siege  was  therefore  proceeded  with.  The  walls 
of  Constantinople  were  lined  by  Varangians  and  Danes  ;  but 
notwithstanding  the  presumed  inadequacy  of  the  besieging 
forces,  they  succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  city. 
They  then  liberated  the  aged  Isaac,  who  immediately  re- 
assumed  the  imperial  robes. 

At  the  time  the  young  Alexius  solicited  the  aid  of  the 
Venetians  for  the  recovery  of  his  father's  throne,  he  pro- 
mised, in  the  event  of  success,  to  pay  them  a  large  tribute, 
to  aid  the  crusaders  against  the  infidels.  Immediately 
after  the  taking  of  Constantinople,  he  paid  part  of  the  pro- 
mised amount,  and  then  made  a  tour  through  his  territories. 
While  Alexius  was  absent,  some  Flemish  soldiers  quarrelled 
with  the  inhabitants  of  a  populous  part  of  the  city,  and  during 
the  fray,  a  Turkish  mosque  was  set  on  fire.*  The  greater  part 
of  the  city  was  soon  in  a  state  of  conflagration,  and  continued 
so  for  several  days.  This  circumstance  gave  rise  to  differ- 
ences between  the  emperor  and  the  Latins  ;  and  the  former 
having  imposed  heavy  taxes  upon  the  people,  in  order  to 
pay  the  tribute  to  the  Venetians,  they  also  became  disaf- 
fected ;  and  at  length  the  emperor  apprized  the  former  of  his 
inability  to  make  good  the  treaty  entered  into  by  his  son. 
Upon  hearing  this,  the  Venetians  determined  to  attempt  the 
taking  of  Constantinople,  and  this  they  eventually  accom- 
plished. The  Emperor  Isaac  died,  soon  afterwards,  of  a 
broken  heart,  (in  consequence  of  receiving  intelligence  that 
his  son  had  been  strangled,)  and  Count  Baldwin,  of  Flanders, 
was  declared  emperor  in  his  stead.  Information  was  sent 
to  the  Pope  of  the  fall  of  Constantinople,  and  his  pardon  im- 
plored for  the  opposition  that  had  been  made  to  his  authority; 
in  order  the  more  effectually  to  accomplish  their  purpose, 
the  Venetians  represented  the  advantages  that  would  accrue 

*  "  This  fire  consumed  the  whole  of  the  northern  part  of  the  city.     It  first 
destroyed  the  western  quarter." 


THE    SIXTH    CRUSADE.  OJ 

from  their  having  been  enabled  to  introduce  the  Romish 
formulary  into  the  Greek  churches.  But  the  Pope's  pardon 
was  not  easily  obtained,  as  he  was  extremely  incensed  at  the 
conduct  of  the  French  and  other  nations,  that  had  left  for 
the  purpose  of  the  proj  ected  Crusade ;  but  the  Emperor 
Baldwin  promising  to  aid  the  war  against  the  infidels  with 
the  Greek  troops  belonging  to  his  newly-acquired  territory, 
the  Pope  became  reconciled.* 

After  the  fall  of  Constantinople,  Innocent  III.  renewed  his 
exertions  in  favour  of  the  Crusade ;  but  Europe  was  so  dis- 
tracted at  the  time,  as  to  render  the  attempt  almost  abortive. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  east  suffered  also  from  drought  and 
famine,  and  a  destructive  earthquake  had  levelled  to  the 
ground  the  gorgeous  structures  of  Balbec,  and  other  mag- 
nificent cities.  Upon  the  death  of  the  King  of  Jerusalem, 
an  application  had  been  made  to  Philip  of  France  to  choose  a 
sovereign,  and  John  of  Brienne  was  elected.  Upon  his  arrival 
in  the  Holy  Land,  the  military  orders  solicited  him  to  agree 
to  the  further  truce  which  the  infidels  were  desirous  of  ob- 
taining, but  he  determined  upon  recommencing  the  war.f  He 
had,  however,  brought  with  him  but  few  followers,  and  even 
these  were,  in  a  short  time,  so  much  diminished  in  number, 
that  he  was  compelled  to  solicit  aid  from  Europe.  The  fifth 
Crusade,  it  has  been  already  stated,  ended  in  the  sacking  of 
Constantinople,  very  few  of  those  who  left  Europe  for  the 
purpose  of  prosecuting  it  having  reached  the  Holy  Land. 

Robert  de  Courgon,  an  Englishman,  the  papal  legate  in 
France,  was  the  preacher  of  the  next  Crusade  which  Inno- 
cent the  Third  determined  upon ;  and  it  is  said,  that  "  the 
multitudes  of  those  who  assumed  the  cross  upon  this  occa- 
sion were  innumerable,  and  the  voluntary  offerings  of  money 
immense." 

A.D.  1215.  Alms  were  collected  throughout  England  and 
France  for  the  purposes  of  the  war ;  a  council  was  also  held 

*  "  When  the  crusaders  captured  Constantinople,  the  commerce  of  the  Black 
Sea  was  opened  to  the  Venetians." 
t  Sanutus,  p.  205. 


86  SIEGE    OF    DAMIETTA. 

in  the  church  of  the  Lateran,  upon  which  occasion  the  Pope 
gave  a  large  sum  of  money  for  the  prosecution  of  the  enter- 
prise, and  it  was  determined  that,  for  three  years,  the  clergy 
should  contribute  a  twentieth  part  of  their  income.  No  cir- 
cumstance was  however,  so  favourable  to  the  cause  of  this 
Crusade,  as  that  of  the  Pope  promising  to  visit  the  Holy  Land 
in  person.  The  King  of  England,  during  this  year,  took  upon 
himself  the  cross,  though  rather  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
the  protection  of  the  church  of  Rome,*  than  of  taking  an  active 
part  in  the  Crusade. f  The  King  of  Hungary  and  the  Dukes 
of  Austria  and  Bavaria  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
holy  war,  and  proceeded  to  Palestine,  but  were  subjected  to 
many  privations,  owing  to  the  famine  that  then  existed  in  the 
east.  The  King  of  Hungary  soon  afterwards  determined  upon 
quitting  the  Christian  army,  which  he  did,  much  to  his  own 
disgrace  and  to  the  injury  of  the  cause  in  which  he  had  been 
engaged.  Reinforcements  having  arrived  from  Europe,  it  was 
agreed  to  lay  siege  to  Damietta,  situate  on  the  banks  of  the 
Nile ;  and  Matthew  Paris  says,  that  at  the  storming  of  this 
important  place,  the  Hospitallers,  the  Templars,  and  the 
Teutonic  Knights,  proved  a  wall  of  defence  to  those  who 
were  compelled  to  retreat  before  the  infidels.  J 

Damietta  surrendered  at  discretion  to  the  Christians, 
who  failed  to  prosecute  the  advantages  which  they  had 
gained ;  by  the  advice  of  the  Pope's  legate  they  advanced 
into  the  interior  of  Egypt,  where  they  suffered  severely  from 
want  of  food,  and  in  order  to  procure  supplies,  they  were 
at  length  compelled  to  resign  Damietta  to  the  infidels. 
Fresh  succours  arrived  about  this  time  from  Europe,  the 
English  troops  being  led  by  the  Earls  of  Chester  and  Arun- 
del, and  William  Longspee,   Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  half- 

*  Holinshed,  p.  191.         Rapin. 

t  King  John  died  in  1216,  and  was  buried  in  Worcester  cathedral,  where  a 
monument  was  erected  to  bis  memory.  See  Britton's  History  of  Worcester 
Cathedral. 

t  Matt.  Paris,  ad  an.  1119.  Gale.  Hist,  Captionis  Damietee,  torn,  ii., 
p.  447. 


SECOND  SIEGE  OF  DAMIETTA.  87 

brother  to  Richard  the  First.  The  Christians,  being  apprized 
of  the  death  of  Saphadin,  and  the  distracted  state  into  which 
his  subjects  were  thrown  by  that  event,  now  determined 
upon  attempting  to  regain  Damietta.  This  siege  lasted 
sixteen  months,  during  which  time  the  Sultan  of  Syria 
destroyed  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  as  a  retaliation  for  the 
incursion  of  the  Christians  into  Egypt ;  and  the  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  seeing  no  probability  of  saving  the  town  of  Damietta, 
entered  into  a  negotiation  with  the  crusaders,  offering  to  give 
up  the  wood  of  the  true  cross,  to  liberate  the  Christian  pri- 
soners, and  after  rebuilding  the  walls  of  the  holy  city,  to 
deliver  it  into  their  hands.  The  hesitation  which  arose  in  the 
minds  of  the  victorious  crusaders  when  this  offer  was  made, 
fully  proves  how  much  the  character  of  these  expeditions 
against  the  infidels  had  altered,  since  that  which  was  under- 
taken by  the  brave  and  pious  Godfrey  de  Bouillon.  Now 
that  the  holy  sepulchre  and  the  true  cross  were  freely  offered 
to  them,  they  rejected  the  gift  with  disdain,  and  continued 
their  hostilities.  Damietta  was  at  length  taken,  and  the 
crusaders  entering  the  town,  put  to  death  the  few  miserable 
wretches  who  had  survived  the  united  effects  of  famine, 
pestilence,  and  war.  The  whole  town  was  one  mass  of 
corruption,  the  streets  being  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  the 
dead  and  dying ;  and  before  the  crusaders  could  occupy 
the  place,  they  were  compelled  to  have  it  cleansed  by  the 
few  surviving  Moslems. 

The  Pope's  legate  was  desirous  of  continuing  the  war  in 
Egypt;  but  John  de  Brienne,  King  of  Jerusalem,  opposed 
his  wishes,  boldly  declaring,  "  that  the  crusaders  had  not 
assumed  the  cross  to  besiege  Thebes,  Babylon,  and  Mem- 
phis, but  to  obtain  possession  of  the  holy  city."  The  legate 
threatened  to  excommunicate  all  those  who  opposed  him, 
and  proudly  rejected  a  second  offer  of  the  infidels  to  give 
up  Jerusalem.*  The  crusaders  now  determined  upon  pro- 
ceeding to  Grand  Cairo;    but  having  remained  inactive  for 

-  *  "  The  power  of  the  legate  was  supreme,  and  the  King  of  Jerusalem  returned 
in  disgust  to  Acre." 


88 


REVERSES    OF    THE    CRUSADERS. 


some  time,  during  which  the  Nile  rose  to  an  unusual  height, 
the  Moslems  opened  their  sluices,  inundated  the  country, 
and  destroyed  many  of  the  Christian  soldiers.  It  was  now 
necessary  for  the  latter  to  become  suppliants ;  and  having 
arranged  terms  with  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  Damietta  was 
given  up  to  him,  and  the  Christians  were  allowed  to  enter 
the  Holy  Land. 

At  this  period,  various  complaints  were  urged  against  the 
Hospitallers,  but  they  were  set  aside  by  the  declaration  of 
Pope  Honorius,#  as  to  the  humble  character  of  the  knights ; 
Rainaldus  indeed  draws  a  most  beautiful  picture  of  the 
various  duties  in  which  they  were  engaged :  "  The  Knights 
of  Saint  John,"  says  he,  "  are  sometimes  like  Mary  in  con- 
templation ;  sometimes  like  Martha  in  action ;  and  at  other 
times  they  are  employed  fighting  against  the  infidel  Amale- 
kites,  the  enemies  of  the  cross. "f 

A.  D.  1228.  The  Emperor  Frederic,  wearied  with  the 
exactions  of  the  Pope  on  behalf  of  the  Crusades,  proceeded 
to  throw  out  invectives  against  him ;  and  in  a  letter  to  the 
King  of  England,  referred  to  the  vast  sums  of  money  that 
had  been  raised  in  that  country  during  King  John's  reign. 
Having  refused  to  submit  to  the  papal  authority,  he  was  ex- 
communicated ;  and  in  order  to  be  revenged,  he  treated  the 
Hospitallers  with  the  greatest  cruelty.^  He  subsequently 
married  the  daughter  of  John  de  Brienne,  and  assuming  the 
title  of  King  of  Jerusalem,  departed  for  Palestine.  Frederic 
had  promised  three  different  times  to  redeem  the  Holy  Land, 
and  he  now  appeared  on  the  eve  of  accomplishing  it.  When 
he  had  arrived  within  the  suburbs  of  Jerusalem,  the  military 
orders  refused  to  serve  under  the  command  of  an  excommu- 
nicated prince ;  but  at  length,  policy  prevailed  over  a  sense 
of  duty,  and  they  joined  his  standard ;   the  emperor,  how- 

*  Honorius  called  the  Hospitallers  "  the  noblest  defenders  of  Christianity." 

t  Rainaldus,  torn,  xiii.,  p.  16. 

\  "  Such  of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars  (the  firm  friends  of  the  Pope)  as  bad 
estates  in  the  imperial  dominions  in  Italy,  were  plundered  and  dispossessed."  — 
Mills. 


FREDERIC    KING    OF    JERUSALEM.  89 

ever,  soon  receiving  intelligence  that  Innocent  III.  and  his 
father-in-law,  John  de  Brienne,  were  ravaging  his  imperial 
possessions  at  home,  determined  upon  returning  to  Europe, 
and  entered  into  a  truce  with  the  infidels,  upon  condition 
that  Jerusalem,  and  other  important  places,  should  be  given 
up  to  the  Christians. 

He  afterwards  repaired  to  Jerusalem,  but  the  inhabitants 
concealed  themselves  at  his  approach,  not  daring  to  encourage 
a  prince  against  whom  the  Pope  had  hurled  his  anathemas. 
Frederic,  however,  boldly  took  the  crown  to  the  church 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  placed  it  on  his  own  head,  as 
King  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  said  that,  during  his  presence, 
"  the  bells  were  not  rung,  the  churches  were  deprived  of 
their  ornaments,  and  the  dead  were  interred  without  religious 
ceremony.'7 #  This  treatment  on  the  part  of  his  new  subjects 
dejected  him,  and,  together  with  the  knowledge  of  the  dis- 
turbances which  had  taken  place  in  his  European  possessions, 
hastened  his  departure  from  the  Holy  Land. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Henry  III.,  a  legate 
had  arrived  in  England  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
Earl  of  Chester  from  leaving  the  country,  as  it  was  thought 
that  his  absence  might  be  mischievous  to  the  whole  realm  : 
we  have  already  shown  that  this  request  was  not  attended 
to.f  In  the  year  1224,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  being 
desirous  of  visiting  Rome,  in  order  to  express  his  regret 
at  not  having  performed  his  promise  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land, 
and  King  Henry  refusing  to  allow  him,  the  Pope  despatched 
a  bull  to  England  enjoining  the  latter,  by  the  reverence  he 
owed  the  apostolic  chair,  not  to  prevent  the  bishop  from 
performing  his  pious  wishes. J  In  1229,  Henry  received  an 
injunction  to  allow  a  tenth  to  be  raised  throughout  his 
dominions  towards  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land.  This  tenth 
applied  to  property  of  every  description,  including  move- 
ables and  even  growing  fruit, — the  bishops  and  richer  prelates 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  285.  ,"  Tn  England  especially,  the  preachers  of  the  Crusade 
had  prospered  in  their  mission." 

t  Claus  1,  Hen.  III.,  dorso21.  $  Prynne's  History  of  Henry  ITT. 


90  THE    SEVENTH    CRUSADE. 

having  to  pay  down  ready  money  on  behalf  of  the  poorer 
clergy.  The  council  held  for  the  purpose  of  listening  to 
the  solicitation  of  the  Pope's  legate,  was  held  at  West- 
minster, and  the  archbishops,  bishops,  priors,  Knights  Hos- 
pitallers, and  Knights  Templars,  were  summoned  to  attend 
upon  this  occasion.* 

The  seventh  Crusade  was  now  determined  upon,  at  the 
council  of  Spoletto,  and  the  friars  of  the  Franciscan  and 
Dominican  orders  were  directed  to  apprize  the  various 
princes  of  Europe  of  the  wishes  of  Pope  Gregory  IX.  In 
England,  the  exactions  of  his  emissaries  were  so  great,  as  to 
excite  universal  indignation ;  f  but  owing  to  the  Sultan  of 
Aleppo  having  gained  some  important  advantages  over  the 
Templars,  the  necessity  of  the  Crusade  became  quite  appa- 
rent, j  The  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  despatched  messen- 
gers to  England  for  recruits  from  the  various  commanderies 
of  the  order;  and  Matthew  Paris  says,  that  the  young 
knights  set  out  from  the  priory  at  Clerkenwell,  "  saluting, 
with  their  capuce  in  hand,  as  they  passed  over  London 
Bridge,  all  those  who  had  assembled  to  see  theni."§  This 
instance  of  the  Hospitallers  resolving  to  avenge  the  injuries 
sustained  by  the  Templars  is  particularly  deserving  of  notice, 
inasmuch  as  it  seems  to  have  led  for  a  time  to  a  better 
understanding  between  the  two  orders,  not  only  in  the  east, 
but  also  in  Europe. 

It  has  been  already  observed,  that  a  part  of  the  Temple 
church  in   London  was   dedicated,  in  1185,  by  Heraclius, 

*  Britton  and  Brayley's  Houses  of  Parliament,  p.  35. 

t  "  A.D.  1237.  Pope  Gregory  IX.  issued  a  bull  to  Walter,  Bishop  of  Coventry, 
to  absolve  his  beloved  daughters,  the  nuns  of  the  monastery  of  Conerbury,  from 
the  observance  of  the  Hospitallers  of  Jerusalem,  whose  habit  they  had  taken 
upon  them  out  of  simplicity.  This  was  delayed  five  years  by  the  opposition  of 
the  Hospitallers,  but  was  eventually  arranged."  The  original  bull,  together  with 
the  appeals  and  proceedings  thereon,  are  among  the  records  in  the  Tower  of 
London. 

$  Speed  says,  "  that  the  Pope's  continual  angariations  and  extortions,  under 
colour  of  the  Turkish  warres,  beggared  infinite  numbers  ahout  this  time,"  p.  613. 

§  Matt.  Paris,  ad  an.  1237. 


FRENCH    CRUSADERS.  91 

the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem.  The  building  was  re-dedicated 
in  1240,  (at  which  time  it  was  finished,)  in  the  presence  of 
King  Henry  III.  and  many  of  the  nobility,  who,  after  the 
solemnity,  partook  of  a  sumptuous  repast  at  the  expense  of 
the  Hospitallers*  Fuller  quaintly  observes,  that  the  Temple 
is  now  "  turned  to  a  better  purpose  than  formerly,  being  used 
by  the  students  of  our  municipal  law :  these  new  Templars 
defending  Christian  against  Christian,  as  the  old  ones  did 
Christian  against  Pagan  !  "  f  "  The  Hospitallers  (says 
Mills)  could  well  afford  the  succour  they  offered  to  the 
Templars  having  no  less  than  nineteen  thousand  manors  in 
Europe." 

This  Crusade  was  warmly  espoused  both  in  France  and 
England.  In  the  former  country,  Thibaud,  Count  of  Cham- 
pagne, Hugh,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  Henry,  Count  of  Bar, 
and  other  nobles,  assumed  the  cross,  and  with  their  fol- 
lowers prepared  to  depart  for  the  Holy  Land ;  but  the  Pope, 
from  some  secret  motive,  ordered  the  troops  to  be  disbanded, 
as  he  would  not  sanction  their  proceedings.  It  was  in  vain 
they  urged  that  what  they  had  done  was  in  obedience  to 
his  commands;  the  legate  sent  by  the  pontiff'  was  so  pe- 
remptory in  his  manner,  that  he  roused  the  indignation  of  the 
croises,  but,  upon  the  advice  of  the  Emperor  Frederic,  they 
determined  upon  treating  the  matter  with  perfect  indifference, 
and  proceeding  with  the  Crusade.  This  was  at  least  the 
feeling  by  which  many  were  influenced  ;  but  some  of  the 
leaders,  glad  to  have  the  opportunity  of  being  relieved  from 
their  vow,  abandoned  the  army,  and  returned  home. 

Thibaud,  Count  of  Champagne,  and  the  Duke  of  Brittany, 
setting  the  commands  of  the  Pope  at  defiance,  departed  for 
the  Holy  Land  ;  but,  previously  to  their  arrival,  the  Sultan 
of  Egypt  had  made  a  descent  upon  Jerusalem,  and  over- 
thrown the  tower  of  David.  This  was  accomplished  without 
difficulty,  owing  to  the  two  military  orders  being  again  at 

*  Clarke's  Observations  on  Round  Churches.  Britton's   Architectural 

Antiquities. 

t  Fuller's  Holy  War,  book  ii.,  chap.  40. 


92  ENGLISH    CRUSADERS. 

variance  with  each  other;  the  Hospitallers  having  entered 
into  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  and  the  Templars 
with  the  Sultan  of  Damascus.  The  French  had  no  sooner 
reached  the  Holy  Land,  than  they  encountered  the  Tur- 
comans, who  obtained  a  complete  victory  over  them,  and 
took  several  of  their  leaders  prisoners. 

Matthew  Paris  informs  us,  that  the  English  crusaders 
assembled  at  Northampton,  where  they  made  a  vow  to  go 
direct  to  the  Holy  Land ;  the  Pope  was,  however,  anxious 
"  to  commute  their  piety  for  gold."  Simon  de  Montfort,# 
Earl  of  Leicester,  sold  his  woods  and  lands  to  the  Hospi- 
tallers and  the  canons  of  Leicester,  in  order  to  provide 
the  necessaries  for  the  Crusade.  William  Longspee,  the 
son  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  together  with  Richard, 
Earl  of  Cornwall,^  and  Theodore,  the  prior  of  the  English 
Hospitallers,  set  sail  from  Dover,  entered  France,  and,  in 
defiance  of  the  Pope's  threats,  embarked  at  Marseilles 
for  Acre.  Upon  their  arrival  in  the  east,  it  was  found  that 
the  Count  of  Champagne  and  his  companions  had  left 
Syria ;  and  that,  owing  to  the  impolitic  and  foolish  conduct 
of  the  military  orders,  two  wars  were  being  carried  on  during 
the  existence  of  two  truces.  As  Richard  approached  Jaffa 
with  his  troops,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  offered  him  terms  of 
peace,  which  were  accepted,  the  greater  part  of  the  Holy 
Land  being  given  up  to  the  Christians.  In  this  treaty  the 
Templars  refused  to  be  included,  out  of  mere  enmity  to 
the  Hospitallers. J 

It  is  said,  that  on  the  return  of  the  English  crusaders  to 
their  native  country,  "  the  Knights  Hospitallers  and  Knights 
Templars,  on  the  3rd  of  October,  1247,  presented  King 
Henry  III.  with  a  beautiful  crystalline  vase,  containing  a 
portion  of  the  blood  of  our  Saviour,  that  he  had  shed  on  the 

*  M.  Paris,  ad  an.  1240. 

t  Annales  Mouast.  Burton,  p.  292.  Chronicon  Thomae  Wykes. 

X  Matthew  of  Westminster  speaks  of  the  dissensions  existing  at  this  time 
between  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars  :  "  Nee  poterant  industrial  diligentissima 
Comitis  Ricardi  pacificari,"  p.  163. 


THE    EIGHTH    CRUSADE.  93 

cross  for  the  salvation  of  mankind ;  the  genuineness  of  the 
relic  being  attested  by  the  seals  of  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  and  other  prelates  of 
the  Holy  Land."* 

Fuller  observes,  that  about  this  time  the  Hospitallers  in 
Palestine  were  again  mown  down  by  the  infidels,  rendering 
it  necessary  for  their  loss  to  be  supplied  from  the  various 
commanderies  connected  with  the  order,  f  These  reverses 
arose  from  an  incursion  of  the  Korasmians  into  the  Holy 
Land,  where  they  were  desirous  of  settling ;  and  their  ap- 
pearance instilled  such  terror  in  the  minds  of  the  Christians, 
that  Jerusalem  was  abandoned  ;  and,  in  a  subsequent  con- 
flict, only  sixteen  Hospitallers,  thirty-three  Templars,  and 
three  Teutonic  Knights  survived.  At  length,  by  the  union 
of  the  Egyptian  and  Syrian  forces,  the  Korasmians  were 
completely  routed.  During  the  sacking  of  Jerusalem  by 
these  barbarians,  the  supposed  tomb  of  our  Saviour  was 
destroyed,  together  with  whatever  relics  they  could  obtain. 

Owing  to  the  disputes  between  the  Pope  and  the  sove- 
reigns of  Italy,  Germany,  and  England,  the  former,  although 
extremely  anxious  to  promote  the  cause  of  another  Crusade, 
felt  that  he  possessed  but  little  influence,  as  he  had  been 
compelled  to  take  refuge  in  Lyons  from  the  victorious  arms 
of  the  Emperor  Frederic,  who  had  devastated  the  papal 
dominions,  and  driven  him,  as  an  exile,  into  the  French  terri- 
tories. He,  however,  called  a  council  at  Lyons,  to  consider 
what  measures  should  be  taken  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 
infidels  in  the  east,  to  which  the  Emperor  Frederic  sent 
ambassadors,  declaring  that  he  would  be  submissive  to  the 
church,  and  promising  to  join  the  Crusade.  Innocent  IV., 
however,  disdained  to  enter  into  any  terms,  and  declared 
the  emperor  guilty  of  sacrilege  and  heresy,  and  then  excom- 
municated him;  upon  hearing  which,  Frederic  placed  the 
crown  upon  his  head,  and  bade  defiance  to  the  Pope's 
authority. 

*  "  Sanguis  Christi  apud  Westmonasterium  allatus." — Matt.  Westmonast.  p.  277. 
t  Book  iv.,  chapter  5. 


94  LOUIS  IX.  AND    HENRY  III.  ASSUME    THE    CROSS. 

Pope  Innocent  now  published  a  new  Crusade,  and  Louis  IX. 
immediately  received  the  cross,  having  made  a  vow  to  do  so 
when  suffering  from  a  severe  illness.  He  was  joined  by  his 
three  brothers,  the  Counts  of  Artois,  Poitiers,  and  Anjou, 
and  also  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  many  other  illus- 
trious nobles.  At  the  church  of  Saint  Denis  he  received  the 
oriflamme  from  Eudes  de  Chateauroux,  (the  Pope's  legate,) 
and  afterwards  embarked  with  his  troops,  at  Aiguemortes,  for 
Cyprus  ;  upon  his  arrival  there  he  remained  a  short  time,  in 
order  to  arrange  various  disputes  that  had  arisen  between 
the  Hospitallers  and  the  Templars.  He  then  proceeded  to 
Egypt,  and  after  a  voyage  of  six  weeks  arrived  at  Damietta. 

This  eighth  Crusade  was  not  less  warmly  espoused  in  Eng- 
land than  in  France.  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  brother  to 
King  Henry  III.,  visited  the  Pope  at  Lyons,  and  obtained 
permission  to  exact  money  for  the  purposes  of  the  Crusade 
from  those  who  had  made  vows  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land, 
but  who  felt  desirous  of  being  relieved  from  their  observance. 
William  Longspee,  or  Longsword,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, also  made  a  similar  application  to  the  Pope,  which 
was  attended  with  success,  and  he  returned  to  England  in 
order  to  raise  money  by  the  above  means. 

King  Henry  III.  also  took  the  cross  at  this  time,  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Pope,  without  having  any  intention  of  visit- 
ing the  Holy  Land.  The  brave  William  Longspee,  however, 
attended  by  numerous  followers,  joined  King  Louis  at  Cy- 
prus; and  the  united  forces  of  England  and  France  left  that 
coast  for  Egypt ;  but  owing  to  the  dispersion  of  the  fleet  by  a 
storm,  the  French  arrived  at  their  destination  some  time  before 
the  English.#  As  Louis  approached  the  shores  of  Damietta, 
he  found  them  lined  with  the  infidels,  who,  under  the  conduct 
of  the  warrior  Zakreddin,  determined  upon  preventing  the 
landing  of  his  troops.  A  council  was  held  on  board  the 
royal  vessel,  for  the  purpose  of  deciding  whether  it  would 

*  "  The  shepherds  of  France  arid  England  took  their  journey  towards  the 
Holy  Land,  to  the  number  of  30,000  ;  but  their  numbers  vanished  in  a  short  time." 
— Stow. 


VALOUR  OF  LOUIS  IX.  OF  FRANCE.  95 

be  better  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  remainder  of  the  fleet; 
but  the  enthusiastic  Louis  declared  his  determination  to 
disembark.  Nothing  could  restrain  his  ardour ;  he  leaped 
from  his  galley  and  landed  on  the  sea-shore,  followed  by 
the  bravest  of  his  troops.  The  heroic  valour  of  the  Chris- 
tians dispirited  the  infidels,  who,  after  a  short  but  obstinate 
engagement,  retreated  to  Damietta ;  they  were  pursued  by 
the  crusaders,  who  soon  afterwards  took  possession  of  the 
place,*  which  was  subsequently  allotted  to  the  three  military 
orders  of  Hospitallers,  Templars,  and  Teutonic  Knights. 

The  Christian  army  was  now  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  the 
English,  and  also  of  the  troops  under  the  Count  of  Poitiers. 
At  a  council  held  at  Damietta,  a  difference  of  opinion  existed 
among  the  barons  that  attended,  some  wishing  to  attempt  the 
city  of  Alexandria,  others  to  advance  upon  Grand  Cairo. 
The  King  of  France  being  favourable  to  the  last-mentioned 
plan,  the  troops  proceeded  to  form  a  causeway  over  the  Ash- 
moun  canal ;  but  the  infidels  destroyed  their  military  machines 
by  Greek  fire.  Upon  this,  Robert,  Count  of  Artois,  offered  to 
effect  a  passage,  accompanied  by  the  knights  of  two  of  the 
military  orders  and  the  brave  William  Longspee ;  and  after 
fording  the  canal  at  a  shallow  part,  they  landed  and  drove 
back  the  infidels  to  their  camp.  The  masters  of  the  religious 
orders  implored  the  Count  of  Artois  to  take  up  his  position 
on  the  bank  of  the  canal  until  all  the  troops  had  joined 
him ;  but  he  was  deaf  to  their  entreaties,  and  when  Longspee 
also  urged  the  propriety  of  acting  in  conformity  to  the  advice 
of  those,  who  must  necessarily  be  well  acquainted  with  the 
country  and  the  system  of  warfare  practised  by  their  ene- 
mies, the  count,  turning  to  the  latter,  exclaimed,  "  Behold 
the  cowardice  of  these  longtails  !"  (the  English):  to  which 
Longspee  mildly  replied,  that  he  would  go  so  far  into  dan- 
ger, that  the  count  would  not  even  dare  to  touch  his  horse's 
tail.  The  brave  Hospitallers  and  Templars  also  declared 
that  victory,  or  an  honourable  death,  should  disprove  the 
charge  of  cowardice  laid  against  them. 

*  Annales  de  Marg;aii. 


96  DEATH    OF    LONGSPEE. 

The  troops  now  attacked  Mussoura,  but  had  scarcely  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  place,  when  they  were  besieged  by 
the  Tartars  and  Mamelukes.  All  communication  with  the 
royal  troops  was  cut  off,  and  the  Count  of  Artois,  together 
with  nearly  the  whole  of  those  who  had  followed  him,  fell 
martyrs  to  his  rashness  and  folly.  Of  the  military  orders, 
only  three  Templars,  four  Hospitallers,  and  three  Teutonic 
Knights  survived.  "  The  brave  Longspee,  supported  by  a 
few  knights,  and  surrounded  by  a  host  of  infidels,  could 
procure  by  his  valour  nothing  but  an  honourable  death.  His 
right  foot  at  first  was  cut  off;  sustained  by  Richard  de  As- 
calon,  he  still  fought  on,  and  a  Saracen,  with  his  sabre, 
having  disabled  his  right  arm,  he  grasped  his  sword  with  his 
left  hand,  until  that  also  was  severed  from  his  body.  Thus 
he  fell,#  together  with  Richard  de  Ascalon  and  his  banner- 
bearer,  the  latter  disdaining  to  survive  their  brave  master. "f 

King  Louis,  hearing  of  this  defeat,  ordered  the  troops  to 
ford  the  river,  in  order  that  he  might  prevent  the  total  rout 
of  the  Christians.  The  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  had  been 
taken  prisoner,  and  the  Master  of  the  Templars  was  very 
severely  wounded  ;  but  Louis  did  not  allow  the  serious  losses 
he  had  sustained  to  check  his  ardour.  An  engagement  soon 
took  place  between  the  Christians  and  the  Egyptians,  and 
so  obstinately  did  the  soldiers  of  each  army  fight,  that  the 
result  of  the  battle  was  undecisive.  Louis  afterwards  at- 
tempted to  retreat  to  Damietta,  but  the  enemy  having  cut 
off  all  communication  between  that  place  and  the  Christian 
camp,  famine  and  disease  soon  effected  the  most  dreadful 
ravages  in  the  latter.     Louis  now  proposed  to  enter  into  a 

*  In  Salisbury  cathedral  "  there  is  an  effigy  of  a  knight,  or  warrior,  clad  in 
chain  armour  from  head  to  foot,  with  a  surcoat,  a  long  shield,  his  right  hand 
resting  on  the  hilt  of  a  broad  sword,  and  his  legs  crossed,  with  the  figure  of  a 
lion  at  his  feet.  This  is  supposed  to  represent  the  figure  of  William  Longspee, 
eldest  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  of  that  name,  whose  heroic  adventures  are 
related  by  Matthew  Paris,  and  other  historians.  He  was  slain  near  Cairo,  in 
Egypt,  in  1250."  See  Britton's  Salisbury  Cathedral,  p.  89,  which  work  contains 
a  representation  of  the  effigy. 

t  Stothard's  Monumental  Effigies. 


KINO    OF    FRANCE    TAKEN    PRISONER.  97 

treaty  of  peace  with  the  infidels;  but  the  Sultan  of  Egypt 
refused  to  come  to  any  terms,  unless  the  king  himself  were 
given  up  as  a  hostage.  To  this  the  Christians  would  not 
consent,  and  hostilities  were  therefore  renewed.  The  troops 
of  the  sultan  entered  the  camp  of  the  Christians  during 
their  temporary  absence,  murdered  the  sick,  and  eventually 
succeeded  in  overpowering  those  that  flew  to  the  rescue  of 
their  unfortunate  countrymen.  Among  the  chiefs  who  either 
fell  in  this  battle,  or  were  taken  prisoners,  were  King  Louis  ; 
Alphonsus,  Count  of  Poitiers;  Charles,  Count  of  Anjou; 
Ralph  de  Cuscy ;  Hugh,  Earl  of  Flanders ;  Hugh  Brun, 
Earl  of  Marche ;  Robert  de  Vere  ;  all  the  Knights  Templars, 
except  three ;  and  all  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  except  four. 
The  news  of  the  King  of  France's  imprisonment  soon  reached 
Europe,  and  excited  the  liveliest  commiseration.  His  liberty 
was,  however,  obtained  upon  the  payment  of  800,000  besants, 
the  greater  part  of  which  sum  was  raised  by  the  Hospitallers 
and  Templars  in  Europe.*  Louis,  after  his  liberation,  re- 
mained some  time  in  the  east,  in  order  to  repair  the  fortifi- 
cation of  those  towns  in  Palestine  which  the  Christians  still 
retained ;  but  his  return  to  France  was  rendered  necessary 
by  the  decease  of  Queen  Blanche,  his  mother. 

1252.  Henry  the  Third  now  affected  to  have  serious  in- 
tentions of  forming  another  Crusade,  and  for  this  purpose 
applied  to  his  barons  for  the  necessary  subsidies.  They, 
indeed,  felt  convinced  that  his  professions  were  not  sincere ; 
nevertheless,  a  tenth  of  the  revenues  of  the  clergy  for  three 
years  was  given  up,  and  the  barons  themselves  gave  three 
marks  out  of  every  knight's  fee  held  immediately  under  the 
crown.  The  money  thus  raised  was  partly  applied  to  mak- 
ing preparation  for  a  war  with  France ;  and  the  king  soon 
afterwards  visited  the  continent,  and  lavishly  squandered 
away  the  remainder ;  so  that  when  it  became  actually  neces- 

*  "  Postquam  pecuniae  praetentatas  quantitatem,  quam  mutuo  receperat  a  Tem- 
plariis  et  Hospitalariis,  Januensibus  et  Pisanis  penitus  reacceptis  obsidibus, 
persolvisset." — Matt.  Paris,  p.  799. 


J 


98  WEALTH    OF    THE    HOSPITALLERS. 

sary  to  commence  hostilities,  he  was  obliged,  for  want  of 
means  to  pay  his  troops,  to  retreat  ingloriously  to  England. 
A  statement  of  his  expenditure  being  afterwards  laid  before 
him,  he  remarked,  "  Say  no  more  of  it ;  the  very  relation  is 
enough  to  make  men  stand  amazed.'' 

But  although  this  prince  trifled  with  his  people,  he  could 
not  do  so  with  the  Pope,  who  was  not  to  be  diverted  from 
his  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  holy  war ;  and  in  order  that 
he  might  not  be  again  deprived  of  the  money  raised  by  the 
English,  he  published  a  fresh  bull,  ordering  it  to  be  placed  in 
safer  custody  than  in  the  hands  of  King  Henry.  Fresh  taxes 
were  imposed  upon  the  people,  in  order  to  meet  this  demand ; 
and  the  Jews  were  compelled  to  give  up  immense  sums  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war.  In  fact,  their  personal  safety 
entirely  depended  upon  their  ready  compliance  with  the  de- 
mands made  upon  them. 

The  wealth  and  power  of  the  Hospitallers  in  England  had 
now  increased  to  an  amazing  extent ;  and  one  of  their  char- 
ters having  been  infringed  by  the  king,  the  prior  of  Clerk - 
enwell  had  an  interview  with  him,  and  complained,  in 
no  very  measured  terms,  of  the  injury  the  order  had  sus- 
tained at  his  hands.  He,  at  the  same  time,  exhibited  the 
various  charters  granted  to  the  order  by  his  predecessors. 
Henry,  being  thus  taunted,  said,  with  an  oath,  "  You  reli- 
ligionists,  (but  especially  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,) 
enjoy  too  many  liberties  and  charters,  and  are  thereby  ren- 
dered proud  and  half-witted.  I  have  prudently  revoked  those 
which  were  imprudently  granted  ;  and,"  added  he,  "  the 
Pope  has  frequently  placed  restraints  upon  you,  without 
your  daring  to  complain.  I,  in  like  manner,  will  infringe  your 
privileges  at  my  pleasure,  and  deprive  you  of  those  charters 
which  my  predecessors  have  foolishly  given  you."  To  this, 
the  prior  of  the  Hospitallers  remarked,  "  As  long  as  you 
observe  justice,  you  are  indeed  a  king  ;  but  when  you  disre- 
gard it,  you  are  no  longer  entitled  to  the  name."  Upon  this 
remark  being  made,  Henry  hastily  retorted,  "  You  English 


THE  TEMPLARS  MENACED.  99 

are  desirous  of  hurling  me  from  my  throne,  as  you  did  my 
father*  from  his;  and  having  done  so,  to  slay  me." 

The  first  attempt  to  suppress  the  military  orders  was  made 
during  this  reign,  f  The  duties  of  the  Templars  being  of  a 
more  military  character  than  those  of  the  Hospitallers,  it  was 
considered  that  the  former  might  be  dispensed  with  ;  especi- 
ally as  the  contests  between  the  two  orders  had  long  proved 
their  co-existence  to  be  incompatible  with  the  security  of  the 
Christian  cause.  The  similarity  of  their  duties  rendered  it 
impossible,  at  all  times,  to  prevent  collision  ;  and  during  the 
intervals  between  the  Crusades,  a  generous  emulation  fre- 
quently gave  way  to  a  spirit  of  envy  and  detraction ;  for,  as 
Fuller  justly  remarks,  "  Active  men,  like  millstones  in  mo- 
tion, if  they  have  no  other  grist  to  grind,  will  set  fire  to  one 
another:"  neither  the  Templars  nor  the  Hospitallers  were, 
however,  finally  suppressed  until  some  years  later. 

*  According  to  the  Chronicle  of  St.  Albans,    King  John  was  poisoned  by  a 
monk,  who  gave  him  "  toad's  venom  in  ale  "  to  drink.  See  Appendix  R. 

t  Morant's  Essex,  vol.  ii.,  p.  113. 


LcfC.  0 

H    2 


100 


THK    NINTH    CRUSADE. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


w 


D.    1267. HENRY    III. 

§)Ht£f^<&2K$if?^  the  military  orders 
had  suffered  so  severely  during  the 
late  Crusade,  Louis  IX.  had  scarcely 
left  Palestine,  before  their  mutual 
feelings  of  hatred  were  revived.  The 
Sultan  Bibars  took  advantage  of  these 
dissensions,  and  it  was  not  until 
Joppa,  Carac,  and  Antioch,  had 
fallen  into  his  hands,  that  the  Christians  saw  the  im- 
minent danger  in  which  they  were  placed  by  their  own 
folly  and  inertness.  Application  was  then  made  to 
Europe,  and  Louis,  who  had  never  laid  down  the  cross, 
determined  upon  attempting  another  Crusade ;  and 
Prince  Edward,  eldest  son  of  the  King  of  England, 
his  brother  Edmund  Crouchback,#  Earl  of  Lancaster,  and 
the  kings  of  Sicily,  Naples,  Arragon,  and  Portugal,  united 
with  him  in  the  enterprise,  together  with  many  English  and 
Scottish  knights.  The  Pope's  legate,  at  a  parliament  held 
by  King  Henry  III.  at  Northampton,  used  the  most  pow- 
erful arguments  in  order  to  show  the  necessity  that  existed 
for  a  new  Crusade,  and  his  representations  had  such  effect, 
that  the  prelates  and  clergy  of  England  agreed  to  give  up  a 
tenth  of  their  revenues  for  three  years.     Prince  Edward,  at 

*  Chronica  Walteri  Hemingford,  p.  459.  (Gale.)     The  monument  of  Edmund 
Crouchhack  is  in  Westminster  Abhey. 


DEATH    OF    LOUIS.  101 

the  same  time,  obtained  a  loan  of  30,000  marks  from  Louis, 
upon  mortgaging  the  province  of  Aquitaine.# 

The  French  monarch  embarked  for  the  Holy  Land  early 
in  the  year  1 270,  but  the  fleet  was  driven  on  the  shores  of 
Sardinia ;  and  owing  to  this  circumstance,  a  different  direc- 
tion was  given  to  the  arms  of  the  crusaders.  Instead  of 
proceeding  direct  to  the  Holy  Land,  Louis  was  prevailed 
upon  to  attempt  the  subjugation  of  the  infidels  in  Africa. 
He  landed  with  his  troops  at  Tunis,  and  Carthage  soon 
yielded  to  his  victorious  arms ;  but  in  the  midst  of  these  suc- 
cesses, a  pestilential  disease  spread  its  ravages  through 
the  camp,  and  the  French  monarch  was  one  of  its  earliest 
victims. 

Prince  Edward,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Edmund 
Crouchback,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  left  England  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Holy  Land  with  a  comparatively  small  force, 
as  the  domestic  afflictions  of  the  young  French  monarch, 
Philip,  were  too  severe  to  allow  of  his  joining  them.  The 
whole  of  the  English  forces  are  said  to  have  amounted  to 
about  seven  thousand  men,  and  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars 
having  united  with  them,  they  proceeded  to  Nazareth,  where 
they  effected  some  partial  successes  over  the  sultan's  troops. 
At  Jaffa,  Edward  was  seized  with  sickness,  and  while  extended 
on  his  couch  in  his  tent,  an  infidel,  pretending  to  be  the  bearer 
of  an  important  communication,  demanded  an  introduction, 
which  was  immediately  granted.  After  conversing  for  some 
time  upon  the  subject  of  his  pretended  mission,  he  drew  a 
poisoned  dagger  from  his  belt,  and  stabbed  the  prince ;  but 
Edward  springing  up,  succeeded  in  throwing  the  assassin 
to  the  ground,  when  he  immediately  dispatched  him.  "  It 
is  storied,"  says  Fuller,  "  how  Eleanor,  his  wife,  sucked  all 
the  poison  out  of  the  prince's  wound  without  doing  any 
harm  to  herself :  so  sovereign  a  remedy  is  a  woman's  tongue, 
anointed  with  the  virtue  of  loving  affection  ! !  Pity  it  is 
that  so  pretty  a  story  should  not  be  true,  (with  all  the  mira- 

*  Annales  de  Margan.  Speed's  Chronicles,  p.  641. 


102 


RETURN    OF    PRINCE    EDWARD. 


cles  in  love's  legends)  ;  and  sure,  he  shall  get  himself  no 
credit,  who  undertaketh  to  confute  a  passage  so  sounding  to 
the  honour  of  the  sex.  Yet  it  cannot  stand  with  what  others 
have  written/'* 

The  prince,  while  suffering  from  the  effects  of  the  wound 
which  he  had  received,  and  in  the  prospect  of  almost  imme- 
diate death,  made  his  will,  which  was  witnessed  by  the  Mas- 
ters of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  as  will  appear  by  the 
following  extract,  with  which  it  concludes  : — "  In  testimony 
of  which  we  have  set  our  seal  to  this  will,  having  requested 
John,  Archbishop  of  Sur  and  Vicar  of  the  Holy  Church  of 
Jerusalem,  and  the  Honourable  Fathers  Frere  Hugh  Revel, 
Master  of  the  Hospital,  and  Frere  Thomas  Berard,  Master 
of  the  Temple,  likewise  to  place  their  seals  :  in  witness 
thereof,  &c.  Dated  at  Acre,  Saturday,  the  18th  June,  in  the 
55th  yeere  of  the  regne  of  the  king,  our  father."f  The  prince, 
after  his  recovery,  being  convinced  of  the  inadequacy  of  his 
forces  to  effect  any  important  victories,  gladly  consented  to 
a  truce,  which  was  demanded  by  the  Moslems ;  and  upon 
the  earnest  solicitation  of  his  father,  Henry  III.,  returned  to 
Europe,  but  did  not  reach  England  until  his  decease. 

The  cause  of  the  Crusade  had,  by  this  time,  evidently 
declined,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  Pope  Gregory  urged  upon 
the  princes  of  the  west  the  necessity  of  a  fresh  one ;  his 
appeal  excited  some  little  attention,  but  his  death  ensuing 
soon  afterwards,  the  matter  was  treated  with  cold  indiffer- 
ence. Prynne  says,  that  previously  to  his  death,  the  Pope 
sent  letters  to  King  Edward  the  First,  of  England,  to  obtain 
the  tenths  which  were  due  from  the  English  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  Crusades  ;  and  having  obtained  them,  he  placed 
the  whole  in  his  own  coffers,  instead  of  transmitting  them  to 
their  proper  destination. j 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  the  historical  reader,  to  be 
made  acquainted  with  a  few  incidents  which  occurred   in 

*  Fuller's  Holy  War,  hook  iv.,  ch.  29.         Stow's  Annals,  p.  168. 

t  Nicholas's  Testamenta  Vetusta.  $  Prynne's  Hist,  of  Edward,  p.  1. 


DECLINE    OF    THE    PAPAL    AUTHORITY.  103 

England  at  this  period,  in  connexion  with  the  Crusades,  as 
it  will  show  how  much  the  papal  authority  had  declined  in 
this,  as  well  as  in  other  European  states. 

A.  D.  1275.  The  prior  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John,  in 
Ireland,  being  commanded  by  King  Edward  I.,  during  this 
year,  to  repair  to  Ireland,  refused  to  go,  because  he  had  been 
directed  by  his  superior  to  visit  the  Holy  Land  ;  upon  which 
the  king  threatened  to  confiscate  all  the  property  of  the 
house,  unless  he  complied  with  his  commands.*  In  1276, 
a  person  who  had  been  a  benefactor  to  the  Hospitallers, 
was  hanged  for  some  offence  against  the  state ;  and  as  it 
was  one  of  the  privileges  of  the  order  to  inter  all  those  who 
had  contributed  to  its  funds,  the  servants  of  the  Hospitallers 
proceeded  to  remove  the  body,  after  it  had  been  cut  down 
by  the  executioner;  but  as  they  were  conveying  it  to  the 
priory,  signs  of  animation  were  observed,  and  the  culprit  at 
length  recovered,  and  was  secreted  in  the  priory.  The  offi- 
cers of  the  crown  claimed  him  as  their  prisoner,  but  the  Hos- 
pitallers refusing  to  deliver  him  up,  all  those  who  had  been 
immediately  engaged  in  the  transaction  were  imprisoned 
by  order  of  the  king,  and  in  defiance  of  the  pope's  au- 
thority. 

i  Gregoiy  IX.  was  in  Palestine  at  the  time  he  was  elected 
to  the  apostolical  chair,  and  being  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  situation  of  the  Christians  in  the  east,  it  cannot 
excite  surprise  to  find  that  immediately  after  his  return  to 
Europe,  a  strenuous  endeavour  was  made  by  him  in  favour 
of  a  new  Crusade.  We  have  already  noticed  that  the  death 
of  Gregory  put  an  end  to  all  these  proceedings,  and  that  the 
princes  who  had  espoused  the  holy  cause  were  glad  to  have 
an  excuse  to  relieve  themselves  from  their  vows.  Various 
European  princes,  at  this  period,  claimed  the  title  of  King  of 
Jerusalem  ;  "  no  fewer,  indeed,  (says  Fuller,)  than  the  Vene- 
tians, Genoese,  Pisans,  Florentines,  the  Kings  of  Cyprus  and 
Sicily,  the  agents  of  the  Kings  of  France  and  England,  the 

*  Pat.  3  Ed w.  I.,m.  \7. 


104  INDIFFERENCE    TO    THE    CRUSADES. 

Princes  of  Tripoli  and  Antioch,  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
the  Masters  of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  and  the  Le- 
gate of  his  Holiness ;  all  at  once  contending  about  the  right 
of  nothing,  like  bees,  making  the  greatest  humming  and 
buzzing  in  the  hive  when  now  ready  to  leave  it."# 

After  the  death  of  the  sultan  with  whom  Prince  Edward 
of  England  had  concluded  the  truce,  his  successor,  Kelaoun, 
recommenced  the  war,  and  Margat  and  Tripoli  fell  into  his 
hands,  although  the  religious-military  orders  evinced  the 
most  heroic  courage  and  determination.  After  having  gained 
these  successes,  he  marched  on  towards  Acre ;  but  before  he 
had  time  to  besiege  it,  the  Christians  induced  him  to  sign  a 
truce.  This,  however,  was  soon  broken  by  the  legate  of  the 
Pope,  and  no  subsequent  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Christians 
could  induce  the  sultan  to  forego  his  original  design  of 
making  himself  master  of  Palestine.  During  the  tempo- 
rary cessation  of  hostilities,  the  Grand-Master  of  the  Hospi- 
tallers (deeply  affected  at  the  reverses  the  Christians  had 
sustained)  visited  Europe,  and  entreated  the  Pope  to  promote 
the  holy  cause.  But  Nicholas  IV.  heard  with  comparative 
indifference  of  the  increasing  power  of  the  infidels,  and  de- 
clined furnishing  any  pecuniary  aid  from  his  own  coffers  :  he, 
however,  authorized  the  immediate  embarkation  of  about 
1 500  men,  composed  of  the  refuse  of  society.  The  appeal  of 
the  grand-master  to  the  reigning  princes  of  Europe  was 
attended  with  no  greater  success,  as  the  interest  previously 
felt  in  the  holy  cause  had  considerably  declined,  owing  to 
the  slight  prospect  that  presented  itself  of  any  permanent 
advantages  being  obtained  over  the  infidels.  The  Grand- 
Master  of  the  Hospitallers  died  soon  after  his  return  to 
Palestine. 

But  although  the  Pope  was  unwilling  to  afford  his  per- 
sonal assistance  in  favour  of  a  new  Crusade,  he  did  not  fail 
to  write  in  a  most  touching  strain  to  the  different  sovereigns 
of  Europe.      One  of  his  predecessors  (Martin  IV.)  had  made 

*   Holy  War,  book  iv.,  ch.  32. 


KING    EDWARD    ASSUMES    THE    CROSS.  J  05 

repeated  applications  to  the  King  of  England,  as  will  appeal 
by  the  following. 

In  1280,  two  friars  were  sent  into  England,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  exporting  the  six  years'  tenths  that  had  been  col- 
lected,#  pursuant  to  the  decree  of  the  council  of  Lyons,  for 
the  aid  of  the  Holy  Land.  So  little  did  the  king  dread  the 
Pope's  authority,  that  upon  hearing  of  the  object  of  these 
two  friars,  he  issued  an  edict  prohibiting  all  merchants, 
under  pain  of  death  and  confiscation  of  property,  from  assist- 
ing in  this  matter ;  declaring,  at  the  same  time,  his  intention 
of  reserving  the  money  that  had  been  raised,  either  for  his 
own  use,  or  to  fit  out  his  brother's  (Edmund  Crouchback) 
expedition  to  the  Holy  Land  ;  and  stating  the  reasons  which 
induced  him  to  decline  going  in  person.  The  king  after- 
wards gave  orders  for  the  payment  of  the  arrears  of  these 
tenths,  and  obtained  an  acquittance  of  the  same  from  Pope 
Martin,  who  again  pressed  him  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land, 
"  for  the  glory  of  God  and  his  own  honour."  In  consequence 
of  these  solicitations,  the  king  subsequently  received  the 
cross,  and  would  have  joined  in  the  intended  crusade,  had 
he  not  been  prevented  by  his  wars  with  France,  Wales,  and 
Scotland,  f 

A.D.  1291.  The  Christians  that  had  retreated  to  Acre  after 
the  fall  of  Tripoli,  (consisting  of  various  nations,)  having  shut 
themselves  up  within  the  city,  were  attacked  by  a  formidable 
body  of  Mamelukes.  Henry  II.,  King  of  Cyprus,  arrived  at 
Acre  a  short  time  previously  with  a  small  reinforcement ;  but 
as  he  was  by  no  means  distinguished  for  valour,  the  Master  of 
the  Templars  was  unanimously  elected  governor  of  the  place. 
The  sultan  endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  this  brave  warrior  to 
give  up  the  city,  upon  condition  that  he  should  receive  an 
immense  sum  of  money ;  but  the  offer  was  indignantly  re- 
jected, and  the  most  active  preparations  were  made  for 
receiving  the  assailants. 

*  Claus.  Rot.,  10  E.  I.,  m.  4.  (Intus  de  decima  extra  regnum  non  defereiida.) 
-J-  Piynne,  p.  375. 


106  KINGDOM    OF    JERUSALEM    LOST. 

The  infidels,  although  suffering  severely  from  frequent 
sallies  of  the  Christians,  continued  to  undermine  the  walls. 
Tower  after  tower  fell  beneath  the  effect  of  their  military 
engines ;  and  when  "  the  Cursed  Tower M  was  levelled 
with  the  ground,  the  Christians,  gaining  courage  from  their 
desperate  situation,  succeeded  in  driving  back  their  enemies, 
who  were  attempting  to  carry  the  place  by  storm,  and  the 
approach  of  night  put  an  end,  for  a  few  hours,  to  the  as- 
sault. The  King  of  Cyprus,  whose  followers  had  fought  with 
the  greatest  bravery,  having  prevailed  upon  the  Teutonic 
Knights  to  occupy  his  post,  pusillanimously  abandoned  the 
army,  retreated  to  the  sea  shore,  and  returned  to  his  kingdom. 

At  day-break  the  infidels  renewed  the  assault,  and  the 
Teutonic  Knights,  unable  to  resist  the  formidable  body 
opposed  to  them,  fell  victims  to  their  bravery,  and  the 
former  immediately  took  possession  of  the  place.  The  Mas- 
ter of  the  Hospitallers,  unwilling  to  give  up  all  for  lost, 
rushed  out  of  the  city  with  a  few  followers,  and  attacked 
the  enemy's  camp ;  but  here  he  met  with  a  severe  repulse, 
and  the  mournful  news  having  been  conveyed  to  him  of 
the  death  of  the  Master  of  the  Templars,  and  of  almost 
the  whole  of  those  attached  to  the  military  orders,  he 
hastened  to  the  sea  shore,  and  with  six  others  of  his  own 
order  left  Palestine.  A  few  Templars  retreated  into  the  in- 
terior of  the  country ;  but  being  unable  to  obtain  any  advan- 
tage over  the  infidels,  or  even  to  secure  their  own  lives 
upon  honourable  terms,  they  at  length  determined  upon  em- 
barking for  Europe,  and  from  the  time  of  their  departure, 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ceased  to  exist. 


THE    HOSPITALLERS    RETIRE    TO    CYPRUS.  107 

A.  D.  1288.  Although  the  military  orders  had  been  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  Holy  Land,  the  brave  Hospitallers  were 
not  willing  to  give  up  all  hopes  of  regaining  possession  of 
it.  The  grand-master  having  fled  to  the  island  of  Cyprus, 
soon  communicated  to  the  various  establishments  connected 
with  the  order,  the  loss  which  the  Christian  world  had 
sustained,  and  the  Knights  of  Saint  John  rallied  around 
their  superior  from  every  commandery  in  Europe.  Pope 
Nicholas  IV.  issued  bulls  for  a  fresh  Crusade,  and  the  King 
of  England  had  a  tenth  of  all  ecclesiastical  goods  of  religious 
persons  granted  to  him  (excepting  those  of  the  Hospitallers 
and  Templars)  for  six  years,  towards  the  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Land ;  upon  which  occasion  a  tax  was  levied  through- 
out England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  Wales.*  The  king  acted 
in  full  compliance  with  the  papal  bull  directed  to  him,  and 
caused  a  strict  search  to  be  made  in  the  various  monasteries 
throughout  the  realm  for  money,  and  ordered  all  that  was 
found  to  be  conveyed  to  London.f  Notwithstanding  similar 
subsidies  for  the  intended  Crusade  were  raised  in  other  parts 
of  Europe,  the  interest  in  these  enterprises  and  the  hope  of 
success  had  so  far  declined,  that  the  people  no  longer  re- 
sponded to  the  calls  of  the  Pope  as  they  had  previously 
done. 

Although  the  Knights  Hospitallers  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  island  of  Cyprus,  they  remained  there  but  a  short  time, 
owing  to  the  ill-treatment  they  received  from  the  king. 
Having  retired  to  Italy,  and  succeeded  in  gaining  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Pope,  they  proposed  settling  definitively  in  one 
of  the  islands  of  the  Mediterranean,  thereby  hoping  to  be 
able  to  avail  themselves  of  any  opportunity  that  might  occur 
of  regaining  possession  of  the  Holy  Land.  A  large  army 
was  accordingly  levied,  and  transports  having  been  provided, 
these  brave  warriors  set  sail  from  Brundisium,  and  having 
effected  a  landing  at  Rhodes,  after  a  severe  conflict  with 
the  inhabitants,  took  possession  of  the  island. 

After  the  institution  of  the  Knights  Templars  had  existed 

*  Stow's  Annals,  p»  205.  t  Chronicon  Thomae  Wykes. 


108  SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    TEMPLARS. 

for  more  than  two  centuries,*  a  second  attempt  was  made  to 
suppress  it.  Crimes  of  the  darkest  hue  were  urged  against  the 
knights,  who  were  imprisoned  throughout  Europe,  and  their 
estates  confiscated,  Pope  Clement  V.  readily  listening  to  the 
charges  urged  against  them.f 

On  February  27,  1307,  an  order  was  issued  in  council  by 
Edward  II.  of  England,  for  the  suppression  of  the  order  of 
the  Templars 4  This  was  followed  by  a  circular  to  the 
sheriffs  of  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  Wales,  and  in 
the  years  1310-11,  councils  were  held  at  York  and  other 
places,  when  the  total  abolition  of  the  order  was  determined 
upon.^  By  a  papal  bull,  dated  May  2,  1312,  the  whole  of 
the  possessions  of  the  Templars  throughout  Europe  were 
transferred  to  the  Hospitallers,  ||  which,  as  far  as  regarded 
England,  was  carried  into  effect  by  the  king:^[  and,  in  1313, 
a  grant  was  made  to  the  Grand-Master  of  the  Hospitallers 
of  Saint  John  of  Jerusalem,  "  of  all  the  houses,  churches, 
manors,  lands,  rents,  or  other  possessions  whatsoever  in  the 
kingdom,  that  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Templars, 
together  with  all  standing  corn."##  The  Hospitallers  expe- 
rienced some  difficulty  in  obtaining  possession  of  their  newly 
acquired  property,  in  consequence  of  which  various  papal 
bulls  were  issued,  in  order  to  compel  the  Templars  and  their 
tenants  to  obedience.  It  is  said  to  have  been  owing  to  the 
high  estimation  in  which  the  Hospitallers  were  held  at  the 
time,  that  the  property  of  the  Templars  was  transferred  to 
them ;  their  claims  were,  however,  strongly  contested  in  the 
English  parliament. 

*  Tanner's  Not.  Mon.  xv. 

t  Morant's  Essex,  vol.  ii.,  p.  113.  Platina  in  Vita  Clementi  V. 

$  Rymer,  vol.  i.,  p.  39.  $  Nichols's  Leicestershire,  p.  949. 

||  "  Deleto  itaque  prsefato  ordine  (Frat.  Milit.  Tempi.)  fratres  Hospitalis  Sancti 
Johannis  possessiones  eorum  pro  majori  parte  adepti,  usque  in  praesentem  diem 
occuperint." — Hist.  Anglic.  Script.,  p.  1729. 

f  Pat.  17  Edw.  IE  Walsinghamin  Edw.  II.,  p.  9.  Contin.  Gul.  de 

Nangis.  Dugdale's  Monasticon,  (new  edition,)  vol.  6,  part  iii.,  p.  849. 

**  Rymer,  vol.  iii.,  p.  451. 


SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    TEMPLARS.  109 

Dugdale,  in  his  Monasticon,  gives  a  copy  of  one  of  the  deeds 
of  accusation  against  the  Knights  Templars,  in  which  they 
are  charged  with  the  foulest  crimes.  He  has  elsewhere # 
referred  to  another  manuscript,  from  the  contents  of  which  it 
would  appear  that,  among  other  things,  they  were  charged 
with  having  treacherously  gone  over  to  the  side  of  the  in- 
fidels during  an  engagement,  and  completely  routed  and  de- 
stroyed the  Christian  army,  to  which  they  had  previously 
been  attached. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  crimes  actually  committed 
by  the  Templars,  "  it  was  as  far  from  charity  as  sound  logic, 
from  the  induction  of  some  particular  delinquents,  to  infer 
the  guiltiness  of  the  whole  body."f  It  is,  however,  quite 
clear,  that  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  were  influenced  by 
interested  motives,  in  wishing  the  suppression  of  the  order ; 
and  the  conduct  of  Edward  II.  of  England  was  highly  cen- 
surable, as  he  carried  into  execution  the  decrees  of  the  Pope, 
although  secretly  acknowledging  his  firm  belief  of  the  inno- 
cency  of  the  Templars  of  many  of  the  charges  laid  against 
them.  J 

The  appropriation  of  the  revenues  of  the  Templars  to  the 
purposes  of  the  military  friars  of  Saint  John,  was  by  no 
means  pleasing  to  Philip  V.  of  France,^  who  concealed  the 
most  interested  motives  under  the  semblance  of  anxiety  to 
uphold  religion. 

The  Knights  Hospitallers  were  not,  however,  long  per- 
mitted to  remain  in  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their  pos- 
sessions; indeed,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  their 
increasing  power  and  influence  made  them  "  unlace  them- 
selves from  the  strictness  of  their  first  institution,  and  ren- 
dered them  loose  and  licentious. "  At  the  commencement  of 
the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  (1327,)  Richard  de  Everton  was 
appointed  as  visitor  to  the  various  establishments  in  England 
belonging  to  the   order,  for  the  purpose  of  repressing  the 

*  History  of  Warwickshire,  vol.  ii.  t  Fuller. 

t  See  Appendix  S.  §  Arcbaeologia,  vol.  ix.,  p.  129. 


110  MISCONDUCT    OF    THE    HOSPITALLERS. 

religious  intolerance  of  the  knights,  and  of  enforcing  the 
better  observance  of  their  spiritual  duties. #  Objections 
were  also  urged  against  them  on  the  continent,  and  pro- 
positions were  made  to  Pope  Benedict  XI.  to  form  a  new 
military  order,  and  to  grant  to  the  knights  belonging  to 
the  same,  the  funds  transferred  to  the  Hospitallers  at  the 
suppression  of  the  Templars.  To  this,  however,  he  would 
not  accede,  but  his  successor,  Pope  Clement  VI.,  after  having 
ascertained  the  truth  of  many  of  the  accusations  urged 
against  the  Hospitallers,  wrote  a  letter  to  them,  which  had 
the  effect  of  inducing  a  great  reformation  of  manners  in  the 
order. 

About  this  time,  a  nuncio  was  despatched  by  the  Pope  to 
the  King  of  England,  requesting  him  to  assist  in  another  Cru- 
sade against  the  infidels  ;  but  the  real  object  of  this  appli- 
cation was  merely  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  English 
monarch  from  the  wars  in  Scotland,  towards  the  carrying  on 
of  which,  the  Hospitallers  had  granted  a  sum  of  money, 
upon  condition  that  it  should  not  be  considered  as  a  prece- 
dent upon  future  occasions.f 

Although  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  were  unwilling  to  assist 
in  renewing  the  holy  war,  the  subject  continued  to  excite 
great  interest ;  in  proof  of  which  it  may  be  noticed,  that  the 
following  "  intermeat "  was  introduced  at  a  dinner  given  by 

*  "  Rex  constituit  Ricardum  de  Everton  visitatorem  Hospitalis  Sancti  Johannis 
Jerusalem  in  Anglia/ad  reprimendam  religiosam  insolentiam  et  ad  observandam 
religiosam  hoDestatem." — Pat.  45  Edw.  III.,  p.  1.,  m.  3  vel  4. 

t  "  A  nostre  Seigneur  le  roy  et  a  son  conseill  prie  le  priour  de  Hospitall  St. 
Johan  de  Jerusalem  en  Angleterre  qe  come  to  tesles  terres  et  tenementz  del 
dit  Hospitall  et  du  Temple  en  Angleterre  soient  doneez  en  pure  et  perpetuele 
asmoigne  et  en  defeuse  de  la  terre  seinte,  le  dit  priour  a  la  request  del  dit  nostre 
Seigneur  le  roy  a  son  parlement  de  Nottingham  granta  en  aide  de  la  guerre  en 
Escoce  x  hommes  d'armes  ya  demorer  un  quarter  de  Tan  a  les  despenses  et 
coustages  de  dit  priour,  lesqueux  demorerent  la  pres  de  troys  quarter  de  l'an  a 
les  coustages  mesmes  celui  priour.  Pleise  a  nostre  dit  Seigneur  le  roy  et  a  son 
couseil  granter  lettre  dessuz  son  grant  seal  au  dit  priour,  qe  eel  grant  de  gentz 
d'armes  a  cette  foiz  fet  ue  lui  tourne  en  custume  el  temps  avenir." — To  which  the 
following  answer  was  returned  : — "  II  demande  reson  et  par  ceo  est  accordez  per 
les  counseill  q'il  eit  ceo  q'il  prie." — Rolls  of  Parliament,  vol.  ii.,  p.  100. 


WAT    TYLER    DESTROYS    CLERKENWELL    PRIORY.         Ill 

Charles  V.  of  France  to  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  in  the 
year  1378  : — "  A  ship,  with  masts  and  rigging,  was  seen  first; 
she  had  for  her  colours  the  arms  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem. 
Godfrey  de  Bouillon  appeared  upon  deck,  accompanied  by 
several  knights,  armed  cap  a  pied;  the  ship  advanced  into 
the  middle  of  the  hall,  without  the  machine  which  moved  it 
being  perceptible ;  the  city  of  Jerusalem  appeared,  with  all 
its  towers  lined  with  Saracens.  The  ship  approached  the 
city,  the  Christians  landed,  and  began  the  assault ;  the  bar- 
barians made  a  good  defence,  but  at  length  the  city  was 
taken."  * 

In  the  year  1381,  the  English  Hospitallers  sustained  a 
very  severe  loss,  by  the  destruction  of  their  chief  priory  by 
fire,  during  the  insurrection  of  Wat  Tyler.  "  This  building, 
in  its  widely  varied  decorations,  both  internally  and  exter- 
nally, is  said  to  have  contained  specimens  of  the  arts  both 
of  Europe  and  Asia,  together  with  a  collection  of  books  and 
rarities,  the  loss  of  which,  in  a  less  turbulent  age,  would  have 
been  a  theme  for  national  lamentation." f  Wat  Tyler  and 
his  men,  after  having  set  fire  to  the  priory  at  Clerkenwell, 
which  burned  for  eight  days,  until  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
buildings  belonging  to  the  Hospitallers  were  destroyed,  out 
of  mere  hatred  to  the  religious  orders,  sent  some  of  the  rebels 
to  the  manors  of  the  Hospitallers  at  Highbury,  and  other 
places,  giving  orders  that  every  thing  of  value  should  be 
utterly  destroyed.  J 

A.D.  1383.  It  appears,  that  in  this  year,  the  then  prior 
of  the  hospital  of  Saint  John  swore  fealty  to  King  Richard 
II.,  and  at  the  same  time  enjoined  the  king  not  to  allow  his 
obedience  and  loyalty  to  prejudice  the  ancient  privileges  of 
the  order  to  which  he  belonged. § 

*  Rapin. — Richard  II. 

t  Cromwell's  History  of  Clerkenwell,  p.  123.  %  Stow. 

§  Memorandum  quod  Frater  Johannes  de  Radyngton  Prior  Hospitalis  Sancti 
Johanuis  Jerusalem  in  Anglia  vicesimo  tertio  die  Septemhris  anno  praesente 
apud  mansum  fratrum  praedicatorum  London,  fecit  fidelitatem  suam  Domino 
Regi  debitam  coram  dicto  Domino  Rege,  ibidem  tunc  existente  sub  hac  forma  ; 
Jeo  sera  foial  et  foie  et  loialtie  portera  a  nostre  Seigneur  le  Roi  Richard  et  a  ses 


112  THE    POPE    AND    ANTIPOFE. 

Europe  was  much  distracted  at  this  time  by  dissensions 
between  the  Popes  Urban  and  Clement,  and  a  crusade  was 
published  by  the  former  in  a  bull,  "  which  granted  the  same 
indulgences  to  all  that  were  willing  to  engage  in  this  under- 
taking against  Clement,  as  to  those  who  bore  arms  against 
the  infidels."  The  effect  produced  in  England  by  the  pub- 
lication of  the  Crusade,  answered  Urban's  wishes.  The 
Bishop  of  Norwich  was  appointed  general,  and  the  nobles, 
gentry,  people,  and  clergy,  engaged  in  it  with  the  same 
ardour  as  if  they  had  been  to  wage  war  with  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Christian  name.  The  English  parliament 
not  only  approved  of  the  Crusade  published  by  Urban, 
but  also  granted  to  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  a  considerable 
subsidy. "# 

The  limits  of  the  present  work  not  admitting  of  more  than 
a  mere  sketch  of  the  Crusades,  we  shall  refrain  from  enter- 
ing into  the  details  of  the  various  misfortunes  that  attended 
the  Hospitallers  after  their  expulsion  from  the  Holy  Land, 
until  the  dissolution  of  their  religious  houses  in  England. 
It  may  not,  however,  be  uninteresting  to  the  reader,  to  be 
furnished  with  proofs  of  the  interest  which  the  monarchs 
of  England  still  took  in  the  cause  of  the  Crusades. 

Froissart  observes,  that  "  a  feest  and  justes  were  made 
by  the  King  of  England  (Richard  II.)  in  London,  whyle 
the  Christian  knyghtes  were  at  the  siege,  before  the  towne 
of  Afryke,  against  the  Saracens."  f  Shortly  after  this, 
the  French  and  Hungarians  besieged  Nicopolis,  and  the 
sultan's  troops  met  with  so  many  reverses,  that  their  leader 
applied  to  the  Saracens  for  assistance. 

heirs  rois  D'Engletterre  de  vie  de  membre  et  de  terrein  honour  a  vivre  et  morir 
contre  toutz  gentz  et  diligimment  seray  entendant,  as  besoignes  nostre  Seigneur  le 
Roy  solonc  mon  sen  et  poiour  et  le  conseil  nostre  Seigneur  le  Roy  celera  et  a  lui  et 
a  ses  maundemantz  en  quantque  a  moi  attient  sera  obeissant  si  Dieu  moi  eide 
et  ses  seintz.  Proestestando  quod  hoc  non  cederet  in  prcejudicium  Hospitalis 
pnedicti  temporibus  futuris."  (Claus.  6  R.  2.,  pars  i.,  m.  29.  dorso.) 

*  Rapin. — Richard  IT. 
t  Froissart's  Chronicles,  by  Lord  Berners,  p.  173. 


DEATH    OF    HENRY    IV.  113 

A.  D.  1413.  King  Henry  IV.  frequently  declared  his 
intention  to  prosecute  the  Crusades,  in  order  to  divert  the 
minds  of  his  subjects, — 

"  Lest  rest  and  lying  still,  should  make  them  look 
Too  near  into  his  state." — Shakspeare. 

It  had  been  predicted  that  he  would  die  at  Jerusalem ;  and 
it  is  a  singular  circumstance  that,  as  his  last  moments  ap- 
proached, he  was  removed  to  the  Jerusalem  chamber  in  the 
house  of  the  Abbot  of  Westminster,  and  that  upon  recovering 
from  a  swoon  and  inquiring  where  he  was,  he  was  told  in 
the  apartment  called  Jerusalem.*  This  incident  is  alluded 
to  by  our  immortal  bard : — 

King  Henry.     Where  is  my  lord  of  Warwick  1 

Prince  Henry.  My  lord  of  Warwick  ! 

King  Henry.     Doth  any  name  particular  belong 

Unto  the  lodging,  where  I  first  did  swoon  ? 
Warwick.  'Tis  called  Jerusalem,  my  noble  lord. 

King  Henry.     Laud  be  to  God  ! — even  there  my  life  must  end. 

It  hath  been  prophesied  these  many  years, 

I  should  not  die  but  in  Jerusalem  ; 

Which  vainly  T  suppos'd  the  Holy  Land  : — 

But,  bear  me  to  that  chamber  ;  there  I'll  lie  ; 

In  that  Jerusalem  shall  Harry  die." — Henry  IV.  2nd  Part. 

Fuller  quaintly  observes,  that  "  Henry,  in  the  sunshine 
evening  of  his  life,  (after  a  stormy  day,)  was  disposed  to 
walk  abroad  and  take  some  foreign  air.  He  pitched  his 
thoughts  upon  the  holy  war  for  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  but  was 
fain  to  sing  his  "  nunc  dimittis  "  before  he  expected,  and 
died  in  a  chamber  called  Jerusalem,  at  Westminster."  f 

A.  D.  1420.  Henry  V.  was  too  much  engrossed  with  his 
own  affairs  in  England  and  France  to  engage  in  the  holy  war, 
although  such  an  enterprise  was  well  suited  to  his  martial 
character :  indeed,  on  his  death-bed,  he  declared  it  to  have 
been  his  intention  to  undertake  a  crusade  against  the  infidels. 
Being  told  by  his  physicians   that  his  last  hour  was  ap- 

*  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  vol.  ii.,  p.  541.  Rapin. — Henry  IV. 

t  Holy  War,  book  v.,  chap.  26. 

J 


114  THE    EGYPTIANS    ATTACK    RHODES. 

proaching,  he  requested  his  chaplain  to  read  the  penitential 
Psalms.  When  he  came  to  the  words, "  Build  thou  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem/'  Henry  interrupted  him,  saying,  "  Upon  the 
word  of  a  dying  prince,  after  having  settled  a  firm  peace 
with  France,  I  really  intended  to  wage  a  war  against  the 
infidels,  for  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem  out  of  their  hands." 
Having  said  this,  he  expired.  It  is  remarkable,  that  two 
succeeding  monarchs,  father  and  son,  should  in  their  last 
moments  have  had  their  thoughts  directed  to  the  subject  of 
the  Crusades. 

In  the  year  1428,  various  useful  regulations  were  made  by 
the  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  at  Rhodes,  for  maintaining  a 
more  exact  military  discipline.  But  the  cause  to  which  these 
brave  knights  had  devoted  their  lives,  now  excited  but  little 
interest  in  Europe.  Crusades  against  the  infidels  were  no 
longer  undertaken ;  the  arms  of  the  faithful  being  rather 
turned  against  those  whom  the  Pope  wished  to  subj  ugate  to 
obedience.  In  1429,  the  sovereign  pontiff  issued  a  bull,  ap- 
pointing the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  general  of  the  Crusade 
against  the  Bohemian  heretics,  his  object  being,  as  Rapin 
observes,  to  weaken  England  by  draining  the  kingdom  of 
men  and  money.  A  petition  was  presented  by  the  cardinal 
to  the  English  parliament,  which  was  afterwards  examined 
in  council,  and  its  prayer  granted :  an  order  being  given  for  a 
levy  of  five  thousand  lances  and  five  thousand  archers.  In 
1453,  the  war  with  France  ended,  after  having  lasted  no  less 
than  thirty-eight  years  ;  but  no  sooner  had  these  foreign 
quarrels  ceased,  than  England  suffered  from  the  disputes 
between  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster.  The  attention 
of  the  English  was  necessarily  drawn  off  from  the  cause  of 
the  holy  wars,  and  the  brave  Knights  of  Rhodes  were  left 
as  the  only  parties  who  were  willing  to  make  any  sacrifice 
in  order  to  regain  possession  of  Palestine. 

A.D.  1444.  The  Egyptians  landed  eighteen  hundred  men 
on  the  island  of  Rhodes  ;  but  after  a  siege  of  forty  days,  they 
were  compelled  to  re-embark  their  troops.  Ten  years  after- 
wards, Mahomed  II.  vowed  that  he  would  utterly  destroy 


SIEGE    OF    BELGRADE.  115 

the  order  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers ;  but  his  attention  was 
called  off  for  a  time,  by  affairs  more  deeply  affecting  his  per- 
sonal interests.  Various  sovereigns  of  Europe  having  united 
together  for  the  defence  of  Hungary,  Mahomed  besieged 
Belgrade ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  Christians  and  Moslems 
never  displayed  more  extraordinary  valour,  or  more  deadly 
hatred  to  each  other,  than  upon  this  occasion.  The  sultan, 
however,  met  with  a  severe  repulse ;  the  bravest  of  his 
soldiers,  "  the  first  bashas  of  his  court,  the  vizir,  the  aga  of 
the  janissaries,  and  the  principal  officers  of  that  body  of 
troops  being  killed,  the  cannon  nailed  up,  the  baggage 
taken,  and  himself  seriously  wounded.  It  is  said,  that  upon 
hearing  of  these  reverses,  he  called  for  poison  to  put  an  end 
to  his  life  and  vexation." 

During  the  time  that  the  sultan  was  thus  engaged,  the 
Knights  of  Rhodes  ravaged  his  dominions,  and  he  soon  after- 
wards put  to  sea  with  a  determination  to  destroy  this  ancient 
military  order,  and  to  lay  waste  its  possessions  by  fire  and 
sword.  He  made  a  descent  on  the  islands  of  Lango  and 
Cos,  and  also  on  that  of  Rhodes,  ravaging  the  country,  but 
obtaining  no  important  advantages. 

At  this  period  the  knights  belonging  to  the  order  suffered 
no  less  from  divisions  among  themselves  than  from  their 
enemies.  This  was  owing  to  the  immense  influence  of  the 
French  language  over  the  others,  and  the  procurators  of  the 
languages  of  England,  Italy,  Spain,  and  Germany  were  loud 
in  their  complaints ;  but  the  French  truly  observed,  that  the 
order  originated  with  them,  and  that  they  were,  on  that 
account,  deserving  of  the  highest  honours  that  could  be 
conferred  upon  them.  These  divisions  ended  in  the  creation 
of  a  new  language,  to  which  the  dignity  of  great  chancellor 
was  annexed. 

A.D.  1461.  The  Pope  (Pius  II.)  altered  some  of  the 
rules  of  the  Hospitallers,  especially  those  which  related  to 
the  duty  of  fasting,  which  had  previously  been  exceedingly 
severe.  They  were  now  also  permitted  to  speak  at  table  and 
in  bed,  and  to  sleep  with  a  light  in  their  rooms,  from  which 

i  2 


116  HEROIC    DEFENCE    OF    RHODES. 

privilege  they  had  up  to  this  time  been  debarred.  Pierre 
Raymond  Zacosta,  (the  grand-master,)  dying  at  Rome,  was 
interred,  by  order  of  the  Pope,  in  Saint  Peter's  church.  It 
is  said  that,  upon  this  occasion,  "  no  kind  of  pious  magni- 
ficence that  was  proper  to  adorn  his  funeral  obsequies  was 
omitted ;  and,  by  a  decree  of  the  chapter,  it  was  observed  in 
the  epitaph  of  this  grand-master,  that  he  was  equally  dis- 
tinguished by  his  piety,  his  charity,  and  his  capacity  for  the 
arts  of  government."  # 

Although  the  English  took  little  interest  in  the  events 
that  were  passing  in  the  island  of  Rhodes  and  its  depen- 
dencies, the  religious-military  order  of  the  Knights  Hos- 
pitallers still  retained  its  ancient  privileges  and  possessions  ; 
but  in  the  year  1469,  both  were  in  danger  of  being  lost,  by 
the  misconduct  of  the  grand-prior  of  the  order,  Sir  John 
Langsbrother,  who,  siding  with  the  house  of  Lancaster, 
during  "  the  quarrels  of  the  red  and  white  rose,"  was  taken 
prisoner  in  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury,  and  put  to  death  in 
cold  blood  by  order  of  King  Edward  IV.,  although  that 
prince  had  pledged  his  honour  that  his  life  should  be 
spared. 

In  the  year  1480,  the  bashaw,  Mischa  Paloeologus,  made 
a  descent  upon  Rhodes,  with  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty  ships,  and  one  hundred  thousand  men.  He  was,  how- 
ever, compelled  to  raise  the  siege,  after  having  continued  it 
for  eighty-nine  days.  Fifteen  thousand  of  his  soldiers  were 
wounded  and  carried  off  upon  his  repulse,  and  nine  thousand 
were  left  dead.  Rhodes  would  probably  have  been  lost,  but 
for  the  courage  and  presence  of  mind  displayed  by  the  Grand- 
Master  of  the  Hospitallers.  Upon  one  occasion,  when  the 
infidels  had  obtained  some  partial  successes,  "  he  ordered 
the  great  standard  of  the  order  to  be  displayed,  and  turning 
himself  towards  the  knights  that  he  had  kept  about  him,  in 
order  to  march  to  the  places  which  should  be  most  pressed, 
'  Let  us  go,  my  brethren/  said  he  to  them,  with  a  noble  for- 
titude, 'and  fight  for  the  faith,  and  defence  of  Rhodes,  or 

*  Vertot. 


HENRY  VIII.   AND    THE    POPE.  117 

bury  ourselves  in  its  ruins :' "  in   1489,  this  brave  warrior 
received  a  cardinal's  cap. 

A.D.  1502.  Ladislaus,  King  of  Hungary,  made  an  appli- 
cation to  King  Henry  VII.  of  England,  for  assistance  against 
the  Turks.  Henry  sent  ambassadors  to  treat  with  him,  but 
their  power  was  limited  to  the  promise,  in  his  name,  of  a 
sum  of  money,  to  be  employed  against  the  infidels.  Henry, 
about  this  time,  was  elected  protector  of  the  Knights  of 
Rhodes,  in  consequence  of  his  writing  a  letter  to  the  Pope, 
(part  of  which  is  subjoined,)  in  answer  to  a  brief  sent  from 
Rome,  in  which  the  pontiff  earnestly  besought  him  to  engage 
in  war  with  the  infidels. 

"  Item.  The  King's  Grace  remembreth  a  clause  in  the  brief 
which  the  Pope's  Holynes  sent  to  hym,  wherin  was  con- 
teyned  that  the  Pope  entended  to  send  a  legate  to  dyvers 
roialms  and  countreys  for  certene  aides,  jubilees,  and  dymes 
to  be  published,  the  which  legacie  the  Pope's  Holynesse  for 
dyvers  reasonable  and  urgente  causes  hath  revoked,  which 
revocacion  the  king's  grace  thinketh  not  unprofitable. 

"  Item,  Whether  the  King,  in  the  said  expedicion,  in  his 
person  goo  ayeynst  the  said  Turke,  or  be  contributory  to 
such  princes  as  shall  goo,  it  is  thought  expedient  that  the 
Pope's  Holynesse  commande  the  said  aide,  jubilees,  and 
dymes,  to  be  published  by  his  Vice-collectour  and  other  such 
as  shall  be  deputed  by  hym  into  this  roialme,  which  thing 
unto  so  greate  a  bourden  and  charge  to  be  borne  and  mayn- 
teyned,  shall  not  be  a  little  proufitable. 

"  Item.  The  King's  Grace  trusteth  that  the  Pope,  of  his 
singular  wisdom,  will  benignly  admitte  the  King's  saide  causes 
and  reasones  as  lawful,  and  his  said  officers  egallie  to  pardon, 
and  not  to  think  the  King  in  his  behalf  to  seeke  any  colerable 
occasions  or  excuses,  but  to  be  as  redie  to  the  defense  of 
the  Cristen  faithe  as  any  prince  cristened,  and  in  this  behalf 
nother  to  spare  goods,  richesse,  nor  men ;  nor  yet  his  own 
propre  person  yf  it  be  nede,  nother  in  noo  wise  it  shall  stand 
by  the  King  as  fer  as  in  hym  lieth,  but  that  this  expedicion 
ayenst  the  said  Turke  to  the  laud  of  God  and  holie  churche, 


118  SIEGE    OF    RHODES. 

and  to  the  defense  of  the  universall  feith,  shall  procede  with 
effecte,  and  so  contynue  till  suche  tyme  as  it  shall  pleas 
Almyghty  God  to  geve  the  victorie  ayenst  the  enemy es  of  his 
said  feith  and  religion,  and  in  this  quarrel  Criste's  banners 
to  be  spradde  ayenst  the  said  Turke."# 

The  object  the  Pope  pretended  to  have  in  view  in  the  pub- 
lication of  this  Crusade,  was  the  complete  subjugation  of  the 
Turks  ;  but  King  Henry's  letter  was  so  well  understood  by 
him,  that  the  scheme  vanished  into  air,  and  his  holiness 
refrained  from  making  application  to  the  rest  of  the  princes 
of  Europe. 

In  the  year  1521,  the  Turks  threatening  to  besiege  Rhodes, 
the  grand-master  of  the  knights  (Philip  Villiers  de  L'Isle 
Adam),  who  was  in  France  at  the  time  of  his  election,  sent 
provision  and  ammunition  for  the  use  of  the  place ;  and  pre- 
viously to  his  quitting  Europe,  implored  assistance  from  its 
various  princes.  He  first  visited  the  Pope  at  Rome,  and  it 
is  said,  that  as  he  approached  the  Eternal  City,  he  was 
saluted  by  artillery.  Upon  his  introduction  to  the  pontiff, 
the  latter,  although  weakened  by  disease,  embraced  him 
affectionately,  and  called  him  the  hero  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, and  the  brave  defender  of  the  faith  ;f  "  titles/'  says 
Vertot,  "  which  were  justly  deserved,  but  which  put  the 
Pope  to  much  less  expense  than  the  succours  would  have 
done,  for  which  application  had  so  often  been  made,  though 
always  to  no  purpose." 

Qn  the  26th  June,  1523,  the  Sultan  Solyman  landed 
150,000  men  on  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and  soon  afterwards 
appeared  in  person  with  additional  forces.  The  brave 
knights  were  not  discouraged  by  the  number  of  the  enemy, 
but  sustained  the  siege  for  four  months,  when  the  place  was 
no  longer  considered  tenable.  An  application  was  then  made 
to  the  grand-master,  imploring  him  to  capitulate,-  but  he 
declared,  that  he  would  bury  himself  in  the  ruins  of  his  palace, 

*  MS,  Cotton,  Cleop.  E.  iii.,  fol.  150.         Rapin.— Henry  VII. 
t  "  Magnus  Christi  athleta,  et  fidei  Catholicae  acerrimus  propugnator." — Bosio, 
1.  ii .,  p.  20. 


CAPTURE    OF    RHODES.  119 

rather  than  submit  to  the  infidels.  The  whole  of  the  ammu- 
nition being  at  length  expended,  and  the  sultan  himself  offer- 
ing terms,  the  acceptance  of  which  it  was  thought  would 
not  be  degrading  to  the  knights,  his  terms  were  agreed  to. 
Upon  the  surrender  of  the  island,  Solyman  acknowledged 
that  he  had  lost  more  than  80,000  men  by  the  hands  of  the 
knights,  and  that  as  many  more  had  fallen  victims  to  disease. 

The  magnanimity  displayed  by  the  Caliph  Omar  and  Sala- 
din  at  the  moment  of  taking  Jerusalem,  has  already  been 
noticed  in  preceding  pages ;  but  another  instance  remains  to  be 
recorded  of  the  high  respect  shown  to  the  courage  and  valour 
of  the  Hospitallers.  Previously  to  L'Isle  Adam  quitting 
Rhodes,  the  Sultan  Solyman  requested  an  interview  with  the 
grand-master ;  upon  which  occasion  he  treated  him  with 
the  most  profound  respect,  "  assuring  him  that  he  might  em- 
bark his  effects  at  his  own  leisure,  and  that,  should  the  time 
agreed  upon  for  that  purpose  in  the  articles  of  capitulation 
not  be  sufficient,  he  would  willingly  prolong  it.  Solyman, 
upon  quitting  L'Isle  Adam,  turned  to  his  general  officer,  say- 
ing, '  It  is  not  without  some  degree  of  pain  that  I  force  this 
Christian,  at  his  time  of  life,  to  leave  his  dwelling/  Upon 
saying  this,  he  left  the  grand-master,  after  exhorting  him  to 
support  with  courage  this  reverse  of  fortune. "# 

L'Isle  Adam,  upon  embarking  from  Rhodes,  carried  the 
archives  of  the  order  with  him ;  his  fleet  was  unfortunately 
scattered  by  a  storm,  and  many  of  the  vessels  were  driven  on 
the  shores  of  Candia.  After  repairing  those  which  were  in- 
jured, he  again  set  sail  for  Italy;  but  on  his  voyage,  he 
touched  at  Gallipoli,  in  the  Gulf  of  Otranto,  where  he  esta- 
blished a  hospital.  A  strict  inquiry  was  subsequently  made 
into  the  whole  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  final  siege 
of  Rhodes ;  and  upon  the  tribunal  declaring  that  no  blame 
could  be  attached  to  the  knights,  the  venerable  L'Isle  Adam 
exclaimed,  "  God  for  ever  be  praised,  who,  in  our  common 
misfortune,  has  had  the  goodness  to  prove  to  me  that  the 
loss  of  Rhodes  could  not  be  attributed  to  the  negligence  of 
my  order." 

*  Boisgelin's  History  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.,  p.  5. 


120  MALTA    ASSIGNED    TO    THE    KNIGHTS. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Rome,  the  grand-master  met  with  a 
favourable  reception,  and  still  entertained  hopes  of  recovering 
the  island  of  Rhodes ;  but  they  were  ultimately  abandoned, 
upon  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  agreeing  to  give  up  to 
the  order,  the  island  of  Malta,  and  the  territories  belonging 
to  it.  Previously  to  this  event  taking  place,  L'Isle  Adam 
applied  to  Henry  VIII.,  of  England,  who  was  desirous  of 
seizing  upon  the  possession  of  the  order,  entreating  him  to 
remember  that  the  riches  belonging  to  it  had  always  been 
employed  in  protecting  the  Christian  faith.  Henry  was  so 
much  affected  by  the  venerable  appearance  of  the  grand- 
master, and  the  zeal  which  he  displayed,  that  he  confirmed 
all  the  ancient  privileges  of  the  knights,  and  gave  L'Isle 
Adam  twenty  thousand  crowns.  He  afterwards  sent  him, 
in  the  name  of  the  queen  and  himself,  "  a  golden  basin  and 
ewer,  enriched  with  precious  stones,  which  were  placed  in 
the  treasury,  and  now  constitute  one  of  its  most  magnificent 
ornaments."* 

A.  D.  1539.f  Notwithstanding  the  professions  of  esteem 
which  Henry  VIII.  made  to  the  grand-master,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years  after  his  departure  from  England  he 
determined  upon  suppressing  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  in 
common  with  the  other  religious  orders,  J    under  the   plea 

*  Appendix  T. 

t  Among  the  Cottonian  MSS.  is  preserved  a  letter  from  Clement  West  (dated 
at  Malta)  to  Sir  William  Weston,  the  prior  of  England,  from  which  we  extract 
the  following,  as  likely  to  interest  the  reader  : — 

"  Right  worchypfull,  after  all  herty,  &c.  It  may  he  your  plesure  to  undyr- 
stond,  the  whych  is  the  xvii  of  the  last  past  dep'ted  thys  lyff  the  good  Lord 
Master  Pryn  de  Pount ;  and  the  xxii  of  the  same,  the  elecsyon  was  chosen  the 
Priour  of  Tholoze  yn  Ffrance,  gret  master  off  our  relygyon,  and  that  elexyon 
during,  yt  pleased  them  by  her  to  schoose  me  fibr  Regent,  whych  onor  hath 
....   {never  before)  ....  byn  gyffen  to  an  Englishman." 

This  Clement  West  was  one  of  the  parties  to  whom  an  annuity  was  granted 
upon  the  suppression  of  the  priory  at  Clerkenwell.     See  page  121. 

%  "  Camden  says,  '  that  in  England  and  Wales  six  hundred  and  forty  monas- 
teries, ninety  colleges,  two  thousand  and  seventy-four  chantries  and  free  cha- 
pels, and'  one  hundred  and  ten  hospitals  were  dissolved.'  The  yearly  value  of 
these  religious  houses  amouuted  to  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  one  hundred 
pounds  sterling." — Rapin. 


SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    HOSPITALLERS.  121 

that  their  obedience  to  the  papal  authority  was  injurious  to 
his  interests  as  "  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  on  Earth." 

A  bill  was  brought  into  the  English  parliament  on  the  22d 
day  of  April,  1540,  which  was  read  a  second  time  on  the  24th, 
and  a  third  time  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month,  ordering  the 
total  suppression  of  the  order  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers  in 
England  and  Ireland  ;  and  those  belonging  to  the  various 
establishments  were  enjoined  no  longer  to  use  the  habit  or 
their  former  titles.  This  bill  vested  in  the  king  all  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Hospitallers,  viz.,  their  castles,  honours,  manors, 
churches,  houses,  mesnes,  lands,  tenements,  rents,  reversions, 
service?,  woods,  underwoods,  pastures,  meadows,  &c,  and 
absolves  the  knights  from  their  obedience  to  the  Pope. 

"  The  suppression  of  the  Hospitallers,"  observes  Fuller, 
"  deserveth  especial  notice,  because  the  manner  thereof  was 
different  from  the  dissolution  of  other  religious  houses;  for 
manfully  they  stood  it  out  to  the  last,  in  despite  of  several 
assaults.  The  Knights  Hospitallers  (whose  chief  mansion 
was  at  Clerkenwell,  nigh  London)  being  gentlemen  and 
soldiers  of  ancient  families  and  high  spirits,  would  not  be 
brought  to  present  to  Henry  the  Eighth  such  puling  petitions 
and  public  recognitions  of  their  errors  as  other  orders  had 
done.  Wherefore,  like  stout  fellows,  they  opposed  any  that 
thought  to  enrich  themselves  with  their  ample  revenues,  and 
stood  on  their  own  defence  and  justification.  But  Barnabas' 
day  itself  hath  a  night,  and  this  long-lived  order,  which  in  Eng- 
land went  over  the  grave  of  all  others,  came  at  last  to  its  own."* 
The  following  were  the  annuities  granted  to  the  superior 
and  others  belonging  to  the  priory  of  Clerkenwell,  at  its 
suppression  : — 

"William  Weston,  knight,  prior  of  the  said  hospital  of  Saint 
John  in  England,  during  his  lifetime,  was  to  have  such  rea- 
sonable portion  of  the  goods  and  chattels  belonging  to  the 
priory  as  the  king  might  appoint,  and  also  an  annual  sum 
of  1000Z. ;  Clement  West,  (regent  of  the  order,  see  p.  120, 
note),  200Z.  ;  T.  Pemberton,  80Z. ;  G.  Russel,  100Z. ;  G.  Ail- 
mer,  100Z.  ;  J.  Sutton,  200Z.  ;  E.  Belingam,  100/. ;  E.  Browne, 

*  Fuller's  Holy  War. 


122  DEATH    OF    THE    PRIOR. 

50/. ;  E.  Huse,  100  marks  ;  Ambrose  Cave,  100  marks  ;  W. 
Tirel,  30/.  ;  J.  Rawson,  200  marks ;  A.  Rogers,  Oswald, 
Masingberd,  and  eight  others,  each  of  them  10/.  yearly, 
with  portions  of  the  goods  as  the  king  might  limit ;  so  that 
the  pensions  appointed  to  this  single  house  of  the  Hos- 
pitallers came  to  2870/.  yearly."  # 

Sir  William  Weston  did  not  survive  the  suppression  of  the 
priory,  "  but  was  himself  dissolved  by  death  on  the  day  of 
the  dissolution  of  his  house."f  Selden  observes,  that  many 
of  the  knights  retired  with  him  to  the  continent,  in  order  to 
prevent  or  retard  the  downfall  of  their  order;  but  from  several 
passages  in  the  documents  connected  with  the  proceedings 
that  took  place  at  the  time,  the  accuracy  of  this  statement  is 
somewhat  doubtful. 
to  Sir  William  Weston,  upon  his  decease,  was  interred  in  the 
chancel  of  the  church  belonging  to  the  suppressed  nunnery 
of  St.  Mary,  Clerkenwell.  J  The  monument  over  his  remains 
was  no  less  remarkable  for  the  singularity  of  its  design,  than 
the  beauty  of  its  execution.  The  upper  part  was  enriched 
with  tracery,  pendants,  shields,  and  columns,  (thrown  into 
lozenge-shaped  compartments  on  the  surface) ;  the  arms  of 
Weston  were  conspicuous  in  the  centre  of  the  tracery,  and 
several  brasses  of  kneeling  figures  were  introduced  at  the 
back.  In  the  lower  part  there  was  an  effigy  of  a  dead  man 
lying  upon  his  shroud,  which  Wheler  describes  as  being 
"  the  most  artificially  cut  that  ever  man  beheld."  The  three 
sides  of  this  lower  part  were  decorated  with  two  tiers  of 
trefoil  compartments,  and  five  wreathed  or  twisted  columns 
(each  having  a  shield  in  the  middle  of  its  height,)  were 

*  Stow's  Annals.  At  the  suppression  of  the  Nun  Hospitallers,  the  following 
were  the  pensions  given  to  the  sisters  found  at  Buckland,  in  Somersetshire  : — 
"  Cath.  Bower,  prioress,  501.  per  annum;  Joan  Hylbere,  Thomasine  Huntyng- 
don,  Kath.  Popham,  Anne  Mawndefeld,  and  others,  41.  each  ;  and  to  William 
Mawndesley,  clerk,  41." — Hist,  of  Abbeys,  vol.  ii.,  p.  196.  The  sisters  were  per- 
sons of  distinction. 

t  Seymour's  Survey.     Fuller. 

|  A  very  accurate  representation  of  Prior  Weston's  monument  will  be  found 
in  "  Cromwell's  History  of  Clerkenwell,"  a  work  replete  with  interest  to  the 
antiquarian  reader. 


DISPERSION    OF    THE    KNIGHTS. 


123 


introduced  in  front.  A  representation  of  part  of  the  monu- 
ment is  introduced,  in  order  to  exhibit  to  the  reader  this 
curious  effigy  of  the  last  prior  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers. 


The  body  of  Sir  William  Weston  was  discovered  in  a 
leaden  coffin,  with  the  cross  of  the  Hospitallers  on  the  lid, 
on  April  27,  1788,  an  engraving  of  which  was  given  in  the 
Gentleman's  Magazine,  (vol.  lviii.  p.  501,)  and  through  the 
kindness  of  Messrs.  J.  B.  Nichols  and  Son,  F.S.A.,  we  are 
enabled  to  subjoin  a  copy  of  it. 


Although  the  greater  number  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers 
remained  in  England  during  the  proceedings  connected  with 
the  suppression  of  their  order,  some  retired  to  Malta,  and 
were  received  with  parental  affection  by  the  grand-master, 
who  endeavoured  to  comfort  them  under  their  misfortunes  ; 
bat,  alas!  "  who  more  needed  consolation  than  himself!" 
Unable  to  sustain  the  reverses  which  his  order  had  met  with, 
Villiers  de  L'Isle  Adam  died  of  a  broken  heart,  and  the  fol- 
lowing simple  but  expressive  words  were  engraved  upon  his 
monument. 

HIC    JACET    VIRTUS    VICTRIX    FORTUIM/E. 

"here  reposes  virtue  triumphant  over  misfortuke." 


124  SECOND    SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    ORDER. 

Upon  the  death  of  the  grand-master,  care  was  taken  to 
make  a  permanent  provision  for  the  English  knights  in  the 
principal  places  of  residence  of  the  order.  John  d'Omedes 
succeeded  Villiers  de  L'Isle  Adam,  and  during  his  grand- 
mastership  Mary  ascended  the  throne  of  England,  and 
restored  the  Hospitallers  to  their  former  consequence,*  Sir 
Thomas  Tresham,  knight,  being  elected  the  prior  of  Clerk- 
enwell  ;f  but  within  a  twelvemonth  afterwards  the  establish- 
ment was  again  suppressed  by  Queen  Elizabeth. 


The  Nun,  or  Sister  Hospitallers  were  finally  suppressed 
in  1542.  In  1534  their  possessions  at  Buckland  were  valued 
at  £217.  Is.  6d.,  and  were  comprehended  in  the  Act  of  Par- 
liament which  dissolved  the  priory  of  Clerkenwell.  Catherine 
Bower,  the  last  prioress,  surrendered  her  house  to  the  king, 
Feb.  10,  1539. 

*  Newcourt. 

t  From  the  indistinctness  of  the  words  on  Prior  Weston's  monument, 
much  difference  of  opinion  has  arisen  as  to  the  exact  import  of  the  motto  borne 
by  the  priors  of  Clerkenwell.  Cromwell  says,  that  if  we  consider  the  words 
to  be  "  Sane  Baro,"  and  translate  them  "  truly  a  Baron,"  or  "  a  Baron  indeed," 
the  motto  is  then  reconcileable  with  the  well  known  dignity  of  the  priors 
of  the  order,  who  were  said  to  be  the  first  barons  of  England.  Believing  the 
above  to  be  the  correct  words  of  the  motto,  we  subjoin  the  following  extract  from 
24  Henry  VIII.,  c.  13,  which  is  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  the  Reformacy  of  Excesse 
in  Apparelle,"  in  order  to  prove  the  dignity  of  the  priors  of  the  Hospitallers. 

"  No  man  under  the  state  of  an  earle  shall  use  or  weare  in  his  apparelle  of 
his  body,  or  upon  his  hors,  mule,  or  other  beaste,  or  harneis  of  the  same  beaste, 
any  clothe  of  golde,  or  of  sylver,  or  tynseld-saten,  or  any  other  silke  or  clothe 
mixed  or  embrowdered  with  golde  or  silver,  nor  also  any  furres  of  sables  ; 
excepte  that  it  shalbe  lefull  for  viscountes,  the  Pryour  of  Seint  Johns  Jherusalem 
within  this  realme,  and  barons,  to  weare  in  their  dublettes  or  sleveles  cootes, 
clothe  of  golde,  silver,  or  tynsell."    This  Act  was  repealed  by  1  James  I.,  c.  25. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  125 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

Jg,  order  to  acquaint  the  reader  with  the  character 
and  duties  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  a  sketch 
of  the  Crusades  has  been  given  in  the  previous 
chapters.  We  now  proceed  to  notice  the  History 
and  Antiquities  of  the  Church  and  Commandery 
of  Little  Maplestead,  which  formerly  belonged  to 
this  order. 

The  parish  of  Little  Maplestead  is  in  the  county 
of  Essex,  about  forty-six  miles  from  London,  and 
two  from  Halstead.  In  the  time  of  Edward  the 
Confessor  it  belonged  to  Orim,  a  freeman  ;  and 
when  the  general  survey  was  made  in  the  time  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  it  was  held  by  John,  son  of 
Waleran,  whose  under-tenant  was  named  Osmund. # 
Although  no  mention  is  made  in  Domesday  Book  of  any 
church  being  attached  to  this  parish,  we  may  fairly  pre- 
sume, from  the  character  of  the  font,  that  the  present  church 
was  erected  after  the  demolition  of  an  earlier  one  in  the 
Norman   style  of  architecture.      In  the  reign  of  Henry   I. 

*  Morant's  Histoiy  of  Essex,  vol.  ii.,  p.  282. 

"  Maplestedam  tenet  Osmundus  de  Johanne  quod  tenuit  Orimus  liber,  tem- 
pore Regis  Edwardi,  pro  manerio  et  pro  dimid'  bide.  Tunc  ii  carucate  in 
dominio,  post  nulla,  modo  i.  Tunc  ii  bordarii,  post  i,  modo  v,  et  i  presbyter. 
Semper  ii  servi.  Tunc  silva.  lx  porcis,  post  et  modo  xvi,  iii  acre  prati. 
Tunc  i.  molendinum  quod  modo  tenet  Willielmus  de  Garenda  pro  vadimonio 
Tunc  nihil  recepit,  modo  ii  vacce,  et  xiv  porci,  et  lvii  oves.  Tunc  valuit  xl 
solidos,  post  et  modo  xxx." 


126  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

the  place  belonged  to  Robert  Dosnel,  whose  daughter 
Juliana,  married  William  son  of  Andelin,  or  Fitz-Adhelin, 
de  Burgo,  one  of  the  great  officers  attached  to  the  court  of 
Henry  II. 

This  lady,  in  the  year  1185,  gave  the  whole  of  the  parish, 
including  the  church,  to  the  Knights  Hospitallers  of  Saint 
John  of  Jerusalem;*  and  this  gift  was  subsequently  con- 
firmed by  her  husband,^  and  also  by  King  John.  As  soon 
as  the  Hospitallers  had  obtained  possession  of  this  place, 
they  proceeded  to  erect  a  commandery,  or  hospital,  which 
was  subject  to  the  priory  of  Saint  John,  at  Clerkenwell. 

"The  order  of  Knights  Hospitallers,"  says  Boisgelin,  "  may 
be  considered  as  being  at  the  same  time  hospitaller,  reli- 
gious, military,  republican,  aristocratical,  and  monarchical. 
The  great  number  of  the  crusaders  who  entered  the  order, 
and  the  considerable  donations  bestowed  on  it  from  all  parts, 
caused  a  change  both  in  the  form  of  government  and  the 
administration  of  the  property.  The  knights  were  divided 
into  different  nations,  or  languages,  and  the  property  of  the 
order  being  situated  in  different  countries,  it  was  necessary 

*  The  following  charter  of  donation  Morant  speaks  of  as  having  heen  copied 
from  an  ancient  MS.  at  Maplestead  Hall ;  hut  it  is  now  lost,  and  not  even  a  ves- 
tige of  the  ancient  hospital  remains. 

"  Juliana  filia  Roberti  Dosnelli  omnihus  Hominibus  amicis  suis  Francie  et 
Anglie  presentibus  et  futuris  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  ego,  pro  salute  anime  mee 
et  Patris  et  matris  mee,  et  omnium  pareutum  meorum,  assensu  domini  Willielmi 
fali  Andelini  viri',  Dedi  et  concessi  et  hac  presenti  carta  mea  confirmavi  Deo  et 
Sancte  Marie  et  Sancto  Johanni  Baptiste  et  heatis  pauperibus  sancte  domus 
Hospitalis  Jerusalem  et  fratribus  in  eadem  domo  servientibus  totam  villam  meam 
de  Mapeltrested  cum  omnibus  pertinentiis  suis  in  bosco  et  piano  in  viis  et 
semitis  in  pasturis  et  in  omnibus  locis,  et  omne  jus  quod  habui  in  Ecclesia 
ejusdem  ville  cum  omnibus  pertinentiis  suis  quam  eis  concessi  in  liberam 
et  puram  et  perpetuam  elimosinam  sicut  aliqua  elimosina  melius  et  liberius  viris 
religiosis  dari  potest.     Quare  volo,  &c. 

"  Hiis  testibus  Radulpbo  filio  Adelini Radulfo  filio  Willielmi 

Domini  mei,"  &c.  without  date. 

t  "  Willielmus  filius  Andelini  (Domini  Regis  dapifer)  dedit  (Hospitallariis) 
Ecclesiam  de  parva  Mapeltrestede  cum  omnibus  pertinentiis,  ac  ejus  patron atus 
ejusdem  tempore  regis  Henrici  A.  D.  1186,  xvi.  Kal.  Aprilis  apud  Lond." — 
Dugdale's  Monasticon,  torn,  ii.,  p.  544. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  127 

to  fix  upon  some  method  for  having  it  regularly  managed, 
and  paid  in  with  punctuality.  It  was  therefore  divided  into 
priories,  bailiwicks,  and  commanderies.  A  receiver's  office 
was  appointed  in  every  priory,  into  which  were  paid  the 
revenues  of  the  different  livings  in  the  said  priory.  There 
were,  likewise,  offices  of  the  same  nature  in  several  towns, 
which,  from  their  convenient  situation,  had  an  easy  commu- 
nication with  Jerusalem,  Rhodes,  and  Malta.  The  officers  in 
the  priories  sent  their  receipts  to  these  towns,  and  the  persons 
appointed  to  manage  the  business  were  termed  receivers." 
In  the  same  manner,  the  receipts  of  each  commandery  were 
forwarded  to  the  chief  priory,  after  the  deduction  of  such  an 
amount  as  was  considered  necessary  for  liquidating  the  cur- 
rent expenses  of  the  establishment. 

There  were  no  less  than  fifty-three  commanderies  in 
England,  and  we  may  fairly  infer,  from  the  very  numerous 
grants  made  to  that  of  Little  Maplestead,  that  it  was  one  of 
the  most  important  of  the  minor  establishments  of  the  order  of 
Knights  Hospitallers.  The  tenants  connected  with  the  manors 
belonging  to  these  commanderies,  enjoyed  particular  privi- 
leges, and  were  accustomed  to  affix  crosses  to  the  roofs  of 
their  houses,  in  order  to  distinguish  them ;  as  is  clearly  shown 
by  Dugdale,  in  the  instance  of  a  person  having  endeavoured 
to  obtain  these  privileges,  although  not  one  of  the  tenants  of 
the  Hospitallers.*  It  appears  that  the  knights  residing  at 
Maplestead  had  the  liberty  of  free  warren  granted  to  them 
in  several  lordships,  or  manors,  in  the  neighbourhood.^ 

A.D.  1534.  An  act  was  passed,  by  which  the  priors  of 
Saint  John  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  knights  presiding  over  the 
commanderies  of  the  order  of  the  Hospital,  were  compelled 
(in  common  with  the  archbishops  and  bishops)  to  pay  to 
the  king,  upon  their  election,  the  first  fruits  and  profits 
thereof  for  a  whole  year.  As  this  was  the  commencement 
of  Henry's  acts  of  oppression  against  the  Hospitallers,  we 
have  given  a  copy  of  part  of  the  act. 

*  Dugdale's  Warwickshire,  vol.  ii.,  p.  965.  t  Newccmrt's  Repertorium. 


128  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

"  And  for  as  moche  as  the  Lord  Priour  of  Sajnt  Johns  of  Jhe- 
rusalem  yn  Englande  and  his  brethren,  be  not  specially  named 
and  expressed  yn   this   acte,   wherby    ambyguyte   mought   arise 
whether  they  shulde  be  comprized  within  the  lymyttes  of  this 
acte,   it  is  therfore  for  playne   declaracyon   thereof  enacted  by 
auctoryte  aforesaide,  that  everie  persone  andpersones,  which  after 
the  saide  first  daye  of  January  (1535)  shall  happen  to  be  nomy- 
nated,  electyd,  collated,  or  by  any  other  meanes  appoynted  to  the 
dignytie  of  the  said  Priour  of  Saynte  Jhons  of  Jherusalem  yn  Eng- 
lande,   or    to  any  commanderie   apperteynynge  unto  the  same, 
shall  before  theyr  actuall  and  reall  entree  ynto  the  same  dignytie 
or  commandrye,  or  medlynge  with  the  profittes  thereof,  satysfye 
and  paye  to  the  use  of  the  Kynge's  Highnes,  his  heirs  and  succes- 
soures,  the  fyrste  fruytes  and  promttes  thereof  for  one  hole  yere, 
or  agree  or  compounde  for  the  same  at  reasonable  dayes  ;  in  like 
manner  and  fourme,  and  upon  like  peyne   yn  everie  behalff  as 
archbysshopes  and  byshoppes,  and  other  spirituall  persones,  ben 
bounde  to  do  by  vertue  and  auctorite  of  this  acte  :  And  that  also 
the  Prior  of  Seynt  Jhons  nowe  beynge  and  his  successoures,   and 
everie  of  his  brethern,  havynge  any  comandrie,  and  their  suc- 
cessoures shall  contribute  and  paie  yerely  to  the  Kynges  High- 
nesse,  his  heirs  and  successoures,  one  yerely  rente  and  pencyon 
amountynge  to  the  tenthe  parte  of  all  their  possessions  and  pro- 
fittes as  well  spirituall  as  temporall,   and  shall  be  charged,  rated, 
taxed,  and  sette  to  the  contribucyon  and   payment  of  the  said 
tenth  parte,  and  that  also  the   said  tenthe  parte  shall  be  levyed, 
collectyd,  and  paide  yn  suche  like  manner  and  fourme  to  all  en- 
tents  and  purposes,  as  to  the  tenthe  parte  of  other  dignites  and 
benefices  spirituall  shall  be  charged,  taxed,   sette,  levyed,  collect- 
ed, and  paide  by  auctorite  of  this  acte." 

We  find  no  mention  of  the  establishment  of  Little  Maple- 
stead  until  immediately  after  the  suppression  of  the  religious 
houses  in  1540,  when  a  receiver  was  sent  down  to  take  an 
account  of  the  farm  belonging  to  the  manor.  As  the  docu- 
ment, of  which  we  subjoin  a  copy,  is  an  extremely  interesting 
one,  we  have  no  doubt  that  its  insertion  will  gratify  the 
reader ;  and  in  order  to  show  the  power  vested  in  the  com- 
missioners, we  have  given  the  general  title  attached  to  it. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 


129 


Late  Priory  Accounts  of  all  and  singular  the  bailiffs,  church- 
IfStTohn  reeves,  farmers,  collectors,  and  other  the  officers  and 
of  Jerusalem  ministers  whomsoever,  of  all  and  singular  the  lord- 
in  England.  shipS)  manorS)  lands,  tenements,  rectories,  tithes, 
pensions,  portions,  and  other  the  possessions  and 
hereditaments,  as  well  spiritual  as  temporal,  to  the 
same  late  priory  or  hospital  of  Saint  John  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  England  aforesaid  belonging  or  appertaining, 
which  have  latterly  come  to  the  hands  of  our  Lord, 
Henry  the  Eighth,  by  the  grace  of  God  the  now 
King  of  England  and  France,  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
Lord  of  Ireland,  and  on  earth  the  Supreme  Head  of 
the  Church  of  England,  by  reason  and  virtue  of  a 
certain  Act  of  Parliament  in  that  case  made  and  pro- 
vided, held  at  Westminster  the  day  of  the  month 
of  ,  in  the  32nd  year  of  the  reign  of  our  said 
lord  the  king,  as  in  the  same  act  may  appear:  to  wit, 
concerning  the  issues  and  revenues  of  all  and  singular 
the  lordships,  manors,  lands,  and  tenements,  and 
other  the  premisses  aforesaid,  from  the  feast  of  Saint 
Michael  the  Archangel  in  the  31st  year  of  our  said 
Lord  the  King,  to  the  same  feast  of  Saint  Michael  the 
Archangel  from  then  next  following  in  the  32nd  year 
of  the  reign  of  our  aforesaid  Lord  the  King :  to  wit, 
for  one  intire  year. 

Manor  of  Ma-       The  account  of  Henry  Hale,  farmer  there  during 
plested,  in   the  ,,         «  .  ,  . . 

county  of' Essex.™*  aforesaid  time. 

Arrears.  None,  because  they  calculate  the  account  for  the 

lord  of  the  same,  after  the   dissolution  of  the  late 
priory.  No  sum. 

The  Farm.  But  a  rent  of  101.  13s.  4d.  from  the  aforesaid  Henry 
Hale  for  the  farm  of  the  Manor  of  Maplested  afore- 
said, with  all  the  lands  and  tenements,  meadows,  feed- 
ings and  pastures,  rents  and  services,  with  all  profits 
♦'and  commodities  of  whatsoever  kind  appertaining 
and  belonging,  woods,  underwoods,  wards,  marriages, 
and   the  half  of  all  reliefs,  fines,  and  escheats ;  ad- 

K 


130  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

The  Farm,  vowsons  of  churches,  (those  only  excepted  as  demised 
to  him  by  indenture,  under  the  common  seal  of  the 
late  priory  of  Saint  John  of  Jerusalem  in  England, 
dated  the  18th  day  of  May,  in  the  10th  year  of  the 
reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,)  to  hold  to  him  and 
his  assigns,  from  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary  last  past  before  the  date  of  these 
presents,  unto  the  end  and  term  of  29  years  from  then 
next  following  and  to  be  fully  completed  :  rendering 
thereof  annually  at  the  feasts  of  the  Annunciation  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary  and  Saint  Michael  the  Archangel 
equally  as  above,  and  supporting  all  charges  ordinary 
and  extraordinary  issuing  from  the  aforesaid  manor 
with  the  appurtenances  during  the  aforesaid  term.  And 
the  said  farmer  and  his  assigns  shall  sufficiently  repair 
the  said  manor  with  the  appurtenances,  as  in  hedges, 
ditches,  and  spades,  during  the  aforesaid  term.  Fur- 
ther, the  said  farmer  and  his  assigns  shall  have  suffi- 
cient hedgebote,  ploughbote,  cartbote,  foldbote,  house- 
bote, and  fyrebote,  in  and  of  woods  and  underwoods 
to  the  said  manor  belonging,  to  be  expended  reason- 
ably and  without  waste  during  the  same  term  as  in 
the  same  indenture  more  fully  appears. 

The  sum  of  the  farm  10/.  135.  4d.,  from  which  is 
to  be  exonerated  here  10 6s.  8d.  of  and  for  so  much 
money  due  from  William  Weston,  knight,  late  prior 
of  the  aforesaid  priory,  receiver  for  the  farm  of  the 
manor  aforesaid,  at  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  before  the  time  of  the  disso- 
lution of  said  late  priory,  occurring  within  the  time  of 
this  account,  upon  the  oath  of  the  said  farmer  admi- 
nistered before  the  auditors.  And  he  owes  106s.  8d. 
as  delivered  to  Morris  Dennys,  Esquire,  receiver  of  all 
the  lands  and  possessions  of  the  late  priory  aforesaid, 
the  11th  day  of  November  in  the  32nd  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  Lord  the  now  King,  Henry  the  Eighth, 
as  appears  by  the  bill  thereof,  upon  this  account 
rendered.* 

*  For  a  copy  of  the  original  deed  in  Latin,  see  Appendix  U. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 


131 


Henry  the  Eighth  did  not  retain  posses- 
sion of  Little  Maplestead  manor  for  any 
length  of  time,  but  disposed  of  it  in  ex- 
change (with  other  possessions  belonging 
to  the  lately  suppressed  religious  houses)  to 
George  Harper,  Esq,#  as  will  be  apparent 
from  the  following  deed,  which  still  remains 
in  the  Augmentation  Office. 


&  indenture  made  the  ]  Oth  daie  of  Marche,  in  the  33rd 
yere  of  the  reigne  of  our  moste  dradde  Sovereigne  Lord 
Henry  the  Eight,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  Englonde, 
France,  and  Irelonde,  Defendour  of  the  Faith,  and  in  erthe 
Supreme  Hedde  of  the  Churche  of  Englond  and  Irelonde, 
betvvene  the  same  our  Sovereigne  Lord  the  King  of  the  one 
partie,  and  George  Harper,  Esquier,  of  the  other  partie,  wit- 
nesseth,  that  the  said  George  Harper,  for  certain  causes  and 
considerations  hereafter  in  these  present  indentures  expressed 
and  declared,  hath  bargainid  and  solde,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents fully  and  clerely  bargayneth  and  selleth,  unto  our  said 
Sovereigne  Lord  the  King,  all  that  his  messuage,  &c,  (being 
certain  manors  in  Kent  and  other  counties),  and  our  saide 
Sovereigne  Lorde  the  Kyng,  for  the  causes  and  considera- 
cions  aforesaid,  hath  bargaind  and  solde,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents fully  and  clerely  bargayneth  and  selleth,  unto  the  saide 
George  Harper,  all  those  his  highnes  manours  of  Sutton 
Temple,  Chawreth,  and  Maplested,  and  the  parsonage  and 
churche  of  Chawreth,  and  the  advowson,  gifte,  and  patronage 
of  the  vicaredge  of  the  parisshe  churche  of  Chawreth,  with 
all  and  singular  their  rightes,  membres,  and  appurtenences 
in  the  countie  of  Essex,  lately  belonging  and  appurteyning 
to  the  Priorie  or  Hospitall  of  Saynt  John  of  Jerusalem  in 
Englond,  now  dissolved,  and  being  parcell  of  the  posses- 
sions therof;  and  all  and  singuler  messuages,  graunges,  lands, 
tenements,  mylles,  medows,  lessus,  pasturs,  comens,  marshes, 
waters,  fissings,  woodes,  underwoodes,  rentys,  reversions, 
and  services,  advowsons,  gyfts,  and  patronages  of  churches 
and  chappells,  and  courts  leetys,  views  of  frankpledge,  wardes, 


*  Argent:  a  lion  rampant,  gules,  within  a  bordure  engrailed,  sable. 

k2 


132  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

marriages,  eschets,  herietts,  relefs,  waiffs,  strays,  pencions, 
porcions,  tythes,  oblations,  and  all  other  ryghtes,  proffytes, 
commodities,  emoluments,  and  heredytaments,  whatsoever 
they  be,  with  their  appurtenences  sett,  lieing,  and  being  in 
Sutton  Temple,  and  in  the  lie  of  Fulneys,  and  in  Chawreth 
and  Maplested,  in  the  saide  countie  of  Essex,  and  elsewhere 
in  the  same  countie  of  Essex,  to  the  said  maners  of  Sutton 
Temple,  Chawreth,  and  Maplested,  and  to  the  said  parsonage 
and  churche  of  Chawreth,  or  to  any  of  them  belonging  or  in 
any  wise  appurteyning,  or  being  accepted,  reputed,  taken,  used 
or  knowen  as  parte,  parcell,  or  membre  of  the  same  manours 
and  parsonage,  or  of  any  of  theym,  &c. 
In  witness  whereof  to  one  partie  of  this  indenture  remayning  with 
the  saide  George  Harper,  our  saide  Lorde  Sovereigne  Lorde 
the  Kinge  hath  caused  his  greate  seale  of  Englonde  to  be 
putto,  and  to  the  other  partie  of  the  same  indenture  remayn- 
ing with  our  saide  Sovereigne  Lorde  the  King,  the  saide 
George  Harper  hath  putto  his  seale,  the  daie  and  yere  first 
above  wrytten.  ^\ 

s^  # 

*  By  me  George  Harper, 
t  Capta  et  recognita  ad  irrotulandum  coram  me  Ricardo  Ryche  xxi  die  Maii, 
anno  xxxiii<>  Henrici  Regis,  Richard  Ryche. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  133 

The  Manor  of  Little  Maplestead  was  not  long  retained  by 
Harper,  as  we  find  that  within  six  weeks  after  the  property 
had  come  into  his  possession,  he  disposed 
of  the  whole  (including  the  ancient  hos- 
pital, or  commandery,)  to  John  Wiseman,* 
Esq.,  and  Agnes  his  wife.  This  deed  being 
somewhat  curious,  and  including  a  state- 
ment of  the  amount  given  for  the  manor  in 
the  year  1542,  a  copy  of  it  is  subjoined.f 

Wl)t%  UkU^&tltMVt  made  the  xxjth  daye  of  Apryll,  in  the  xxxiijth 
yere  of  the  reigne  of  oure  Soueraigne  Lorde  Kynge  Henry  the 
Eight,  Betwene  George  Harper,  Esquyer,  on  the  one  partie, 
and  John  Wiseman  of  Moche  Canffelde  in  the  countie  of 
Essex,  gentylman,  on  the  other  partye,  SSJttiuggetJ),  that  yt  is 
couenanted,  condescended,  and  agreid  betwene  the  said  parties 
by  thes  presentes  in  manner  and  forme  followinge,  that  is  to 
wete,  the  said  George  Harper  for  the  causes  and  considera- 
cions  hereafter  in  thes  presente  Indentures  expressed  and 
declared,  and  for  diverse  other  good  causes  and  considera- 
cions,  covenanteth,  promyseth,  and  graunteth  to  and  with  the 
said  John  Wiseman  and  his  heires,  that  he  the  said  George 
Harper,  before  the  feste  of  Pentecoste  nexte  comyng  after 
the  date  of  thes  presentes,  at  the  costes  and  charges  of  the 
said  John  Wiseman  his  heires  or  assignes,  by  deade  suffi- 
cyent  in  the  lawe  or  otherwise  as  shal  be  reasonablye  advised 
or  devised  by  the  saide  John  Wiseman  his  heires  or  assignes, 
or  by  his  or  thair  lernyd  counsaill,  shall  and  will  conveye 
and  make,  or  cause  to  be  conveyed  and  made  unto  the  said 
John  Wiseman  and  Agnes  his  wif,  and  to  the  heires  and 
assignes  of  the  said  John  Wiseman,  a  good,  sure,  sufficient, 
and  lawful  estate  in  the  lawe,  in  fee  symple  of  and  in  the 
Manor  of  Maplested,  with  all  and  singular  his  rightes,  mem- 
bres,  and  appurtenences  in  the  countie  of  Essex,  lately  be- 
longing and  apperteignynge  to  the  late  Pryorie  or  Hospytall 

*  Sable  :  a  chevron,  ermine,  between  three  cronels  of  tilting  spears,  argent. 

t  This  deed  is  in  the  possession  of  the  trustees  of  the  estates  settled  by  Mr. 
Joseph  Davis,  upon  trust,  for  the  Sabbatarian  Protestant  Dissenters,  as  stated 
more  fully  in  a  subsequent  page. 


34  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

of  Sayncte  John  Jerusalem  in  Englond,  now  dissolued,  and 
being  parcell  of  the  possessions  thereof.  And  all  and  sin- 
guler  mesuages,  granges,  milles,  landes,  tenementes,  medowes, 
leasues,  pastures,  comens,  waters,  fyshinges,  mershes,  woodes, 
vnderwoods,  rentes,  reu'sions,  seruyces,  advowsons,  giftes 
and  rightes  of  patronage  of  churches  and  chapelles,  courtes 
leets,  viewes  of  ftrankeplege,  wardes,  manages,  escheates, 
releves,  heriottes,  waiffes,  straies,  pencions,  porcions,  tythes, 
oblacions,  and  all  other  rightes,  proffittes,  commodityes, 
emolumentes,  and  hereditamentes  whatsoeu'  thay  be,  with 
thair  appurtenences  sett,  lying,  and  being  in  Maplested  in  the 
countie  of  Essex,  or  elsewhere  in  the  said  county  of  Essex, 
to  the  Manor  of  Maplested  belonging  or  in  anywise  apper- 
teignyng,  or  which  are  hadde,  knowen,  accepted,  vsed,  reputed 
or  takyn  as  members  or  parcell  of  the  same  manor.  And  also 
all  and  singular  courtes  leetes,  viewes  of  ffrankeplege,  waiffes, 
strayes,  fire  warrens,  and  all  other  rightes,  proffittes,  juris- 
dictions, commodities,  and  emolumentes  which  the  said 
George  Harp'  hath  or  ought  to  haue  within  the  saide  manor 
and  other  the  premysses  or  any  parte  or  parcell  thereof,  as 
fully  and  holly  and  in  as  large  and  ample  maner  as  the  saide 
George  Harper  lately  hadde  and  opteyned  the  said  manor 
and  other  the  premysses  to  hym  his  heires  and  assignes  for 
ever,  by  and  of  the  gifte  and  graunte  of  oure  saide  Soueraigne 
Lorde  the  Kynge,  as  by  the  lettres  patentes  of  our  sayde 
Soueraigne  Lord  the  Kynge,  bearing  date  at  Westm'  the 
eightene  daye  of  Aprill,  in  the  xxxiijth  yere  of  the  reigne  of 
our  sayed  Soueraigne  Lord  Kinge  Henry  the  Eighte,  amonges 
other  thinges  therein  conteyned  more  planely  at  large  is 
shewed  and  may  appere,  1Eo  i)au*  and  to  holde  the  said  manor, 
landes,  tenementes,  rentes,  reu'sions,  seruices,  and  all  the 
premysses,  with  thair  appurtenences,  vnto  the  said  John 
Wiseman  and  Agnes  his  wif,  and  to  the  heires  and  assignes 
of  the  sayde  John  Wiseman  for  euer.  $tnt)  morcouo:  the  said 
George  Harper  covenantethe,  promysseth,  and  graunteth  by 
thes  presentes,  to  and  with  the  said  Johh  Wiseman,  That 
the  said  manor,  mesuages,  landes,  tenementes,  and  all  other 
the  premisses  with  thair  appurtenences  at  thensealyng  of  thes 
presentes  be  or  before  the  said  ffeaste  of  Pentecoste  nexte 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  135 

comyng  after  the  date  herof,  shalbe  thereby  discharged  and 
exonerate  of  all  and  euery  former  bargaynes  and  sales,  and  of 
all  other  charges  and  incombrannces  whatsoeu'  thay  be, 
hadde,  made,  or  doone  only  by  the  said  George  Harper, 
(except  such  statutes,  obligacions,  and  recognysannces 
wherein  the  said  George  standyth  bounden,  of  the  whiche 
statutes,  obligacions,  and  recognysannces  the  same  George 
and  his  heires  and  executors  shall  from  tyme  to  tyme  dis- 
charge, acquite,  or  save  harmeles,  as  well  the  same  John 
Wiseman  his  heires  and  assignes,  as  the  said  manor  and 
other  the  premisses.  And  also  excepte  the  seruyce  and  yerely 
rente  of  twentye  and  one  shillinges  and  fowre  pence  reseruyd 
to  the  Kinges  Highnes  owte  of  the  said  manor  by  the  said 
lettres  patentes  thereof  made  to  the  said  George  Harper  in 
forme  aforesaide.)  &ntl  ftutijermore  the  said  George  Harper 
for  hym  and  his  heires  promyseth,  covenanteth,  and  graunt- 
eth  by  thes  presentes  to  and  with  the  said  John  Wiseman  and 
his  heires,  that  he  the  same  George  and  his  heires  shall  and 
will  at  all  tyme  and  tymes  within  the  space  of  thre  yeres 
nexte  ensuying  after  the  date  of  thes  presentes,  at  the  costes 
and  charges  of  the  said  John  Wiseman  his  heires  or  assignes, 
do  and  suffer  to  be  done  all  and  euery  suche  reasonable  acte 
and  actes,  thinge  and  thinges,  as  shalbe  reasonablie  devised 
or  aduised  by  the  sayd  John  Wiseman  his  heires  or  assignes, 
or  by  his  or  thair  lernyd  counsell,  for  the  ffurther  and  more 
better  assurannce  and  makyng  sure  in  the  lawe  of  the  said 
manor,  mesuages,  landes,  tenementes,  rentes,  reuersions, 
seruices,  and  all  other  the  premisses,  with  thair  appurte- 
nences,  to  such  vses  and  intentes,  and  in  suche  maner  and 
forme  as  before  in  this  presente  Indenture  is  appoynted, 
lymyted,  or  agreid,  be  yt  by  ffyne,  feoffament,  recouery,  deade 
or  deades,  enrollyd,  releas,  confirmacion,  or  otherwise,  with 
warrantie  only  of  the  sayde  George  Harper,  or  of  his  heires, 
ageynste  the  same  George  and  his  heires,  or  otherwise  with- 
owt  warrauntie  of  the  said  George  Harper.  Slut)  on  this  the 
same  George  Harper  couenanteth  and  graunteth  to  and  with 
the  said  J  ohn  Wiseman,  that  the  said  John  Wiseman  shall 
ffrom  hensforth  haue,  holde,  and  enjoye  to  hym,  to  his 
heires  and  assignes,  all  evidences,  wrytinges,  and  muny- 
mentes  concernyng  only  the  said  manor  and  other  the  pre- 


136  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

misses,  or  any  parte  or  parcell  thereof.  3In  con£tDcradon  of 
whiche  premyssez,  and  of  the  covenantes,  grauntes,  articles, 
and  aggrementes  abouesaid,  which  on  the  parte  and  behalf  of 
the  said  George  Harper  and  his  heires  are  to  be  obsyruyd, 
performed,  and  kepte  in  forme  aforesaid,  the  said  John 
Wiseman,  at  thensealing  of  this  presente  Indenture,  hath 
well  and  truly  contented,  satisfiede,  and  paied  to  the  said 
George  Harper  the  some  of  one  hundred  fowrescore  and 
twelue  poundes  sterling,  of  which  said  somme  of  one  hun- 
dred fowrescore  and  twelue  poundes  sterling  the  said  George 
Harper  knowlegeth  hymself  by  thes  presentes  to  be  well  and 
truly  contented,  satisfied,  and  payde,  and  thereof  and  of 
every  parcell  thereof  dothe  thereby  acquyte,  discharge,  and 
relase  the  said  John  Wiseman  his  heires,  executors,  and 
admynystratours  by  these  presentes.  3rn  fottneg  wheareof  the 
parties  abovesaid  to  thes  presente  Indentures  enterchangeably 
haue  putt  thair  seales  the  daye  and  yere  furste  abouewrittyn. 

By  me,  George  Harper,  (L.S.) 

The  Manor  of  Little  Maplestead  having  come  into  the 
possession  of  John  Wiseman,  Esq.  by  purchase,  was  left  by 
him  in  his  will  to  Agnes  his  wife,  (daughter  of  Philip 
Jocelyn,  Esq.)  during  her  life,  and  to  his  heirs  in  remainder. 
John  Wiseman,  Esq.,  the  eldest  son,  succeeded  to  the  estates, 
and  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  William  Waldegrave,  by 
whom  he  had  a  very  numerous  family.  This  property 
eventually  came  into  the  possession  of  the  youngest  son, 
Edmund  Wiseman,  Esq.,  an  involuntary  agent  in  the  lament- 
able circumstances  connected  with  the  execution  of  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  the  celebrated  favourite  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  earl  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
queen  previously  to  his  execution,  and  that  its  contents 
were  such  that,  had  it  been  replied  to,  his  life  would,  in 
all  probability,  have  been  saved.  This  letter  was  confided 
by  the  earl  to  Edmund  Wiseman,  who  had  long  been 
known  as  a  brave  soldier  and  one  of  his  faithful  followers. 
Through  some  inadvertence,  or  more  probably  through  igno- 
rance   of  the    important    contents    of  the    letter,    Wiseman 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 


137 


delayed  its  delivery  until  the  unfortunate  earl  had  perished 
on  the  scaffold.  No  sooner  was  he  made  acquainted  with 
the  importance  of  the  document  and  the  fatal  consequences 
of  his  negligence,  than  he  vowed  never  again  to  sleep  in  his 
bed ;  and  this  eccentric  being  satisfied  his  conscience  and 
performed  his  self-inflicted  penance  by  having  a  tree  cut 
into  the  form  of  a  bed,  upon  which,  until  his  decease,  he 
was  accustomed  to  repose.  This  Edmund  Wiseman  held 
several  courts  at  Maplestead;  after  his  death  his  estates 
passed  into  the  hands  of  various  branches  of  the  same 
family ;  but  in  1670  they  were  sold  by  Sir 
William  Wiseman,  for  the  sum  of  4000Z., 
to  Sir  Mark  Guy  on,*  Knt.,  who,  at  his 
death,  left  them  to  his  only  son  William, 
with  the  reservation,  in  the  event  of  his 
dying  without  issue,  that  they  should  pass 
to  his  daughters  Elizabeth  and  Rachel. 


In  consequence  of  William  dying  child- 
less, the  property  afterwards  passed  to 
Edward  Bullock,f-  Esq.,  who  had  married 
the  eldest  daughter,  Elizabeth. 


In  the  year  1691,  Mr.  Joseph  Davis,  a  member  of  a  church 
of  Sabbatarian  dissenters,  meeting  in  Mill  Yard,  Goodman's 
Fields,  purchased  the  meeting-house  with  some  property 
adjoining,  and  a  few  years  afterwards  conveyed  the  same  to 
nine  trustees,  for  the  use  of  the  congregation.  In  1 705,  he 
also  purchased  the  manor  of  Little  Maplestead  of  Edward 
Bullock,  Esq. ;  and  by  his  will,  dated  May  5,  1706,  devised 
to  seven  trustees,  members  of  the  said  church,  an  annual 
rent-charge  upon  the  manor  of  501. ;  and  subject  thereto,  he 

*  Argeut :  three  bends,  azure,  on  a  canton,  sable,  a  lion  passant,  guardant,  or. 

t  Gules  :  a  chevron,  ermine,  between  three  bulls'  heads,  cabossed,  argent, 
armed  or. 


138  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

devised  the  same  manor  and  estate  to  his  son  Joseph  Davis, 
for  life,  with  remainder  to  all  the  children  of  his  said  son  for 
their  lives,  with  remainder  to  the  last-mentioned  trustees  in 
fee  ;  and  he  devised  to  the  same  trustees  fourteen  houses  in 
Shadwell.  The  trusts  of  the  Maplestead  and  Shadwell  pro- 
perty were  for  the  benefit  of  the  church  in  Mill  Yard,  and 
other  churches  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  most  of 
which  have  ceased  to  exist.  Joseph  Davis,  the  son,  dying  in 
1731  without  issue,  the  estates  at  Little  Maplestead  became 
vested  in  the  trustees  in  lieu  of  the  annuity.  After  this 
period,  all  the  estates  were  conveyed  to  the  same  trustees, 
but  upon  the  distinct  trusts  affecting  the  separate  estates. 

The  property  in  Essex  being  now  blended  with  that  in 
Mill  Yard  and  Shadwell,  under  the  common  title  of  the 
estates  belonging  to  Davis's  Charity,  it  is  impossible  to  give 
the  reader  a  satisfactory  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
proceeds  from  the  Maplestead  estates  were  from  this  time 
appropriated,  without  in  some  degree  touching  upon  the 
history  of  the  church  of  which  Mr.  Davis  was  a  member; 
we  therefore  make  no  apology  for  inserting  the  following 
particulars.* 

The  original  deed  of  trust  relative  to  Davis's  Charity 
estates  is  not  now  in  existence  ;  but  it  appears,  by  entries 
in  the  old  trust-books,  to  have  been  the  same  as  a  deed 
executed  in  1717,  which  provided  that  the  meeting-house 
in  Mill  Yard  should  be  for  ever  used  and  enjoyed  by  a 
certain  congregation  of  dissenting  Protestants  (meeting  and 
assembling  themselves  together  for  religious  worship  every 
seventh  day,  or  Saturday,)  free  from  rent,  &c,  and  that  out 
of  the  rents  and  profits  of  the  other  premises  in  Mill  Yard,  the 
meeting-house  there  should  be  repaired  and  the  taxes  paid, 

*  The  accuracy  of  this  information  may  he  relied  on,  as  it  has  been  kindly 
furnished  (at  the  express  request  of  the  author)  by  Messrs.  Holmes  and  Elsam, 
the  solicitors  to  the  trustees  of  Davis's  Charity,  to  whom  the  author  takes  this 
opportunity  of  acknowledging  himself  much  indebted,  not  only  for  the  care- 
ful examination  of  the  deeds  in  their  possession  relative  to  the  ancient  com- 
mandery  of  Little  Maplestead,  but  also  for  having  furnished  him  with  a  valuable 
statement  of  various  particulars  contaiued  in  them. 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  1.39 

from  time  to  time,  as  occasion  might  require  ;  also  that  61. 
should  be  paid  annually  to  the  minister,  preacher,  or  teacher 
of  the  chapel ;  it  was  likewise  declared,  that  the  said  Joseph 
Davis,  during  his  life,  should  receive  one  third  of  the  residue, 
and  that  the  remaining  two-thirds  (and  after  his  decease  the 
whole)  of  the  residue  should  be  appropriated  to  the  poor 
people  of  the  congregation,  according  to  the  discretion  of  the 
trustees  appointed,  or  the  major  part  of  them.  The  deed 
then  contained  a  proviso,  (which  was  also  in  the  original 
deed  of  1700,)  that  any  seven  or  more  of  the  trustees  for 
time  being,  might  revoke,  alter,  or  make  void  all  or  any  of 
the  aforesaid  trusts,  and  appoint  any  new  or  other  trusts,  as 
to  them  should  seem  meet;  but  which  power  they  never  took 
upon  themselves  to  exercise. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  the  church  at  Mill 
Yard  had  so  dwindled  by  deaths  and  desertions,  that  it 
became  impracticable  to  keep  up  the  number  of  trustees, 
and  the  estates  became  vested,  by  survivorship,  in  three 
brothers,  John  Slater,  Joseph  Slater,  and  William  Slater,  all 
now  deceased.  They  were  at  this  time  of  about  the  value 
of  578Z.  per  annum,  subject  to  the  usual  deductions  for 
repairs,  insurance,  and  other  outgoings,  including  an  annual 
payment  of  10Z.  to  the  perpetual  curate  of  Little  Maplestead. 

The  money  arising  from  the  estates  was  at  this  time  appro- 
priated in  salaries  to  the  ministers  of  different  chapels,* 
and  in  allowances  made  to  the  widows  of  deceased  minis- 
ters. Annual  distributions  were  also  made  among  the  poor 
members  of  the  different  congregations,  and  occasional  pre- 
sents were  given  to  ministers  and  others  who  had  suffered  by 
the  pressure  of  the  times.  Large  expenses  were  also  incurred 
in  rebuilding  and  keeping  in  repair  the  meeting-house  in 
Mill  Yard,  and  other  premises. 

In  1800,  Joseph  Slater  (one  of  the  trustees)  being  de- 
ceased, Joseph  Slater,  his  son,  was  nominated  in  his  stead 
by  his  two  uncles.  In  the  year  1809,  an  information  was 
filed  by  the  Attorney-General,  on  the  relation  of  the  last-men- 

*  See  Appendix  V. 


140  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

tioned  Joseph  Slater,  (the  present  senior  trustee,)  against 
William  Slater  and  Mary  Slater,  the  administratrix  of  the 
aforesaid  John  Slater,  praying  (among  other  things)  that  an 
account  might  be  taken  of  the  charity  estates,  and  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  disbursements  in  respect  thereof;  that  new  trustees 
might  be  appointed  to  act  with  the  said  Joseph  Slater,  and 
that  all  necessary  and  proper  directions  might  be  given  for 
the  future  conduct  and  management  of  the  charity  estates  : 
and  by  a  decree  made  Nov.  30,  1811,  it  was  directed,  that 
the  Master  should  appoint  proper  persons  to  be  trustees, 
according  to  the  prayer  of  the  information,  and  should  ap- 
prove of  a  proper  scheme  for  the  future  management  of  the 
charity  estates. 

The  relator's  solicitor  accordingly,  in  pursuance  of  the 
decree,  drew  up  a  scheme,  which  was  submitted  to  Sir  John 
Simeon,  (the  Master  to  whom  the  cause  was  referred,)  but 
disapproved  of  by  him  for  two  reasons :  first,  that  the  property 
in  question  ought  not  to  be  applied  to  the  support  of  such  a 
sect  as  that  for  whose  benefit  it  was  originally  given  ;  and  se- 
condly, that  if  it  were  to  be,  the  sums  proposed  by  the  scheme 
to  be  appropriated  to  the  different  objects,  were  too  great.  It 
was  successfully  argued  before  the  Master  by  the  relator's 
counsel,  that  the  Master  could  not  enter  into  the  first  point, 
the  court  having  directed  him  to  approve  a  scheme  for  the 
future  management  of  the  charity  estates,  from  which  it  was 
to  be  inferred,  that  the  court  had  no  objection  to  such  an 
application  of  the  property;  and  as  to  the  second  point, 
that  the  reason  why  the  sums  in  question  had  been  proposed 
was,  that  unless  the  money  were  so  distributed,  it  must 
accumulate  to  no  purpose:  the  remaining  objects  of  the 
charity  being  so  few. 

In  the  report  which  was  ultimately  made  by  the  Master  in 
1823,  it  was  certified  that,  although  by  the  trust-deed  no 
salary  had  been  expressly  provided  for  the  ministers  or  assist- 
ant teachers  of  the  congregation  in  Mill  Yard,  beyond  cer- 
tain small  sums  mentioned  in  the  report,  yet  inasmuch  as  the 
surplus  rents  of  the  estates  were  devised  for  such  pious  and 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  141 

charitable  uses,  as  to  the  trustees  for  the  time  being  should 
seem  most  fit  and  needful  for  promoting  the  cause  of  truth 
and  relief  of  the  household  of  faith,  he  was  of  opinion  that 
competent  salaries  for  maintenance  of  the  teachers  of  the  con- 
gregations was  a  proper  application  of  them ;  the  Master  also 
certified,  that  it  would  be  beneficial  that  a  receiver  should  be 
appointed  with  a  proper  salary  ;  and  he  finally  approved  of  the 
scheme  laid  before  him,  after  having  made  certain  variations. 

By  a  separate  report  made  in  the  said  cause,  bearing  date 
July  18, 1823,  the  Master  certified,  among  other  things,  that 
he  found,  by  the  affidavit  of  the  said  Joseph  Slater,  that 
although  a  trustee  of  the  said  charity  estates,  he  was  not 
a  member  of  the  congregation  named  in  the  trust-deed ; 
that  to  the  best  of  his  judgment  and  belief  it  was  impos- 
sible to  fill  up  the  number  of  the  trustees  from  the  mem- 
bers of  the  said  congregation  as  directed  by  the  trust-deed,  in 
consequence  of  all  the  members  thereof  being  females ;  that 
it  would  also,  in  the  opinion  of  the  said  Joseph  Slater,  be 
injudicious  to  appoint  the  minister,  preacher,  or  teacher  of 
the  congregation  at  Mill  Yard  a  trustee,  as  directed  by  the  said 
deed  ;  and  that  five  trustees  would  be  sufficient  to  conduct  and 
manage  the  affairs  of  the  said  charity  :  the  Master,  therefore, 
having  considered  this  statement  of  facts,  appointed  Isaac 
Vane  Slater,  Joseph  Clover,  Thomas  Park,*  and  John  James 
Park,  Esquires,  jointly  with  the  said  Joseph  Slater,  trustees 
of  the  said  charity  estates,  in  the  room  of  the  said  William 
Slater;  which  report  was  confirmed  by  the  Court,  July  25, 1823. 

The  present  trustees  of  the  estates  belonging  to  Davis's 
Charity  are  Joseph  Slater,  sen.,  Esq. ;  Isaac  Vane  Slater, 
Esq. ;  Joseph  Clover,  Esq. ;  and  Joseph  Slater,  jun.,  Esq. 
The  charity  estates  in  Essex  comprise  the  manor  of  Little 
Maplestead  and  the  farm  of  Little  Maplestead  Hall,  con- 
sisting of  the  hall,  homestead,  garden,  and  lands,  altogether 
about  three  hundred  and  fifteen  acres ;  and  also  a  farm  called 
Bricks,  consisting  of  a  farm-house,  homestead,  and  lands, 
containing  about  sixty-eight  acres.  Both  these  farms  are 
held  on  lease  by  Mr.  James  Brewster ;  and  the  trustees  of 

*  See  Appendix  W. 


142  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

Davis's  Charity  estates,  in  addition  to  the  foregoing  property, 
are  entitled  to  the  great  and  small  tithes  of  the  parish,  con- 
sisting of  about  one  thousand  acres,  and  which  tithes  are 
comprised  in  Mr.  Brewster's  lease  of  the  two  farms.  The 
living  is  a  perpetual  curacy  in  the  gift  of  the  trustees. 

Having  imparted  to  the  reader  all  the  information  that  can 
be  obtained  respecting  the  ancient  manor,  we  proceed  to 
make  a  few  comments  upon  the  commandery  originally  be- 
longing to  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  reserving  our  concluding 
remarks  for  the  parish  church,  by  far  the  most  interesting 
object  remaining  in  the  now  almost-deserted  village  of  Little 
Maplestead. 

Morant  says,  that  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  after  obtain- 
ing the  gift  of  the  manor  of  Maplestead  from  the  Lady  Ju- 
liana, erected  a  house  called  "  Le  Hopital,"  because  belong- 
ing to  the  Knights  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John,  but  now 
Little  Maplestead  Hall ;  which,  says  he,  is  a  very  ancient 
edifice,  as  appears  from  the  chimney-piece  belonging  to  the 
parlour,  and  also  the  staircase. 

The  ancient  edifice  here  spoken  of  has  been  swept  away, 
not  by  the  hand  of  modern  innovation,  but  owing  to  a  due 
regard  to  the  domestic  comfort  of  its  inmates,  which  this  time- 
worn,  crazy  edifice  could  no  longer  afford.  Morant  mentions, 
with  evident  delight,  that  the  building  seen  by  him  contained 
the  still  more  ancient  relics  of  the  commanderies  of  Little 
Maplestead. 

"  We  too  can  gaze,  and  think  it  quite  a  treat, 
So  they  be  old,  on  buildings  grim  and  shabby." 

But,  alas !  not  a  vestige  of  the  ancient  manorial  hall  ex- 
ists ;  and  we  can  add,  upon  the  best  authority,  that  there  are 
no  remains  of  the  ancient  hospital  or  commandery, — nor  any 
indications  on  the  land  belonging  to  the  manor  of  the  site 
of  any  ancient  structure  ;  and  that  in  the  present  offices 
attached  to  the  hall,  there  are  no  materials  but  such  as  are 
usually  found  in  farm  buildings. 

"  Out  upon  Time  !  he  will  leave  no  more 

Of  the  things  to  come,  than  the  things  before. 

Out  upon  Time  !  who  for  ever  will  leave 

But  enough  of  the  past  for  the  future  to  grieve." 


MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD.  143 

In  the  "  palmy  days  "  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  the 
commandery  of  Little  Maplestead  was  an  establishment  of 
some  importance.  This  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that 
in  an  ancient  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum,  containing 
an  account  of  the  various  establishments  belonging  to  this 
religious-military  order,  there  are  not  less  than  five  hundred 
and  eighty-five  grants*  of  land  and  other  property  (from 
persons  residing  in  different  parts  of  the  country)  to  this 
commandery  ,•  whereas  on  other  commandery  has  more  than 
seventy  grants  of  the  same  description. 

From  what  has  already  been  mentioned,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  present  hall  stands  on  the  site  of  the  ancient 
commandery ;  it  is  immediately  opposite  to,  and  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of,  the  church ;  and  although  no  longer  inha- 
bited by  the  Hospitallers  (whose  duties  were  of  an  eleemo- 
synary character),  it  is  the  residence  of  a  gentleman  who 
retains  all  the  noble  feelings  that  influenced  the  minds  of  the 
ancient  knights, — alleviating  the  wants  of  the  poor  belonging 
to  the  neighbourhood,  and  dispensing,  with  his  own  hands, 
the  gifts  of  Christian  charity,  f 

It  appears,  by  an  entry  made  in  the  old  rental-book  be- 
longing to  the  manor,  which  was  inspected  by  Morant,  but 
is  now  lost,  that  previously  to  the  suppression  of  the  Knights 
Hospitallers,  the  priest  who  officiated  at  the  commanderyj 
was  called  the  Farry-clark,  and  that  his  stipend  was  drawn 
from  the  rental  of  lands  and  tenements  in  several  parishes 
in  the  county  of  Essex ;  the  parish  of  Burnham  was,  how- 
ever, the  chief  source  whence  his  income  was  derived,  there 
being  an  entry  in  the  rental-book  to  the  following  effect : 
"  The  vicar  of  Burnham  payeth  by  yere  to  the  Farry-clarke 
forty  shillings,  or  else  the  Farry-clark  may  goe  to  Down-moe 
priory  and  take  the  challys  and  masse-book,  or  any  other 
ornament  for  his  dewte," — a  privilege  of  which,  we  trust,  he 
never  availed  himself. 

*  See  the  titles  of  these  grants  in  the  Appendix  X. 

t  Mr.  Brewster  is  the  perpetual  churchwarden  and  guardian  of  the  poor  of 
Little  Maplestead. 

%  For  a  list  of  the  comraanderies  in  England,  see  Appendix  Y. 


144  MANOR    OF    LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD. 

The  living  of  Little  Maplestead  is  a  donative,  or  perpetual 
curacy,  now  in  the  gift  of  the  trustees  of  Davis's  Charity 
estates.  Newcourt,  in  his  Repertorium,  says,  that  it  was 
entirely  free  from  the  control  of  the  bishop  up  to  the  time 
of  the  dissolution.  After  Henry  the  Eighth  disposed  of  the 
manor,  the  living  continued  in  the  gift  of  the  different  pro- 
prietors. The  curate  appointed  to  the  church  is  now  licensed 
by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  or  his  commissary ;  but  owing 
to  its  "  being  a  donative,  the  curacy  is  not  charged  with 
any  first  fruits,  tenths,  procurations,  or  synodals." 

The  stipend  of  the  present  incumbent  (Rev.  W.  Alder,  B.A.) 
is  521.  per  annum,  10Z.  of  which  is  paid  by  the  trustees  of 
Davis's  Charity,  201.  arises  from  the  rental  of  about  twenty 
acres  of  glebe,  and  the  remainder  from  Queen  Anne's 
Bounty.*  The  parish  offices  are  held  by  Mr.  James  Brewster 
(of  Little  Maplestead  Hall),  who  is  churchwarden  as  well  as 
guardian  for  the  parish  ;  and  Mr.  Chatteris  acts  as  constable 
and  overseer.  The  number  of  inhabitants  is  about  three 
hundred  and  thirteen. 

*  Lewis,  in  his  Topographical  Dictionary,  says,  "  The  living  of  Little  Ma- 
plestead is  a  donative,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  commissary  of  Essex  and 
Herts,  concurrently  with  the  Consistorial  Court  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  en- 
dowed with  2001.  private  benefaction,  6001.  royal  bounty,  and  200/.  parliament- 
ary grant." 


LITTLE    MAPLESTKAD    CHURCH. 


145 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 

"  My  travels  are  at  home, 
And  Lumsden  taught  me  to  converse  of  Rome  ; 
The  arch  Palladian  and  the  Parian  stone 
I  love, — the  pride  of  Chambers  and  of  Soane  ; 
And  oft  in  spots  with  ruins  overspread, 
Like  Lysons,  use  the  antiquarian  spade." 


IREFIOSBSbll?  to  entering  upon 
the  description  of  Little  Maplestead 
Church,  it  appears  necessary  to  offer 
a  few  remarks  relative  to  the  struc- 
tures erected  by  the  early  Christians, 
in  order  to  point  out  the  circum- 
stances that  seem  to  have  induced  them  to  give 
the  preference  to  a  circular  form. 

Sir  George  Wheler,  in  his  Account  of  the 
Primitive  Churches,  says,  that  even  in  the  first 
century  the  Christians  had  stated  places  of 
public  worship,*  and  his  opinion  is  corrobo- 
rated by  other  authors :  indeed,  we  are  told  that 
Peter  and  John,  the  disciples  of  our  Saviour, 
erected  a  church  at  Lidda,  or  Lydda,  during 

*  "  Saint  Paul  is  most  plain  concerning  the  place,  in  1  Cor.  x.,  where,  in  the 
18th  verse,  he  seems  very  plainly  to  have  respect  to  the  place. 
"Xvuegxofiivap  ifxcov  iv  1y  iKKX-ncia. 
When  ye  come  together  in  the  church. 
For,  first,  otherwise  it  would  he  a  redundancy  in  words  ;  when  ye  come  together 
would  be  enough.     And  next,  he  himself  interprets  that  by  the  place,  ver.  20, 
iir\  lb  avlb.     When  ye  come  together  therefore  in  one  place,  or  rather  in  that,  or 
the  same  place,  with  relation  to  4KK\T](rla,  for  so  the  particle  olv,  therefore,  doth 
joyn  them." — Wheler  s  Churches  of  the  Primitive  Christians,  p.  7. 

L 


146 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


the  life-time  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  that  her  portrait, 
painted  by  St.  Luke,  formed  one  of  its  chief  ornaments  :* 
the  same  disciples  are  also  said  to  have  erected  another 
church  at  Tortosa.  There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the 
existence  of  churches  in  the.  second  century,  even  sup- 
posing their  erection  at  an  earlier  period  to  admit  of 
any ;  as  Clemens  Alexandrinus  says  expressly,  "  I  call 
not  now  the  place,  but  the  congregation  of  the  elect,  the 
church. ,"f 

Baptisteries  may  certainly  be  classed  among  the  earliest 
structures  connected  with  Christian  worship,  and  of  these 
many  are  attributable  to  the  munificence  of  the  Emperor 
Constantine,  and  of  his  mother  Helena.  The  form  generally 
adopted  in  these  erections  was  octagonal,  although  some 
were  polygonal,  and  a  few  circular. 

"  As  the  first  Christians  always  practised  baptism  by 
immersion,  and  wherever  they  formed  a  nucleus,  wanted  a 
building  for  this  purpose,  as  much  as  for  that  of  worship, 
Constantine  no  sooner  gave  his  Basilica  of  the  Lateran  to 
Pope  Sylvester,  than  he  erected  behind  it  a  baptistery,  to 
which  he  gave  the  octagonal  shape,  in  order  that  the  assist- 
ants might,  from  all  sides,  more  easily  view  the  cistern  that 
served  as  a  font."  %  This  form  or  shape  became  in  the  course 
of  time  so  hallowed,  that  almost  every  baptistery  in  Europe 
was  built  in  imitation  of  the  earlier  erections  raised  by  Con- 
stantine. Montfaucon  mentions  eight  octagonal  buildings 
in  France,  which  were  probably  used  as  baptisteries. 

The  adoption  of  the  octagonal  form,  in  preference  to  any 
other,  for  sacramental  purposes,  is  clearly  proved  by  the 

*  "  Prima  denique  in  honorem  Deiparae  aedificata  fuit  Diospolitana  sen 
Liddensis  18  miliarbus  ab  Hierosolymis,  quam  a  SS.  Petro  et  Johanne,  ipsa 
adhuc  vivente  Deipara;  et  ut  ejusdem  in  ea  repositam  imaginem  a  S.  Luca. 
depictam,  testatur  Johannis  Damasceni  seu  Orientalium  Synodica  ad  Theophy- 
lline Imp.  p.  115." 

t  Ou  vvv  lov  16irov,  d\\k  lb  a^poiff^ia  1wv  fKKA^cn&JV,  €KK\ri(riau  Ka\a>. — Clem. 
Alex.  Strom.  7. 

%  Hope  on  Architecture. 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH.  147 

inscription  over  the  baptistery  of  St.  Thecla,  at  Milan  ;*  (in 
which  an  allusion  is  also  made  to  the  salutary  effects  of 
baptism  upon  the  Christian ;)  and  if  any  thing  were  wanting 
to  show  the  reason  of  this  preference  being  given,  it  would  be 
sufficient  to  observe,  that  by  a  distinctive  form  being  used  in 
these  structures,  the  character  and  purpose  of  their  erection 
were  clearly  exhibited ;  a  circumstance  that  could  not  fail 
to  excite  in  the  minds  of  the  faithful,  a  strong  veneration  for 
the  important  rites  that  were  performed  within  their  sacred 
walls.  The  various  baptisteries  now  existing  are  distinct 
from,  but  adjoining,  the  churches  to  which  they  belong;  and 
this  appears  to  have  been  invariably  the  case,  as  Tertullian 
observes,  "When  we  are  come  to  the  water  to  be  baptized, 
we  not  only  there,  but  also  somewhat  before,  in  the  churchy 
under  the  hand  of  the  minister,  make  a  public  declaration 
that  we  renounce  the  devil,  his  pomps  and  his  angels."  f 
Robinson  states,  that  in  the  earliest  ages,  "  the  administrators 
and  candidates  were  accustomed  to  descend  into  the  bap- 
tismal font ;  but  subsequently  the  administrators  ascended, 
and  plunged  the  children  into  the  water,  without  going  in 
themselves.";}; 

The  form  of  the  churches  of  the  early  Christians  was  not  less 
peculiar  than  that  of  their  baptisteries.  They  were  frequently 
circular  on  the  plan;§  and,  as  many  of  the  baptisteries 
corresponded  with  them  in  this  respect,  it  has  been  pre- 
sumed, that  in  the  various  round  churches  now  existing  in 
Europe,  and  originally  erected  by  the  crusaders,  this  form  was 


*  "  Ochtachorum  sanctos  templum  surrexit  in  usus 
Octagonus  fons  est  munere  dignus  eo 
Hoc  munero  decuit  sacris  baptismatis  aulam 
Surgere  quo  populis  vera  salus  rediit." 

Gruter,  p..  1166;   Ciampini,  P.  ii.,  p.  22. 

t  "  Aquam  adituri,  ibidem,  sed  et  aliquanto  prius  in  Ecclesia,  sub  Antistitis 
mane  contestamur,  nos  renunciare  Diabolo  et  poropae  et  angelis  ejus." — Tertull. 
de  Coron.  Mil.  c.  3. 

;i  J  Robinson  on  Baptism. 

§  "  The  first  metropolitan  church,  however,  at  Antioch,  built  under  the  orders 
of  Constantine,  was  of  octagonal  form." — Christie. 

L    2 


148 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


adopted  owing  to  the  rite  of  baptism  being  performed,  upon 
entrance  into  the  religious-military  orders ;  but  this  is  erro- 
neous, as  the  erections  of  the  crusaders  were  not  only 
used  as  places  of  sepulture,  but  were  originally  built  in 
imitation  of  the  church  of  the  holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem ; 
whereas  "  burial  was  not  allowed  in  baptisteries."*  We 
have  already  assigned  a  reason  for  the  form  of  an  octagon 
being  selected  for  the  ancient  baptisteries;  and  as  the 
supposed  tomb  of  our  Saviour  was  situate  in  the  centre 
of  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  the  circular  form  was  equally 
as  well  adapted  as  the  octagonal,  for  a  large  assemblage 
of  persons  obtaining  a  distinct  view  of  the  object  of  their 
veneration.  Although  bathing  for  chivalrous  purposes  was 
indeed  sometimes  used  in  the  baptisteries  on  the  con- 
tinent, it  appears  evident  that  the  round  churches  of 
the  crusaders  were  merely  intended  to  imitate  the  holy 
sepulchre. 

The  baptisteries  of  the  early  Christians  were  attached  only 
to  the  most  important  of  their  churches,  and  were  erected 
at  a  time  when  baptism  was  performed  at  stated  periods  of 
the  year.f     The  introduction  of  fonts  J  has  set  aside  the 

*  "  In  Baptisteriis  mortui  sepeliri  vetantur  iD  Concilio  Altisiodori." — Ducange, 
cap.  14. 

"  Among  the  primitive  Christians,  burying  in  cities  was  not  allowed  for  the 
first  three  hundred  years,  nor  in  churches  for  many  ages  after;  the  dead  bodies 
being  first  deposited  in  the  atrium,  or  church-yard,  and  porches  and  porticoes  of 
the  church.  By  our  common  law,  the  granting  of  burial  within  the  church  is 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  incumbent ;  except  in  cases  where  a  burying- 
place  is  prescribed  for  as  belonging  to  a  manor-house,  (Gibson,  453).  The 
churchwardens,  by  custom,  have,  however,  a  fee  for  every  burial  there,  as  the 
parish  'is  at  the  expense  of  repairing  the  floor.'  (Watson's  Clergyman's  Law, 
cap.  39.)" — Rees'  Cyclopaedia,  art.  Burial. 

t  Ducange. 

f  "  The  term  font  is  of  ancient  use  among  the  early  fathers  of  the  church,  origi- 
nally applied  to  the  fountain,  or  part  wherein  persons  were  immersed  or  baptized, 
afterwards  to  the  vessel  capable  of  admitting  adults,  and  at  last  to  the  vessels 
of  the  present  form  to  contain  only  the  water.  The  baptistery  at  Canterbury 
cathedral,  and  the  font  in  St.  Martin's  church-yard,  were  used  for  baptizing 
children  or  adults." — Archaologia,  vol.  x.,  p.  201.  See  also  Stavely's  History  of 
Churches. 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


149 


necessity  of  these  erections,  and  the  ancient  decree  which 
forbade  the  burial  of  persons  in  churches  has  also  been 
annulled  ;  so  that  at  the  present  time,  the  Christian  rites  of 
baptism  and  burial,  are  performed  under  the  same  roof,  and 
in  the  round  churches  as  well  as  in  all  others. 

The  following  observations  by  Boisgelin,*  respecting  the 
initiation  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  will  clearly  prove  that 
it  was  unconnected  with  the  rite  of  baptism  by  immersion. 

"  Many  authors,"  says  he,  "  have  given  very  false  ideas  of 
the  oath  taken  by  the  knights,  owing  perhaps  to  their  never 
having  read  it  in  the  original  text.  I  shall  therefore  cite  it, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  better  understood.  '  Those  who  are 
determined  to  dedicate  themselves  to  the  service  of  the  sick, 
and  to  the  defence  of  the  catholic  religion,  in  the  habit  of 
our  order,  are  received  at  their  profession  in  the  following 
manner: — they  ought  to  be  perfectly  well  acquainted  that 
they  are  about  to  put  off  the  old  man,  and  to  be  regenerated, 
by  humbly  confessing  all  their  sins,  according  to  the  esta- 
blished custom  of  the  church;  and  after  having  received 
absolution,  they  are  to  present  themselves  in  a  secular 
habit  without  a  girdle,  in  order  to  appear  perfectly  free  at 
the  time  they  enter  into  so  sacred  an  engagement,  with  a 
lighted  taper  in  their  hand,  to  hear  mass,  and  to  receive  the 
holy  communion,  "f  The  novices  were  then  presented  to  the 
person  who  was  to  perform  the  ceremony,  and  who  addressed 
them  in  a  short  speech,  enjoining  them  to  be  obedient  to  the 
rules  of  the  order ;  after  which,  they  took  the  vows  of  poverty, 
chastity,  and  obedience,  and  were  clothed  with  mantles,  each 
having  on  it  a  white  cross,  as  a  symbol  of  the  true  cross 
upon  which  Christ  suffered.  The  only  part  of  the  cere- 
mony at  all  referring  to  baptism,  was  the  use  of  the  lighted 

*  History  of  Malta. 

t  "  After  the  Council  of  Nice,  Christians  added  to  baptism  the  ceremonies  of 
exorcism  and  adjurations,  to  make  evil  spirits  depart  from  the  persons  to  be 
baptized.  They  made  several  signings  with  the  cross,  they  used  to  light  candles, 
&c.  At  that  time,  also,  baptized  persons  wore  white  garments  till  the  Sunday 
following." — Rees'  Cyclopedia,  art.  Baptism. 


150 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


taper.  "  In  the  institution  of  baptisteries,  a  reference  was 
made  to  the  death  and  resurrection  of  our  Saviour,  and  to 
the  baptized  Christians  dying  unto  sin,  and  walking  in  new- 
ness of  life."  The  same  events  were  also  signified  by  tapers 
and  lamps,  as  Amalarius  says,  "  All  the  lights  remain  extin- 
guished till  the  last  litany,  which  belongs  to  the  mass  of  the 
resurrection  ;  then  the  lights  of  the  church  are  lighted  up  to 
show  that  the  whole  world  was  iLluminated  by  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ." 

Of  the  various  round  churches  erected  in  England,  only 
four  remain,  viz.,  the  Temple  Church,  London,  the  churches 
of  St.  Sepulchre's  at  Cambridge  and  Northampton,  and  that 
of  Little  Maplestead ;  of  these,  the  last  is  the  subject  of  our 
more  immediate  inquiry. 

The  plan  of  Little  Maplestead  Church  is  very  justly 
described  as  unique,  having  not  only  a  circular  west  end, 
but  also  a  semi-circular  chancel.  Dr.  Stukely,  Fosbroke, 
and  others,  have  drawn  their  conclusions  as  to  the  anti- 
quity of  many  churches  from  the  existence  of  this  peculiar 
feature;  on  the  other  hand,  Rickman,  after  noticing  in 
terms  of  commendation  the  various  parts  of  Maplestead 
Church,  observes,  that  it  exhibits  the  latest  specimen  of  the 
kind.# 

The  late  Mr.  Gough,  in  his  Essay  on  Fonts,i-  after  observ- 
ing upon  the  great  age  of  those  at  St.  Martin's,  Canterbury, 
and  St.  Peter's,  Oxford,  remarks,  that  "  the  font  of  Little 
Maplestead  is  still  simpler,"  and  therefore  indicative  of  greater 
antiquity :  so  little,  however,  is  known  respecting  Saxon  archi- 
tecture, that  we  are  not  disposed  to  venture  the  opinion  that 
the  last-mentioned  font  is  of  that  style ;  but  its  simplicity, 
and  the  rudeness  of  its  execution,  prove  it  to  be  much  more 
ancient  than  the  church  to  which  it  is  now  attached. J 

These  remarks  lead  us  naturally,  we  had  almost  said  ne- 

*  Rickman's  Attempt.  t  Archeeologia,  vol.  x. 

%  "  The  font,  (at  Little  Maplestead,)  from  its  exterior  arcades,  appears  very 
rude  and  ancient ;  but  the  smallness  of  its  basin  implies  that  it  was  never  used 
for  baptismal  immersion." — Britton's  Architectural  Antiquities,  vol.  i. 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH.  151 

cessarily,  to  the  expression  of  an  opinion,  that  the  present 
church  is  not  that  given  to  the  Knights  Hospitallers  by  the 
Lady  Juliana  Andelin.  The  charter  of  donation  seen  by 
Morant,  was  indeed  without  date ;  but  the  confirmation  of 
that  charter  by  the  husband  of  this  lady  is  dated  1186,  a 
period  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  Hospitallers,  owing 
to  the  visit  paid  to  England  by  the  Grand-Master  of  their 
order,  accompanied  by  Heraclius,  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem ; 
upon  which  occasion  the  high  altar  of  the  priory  at  St. 
John's,  Clerkenwell,  was  consecrated,  and  also  the  circular 
part  of  the  Temple  Church. 

The  present  church  at  Maplestead  being  decidedly  built 
in  imitation  of  the  holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  must  either 
have  been  erected  by  the  Hospitallers  themselves,  or  by 
the  Lady  Juliana  for  their  use.  If  by  the  latter,  it  would 
indeed  be  remarkable  that  a  church  of  so  singular  a  form, 
and  a  copy  from  so  celebrated  a  model,  should  not  have 
been  specially  noticed  in  the  charter  of  donation.  The  style 
of  architecture  in  the  Temple  Church,  London,  (erected  in 
the  same  year  as  that  in  which  the  manor  of  Maplestead  was 
given  to  the  Hospitallers,)  is  the  early  English;  whereas 
that  of  the  present  church  at  Little  Maplestead  is  the  deco- 
rated, with  flowing  tracery  and  other  indications  of  the  style 
prevalent  at  a  later  period.  From  the  above-mentioned  fact, 
we  conclude  that  the  present  church  was  erected  by  the 
Hospitallers,  as  nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  "  there 
should  be  very  early  imitations  (especially  by  the  crusaders) 
of  the  church  of  the  resurrection,  within  whose  site  the 
triumphs  of  the  cross  were  rendered  complete,  and  of  which 
it  was  itself  the  splendid  memorial :"  and  in  proof  of  the 
correctness  of  this  opinion,  it  should  be  noticed,  that  in  most 
cases  the  churches  erected  by  the  Knights  Hospitallers  were 
dedicated  to  their  patron,  St.  John  the  Baptist ;  whereas 
those  which  came  into  their  possession  from  the  Knights 
Templars,  retained  the  names  of  the  saints  to  whom  they 
were  originally  dedicated.  The  retention  of  the  Norman  font 
at  the  time  of  rebuilding  the  church,  is  a  clear  proof  that 


152  LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 

this  building,  (whatever  may  have  been  the  case  in  other 
instances,)  was  never  used  for  the  purposes  of  baptismal 
immersion. 

Dallaway,  in  his  Discourses  upon  Architecture,  observes, 
that  "  the  whole  of  the  four  remaining  round  churches  were 
originally  merely  circular,  having  received  subsequent  addi- 
tions of  oblong  naves,  to  which  they  are  now  vestibules.'' 
As  regards  Little  Maplestead  thh  is  incorrect,  as  will  appear 
evident  from  the  following  remarks,  which  are  the  result  of 
a  careful  investigation,  made  by  the  kind  permission  of  the 
present  incumbent.  An  examination  having  been  made  at 
various  points  of  the  building,  it  appeared  that  the  founda- 
tions throughout  are  on  one  level,  being  three  feet  six  inches 
below  the  surface  of  the  soil.  The  lower  part  of  the  walls, 
to  the  height  of  two  feet  three  inches  from  the  bottom  of 
the  foundation,  is  of  an  increased  thickness,  owing  to  there 
being  a  set-off  of  six  inches  externally,  which  runs  round  the 
whole  of  the  building ;  and  at  the  points  where  the  circular 
portion  of  the  building,  at  the  west  end,  unites  with  the  nave, 
there  is  not  the  slightest  indication  of  any  difference  of  work- 
manship or  materials.  In  opening  the  ground  at  «,  on  the 
plan,  (plate  1,)  the  remains  of  a  buttress  were  discovered, 
(see  plate  4,  fig.  1,)  the  plinth  of  which  is  formed  of  regular 
masonry,  with  a  chamfer  on  the  top  edge  stopping  on  the 
returns  against  the  face  of  the  building.  The  discovery 
of  this  buttress  naturally  led  to  an  examination  of  the 
opposite  side  of  the  building,  and,  as  anticipated,  a  cor- 
responding buttress  exhibited  itself  at  b,  on  the  plan. 
Prosecuting  these  researches,  each  buttress  was  examined 
separately,  and  it  was  clearly  ascertained  that  the  whole 
of  the  chamferred  plinths  to  the  buttresses  are  on  the  same 
level ;  this  tended  to  confirm  the  opinion  that  the  different 
parts  of  the  building  are  coeval.  On  taking  up  the  paving 
internally,  where  the  circular  and  straight  portions  unite, 
the  materials  and  workmanship  were  found  to  correspond 
in  every  particular.  It  should  also  be  observed,  that  the 
whole   of  the  walls   are    formed    of  rubble  work,   (merelv 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH.  153 

the  dressings  of  the  windows,  doors,  and  the  plinths  and 
water  tables  of  the  buttresses,  being  stone,)  that  they  are  of 
exactly  the  same  thickness  throughout ;  and  that  although 
the  windows  of  the  western  part  of  the  building,  (the  circular 
part,)  are  much  larger  than  those  of  the  nave,  the  width  of 
the  mullions  in  each  case  is  precisely  the  same,  the  only 
difference  arising  in  the  necessary  enlargement  of  the  tracery 
to  the  larger  windows.  The  stone  is  also  similar,  the  jambs 
of  the  windows  being  formed  of  free  stone,  and  the  mullions 
and  tracery  of  Caen  stone.  It  is  necessary  that  these  par- 
ticulars should  be  mentioned  in  a  critical  notice  of  the  build- 
ing under  investigation,  inasmuch  as  they  seem  to  establish, 
beyond  a  doubt,  the  fact,  that  at  least  one  of  the  round 
churches  is  an  exception  to  the  statement  made  by  Dallaway. 
The  singularity  of  the  plan  has  already  been  commented 
upon ;  with  reference  to  the  semicircular  chancel,  we  may 
add  to  what  has  already  been  stated,  that  the  font  being 
Norman,  and  the  form  of  the  chancel  peculiar  to  this  round 
church,  it  is  quite  possible  that  when  the  more  ancient  struc- 
ture was  demolished,  this  feature  (so  prevalent  in  Norman 
buildings)  was  retained. 

In  the  absence  of  historical  proof  of  the  age  of  the 
church,  comparison  is  the  only  scale  by  which  a  correct 
judgment  can  be  formed.  The  beautiful  doorway  at  the 
west  end,  which  is  decorated  with  ornaments  peculiar 
to  the  reigns  of  Henry  III.  and  Edward  I.,  enables  us, 
by  comparison  with  other  buildings,  to  arrive  at  a  very 
satisfactory  conclusion  as  to  the  age  in  which  the  church 
was  erected.  The  inlaying  of  quatrefoil  compartments  upon 
the  jambs,  arch,  and  label  moulding  of  the  doorway,  very 
strikingly  resembles  that  introduced  upon  Geddington  Cross, 
Northamptonshire ;  and  it  is  especially  deserving  of  notice, 
that  trefoil  compartments  of  a  similar  character  are  in 
each  of  these  structures  introduced  in  immediate  con- 
nexion with  quatrefoils.  A  similar  kind  of  ornament 
occurs  in  the  western  front  of  Dunstaple  Priory,  Essex,. 
which,  although  originally  Norman,  has  received  some  later 


154  LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 

insertions ;  the  part  to  which  we  refer,  was  probably  intro- 
duced in  1273,  in  which  year  (according  to  the  Chronicle  of 
Dunstaple)  the  western  front  of  the  priory  church  was  re- 
paired and  beautified. 

In  endeavouring  to  ascertain  the  age  of  these  additions  to 
the  priory,  Britton  remarks,  that  "  as  a  similar  kind  of  orna- 
ment is  introduced  in  both  erections,  the  probability  is  that 
they  are  of  the  same  age."  Pursuing  the  same  course  of 
reasoning,  we  would  observe,  that  as  the  date  of  erection  of 
Geddington  and  Waltham  crosses  corresponds  within  a  few 
years  with  that  of  the  alteration  in  Dunstaple  Priory,  and  as 
the  style  of  decoration  assimilates  with  that  which  is  observ- 
able in  the  doorway  of  Little  Maplestead  Church,  it  is 
extremely  probable  that  the  whole  of  these  buildings  were 
erected  at  nearly  the  same  period.  But  the  reader  is  referred 
to  the  subjoined  list,  containing  numerous  examples  of  the 
peculiar  ornament  referred  to ;  of  which  it  should  perhaps  be 
observed,  that  while  that  on  the  monument  of  Edmund 
Crouchback  (Earl  of  Lancaster,  and  brother  of  Edward  I.) 
is  precisely  similar  to  the  one  at  Maplestead,  the  others 
exhibit  slight  variations ;  though  only  such  as  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  not  having  been  intended 
as  exact  copies,  they  merely  display  the  style  of  decoration 
that  was  prevalent  at  the  several  periods  of  their  erection. 

Quatrefoil  compartments  in   spandrels  of  arches  to 

nave  and  choir  of  Westminster  Abbey  .     1269 
„  to  the  jambs  of  doorway  from  Westminster 

Abbey  to  the  east  cloister    1270 

,,  to  the  west  front  of  Dunstaple  Priory 1273 

„  on  Geddington  Cross  (  erected  to  the  me- 1 

,,  on  Waltham  Cross       (moryof  Q.Eleanor  $ 

,,  on  the  monument  of  Edmund  Crouchback, 

Earl  of  Lancaster,  and  brother  to  Edw.  I.      1 296 

To  the  Architect,  the  plates  introduced  to  elucidate  the 
church   require   but  little,  if  any,   explanation ;   but   a  few 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


155 


remarks  are  necessary  for  the  information  of  the  general 
reader.  The  peculiar  form  of  the  plan  is  shown  in  plate  1. 
The  general  dimensions  are  as  follow: — total  length  of  the 
church  internally,  62.  0  ;  diameter  of  circular  part,  west  end, 
29.  6;  width  of  nave,  15  feet. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  view  of  the  semi- 
circular chancel  of  the  church  is  altogether  excluded  by 
the  screen  introduced  to  form  the  vestry,  which  from  its 
shape  and  contracted  dimensions  is  exceedingly  incon- 
venient for  the  purpose  to  which  it  is  applied.  The  con- 
struction of  the  roof  having  been  very  carefully  examined, 
it  appears  that  this  screen  might  be  removed,  without  inter- 
fering in  the  slightest  degree  with  the  stability  of  the  build- 
ing; and  the  following  alterations  may  be  suggested,  as 
likely  to  afford  to  the  spectator  an  uninterrupted  view  of 
the  chancel  end,  if  not  to  restore  this  part  of  the  building  to 
its  original  condition. 

The  present  appearance  of  the  chancel  end  will  be  readily 
apprehended,  by  reference  to  No.  1  of  the  subjoined  engrav- 
ings.     No.    2    represents    the   proposed    alteration,   which 


^V,V^^Ki 


yy  ?  /.  y  i  '  i  V  \T  \  \\ 
/y'//i   i    i    \  \  \  \  Xs 


No.  i. 


No.  2. 


might  be  effected  by  the  removal  of  the  present  screen,  and 
the  introduction  of  an   arch  at  the  point  where  the  semi- 


]56  LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 

circular  portion  dies  into  the  walls  of  the  nave.  Niches, 
similar  to  those  represented,  might  be  formed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  receiving  the  decalogue,  &c.  By  a  reference  to  the 
longitudinal  section,  plate  3,  it  will  be  seen,  that  by  setting 
back  the  gable  end  of  the  roof  beyond  the  line  of  the  present 
screen,  an  opportunity  would  be  afforded  of  introducing  light 
through  the  semicircular  curb,  which  receives  the  present 
rafters  of  the  chancel  roof.  The  effect  produced  by  this  light 
would,  it  is  presumed,  be  extremely  pleasing,  as  the  arch, 
without  obstructing  the  rays  of  light,  would  partially  con- 
ceal the  source  whence  it  was  derived.#  The  alteration  sug- 
gested, would  much  improve  the  appearance  of  the  church, 
as  the  continuance  of  the  perspective  is  now  lamentably  in- 
terfered with,  by  the  cumbrous  and  unsightly  altar  screen. 

The  transverse  and  longitudinal  sections,  (plate  3,)  are  suf- 
ficiently explanatory  to  render  it  unnecessary  to  give  any 
detailed  observations  respecting  them.  Carter,  in  his  notice 
of  this  church  says,  that  with  the  exception  of  the  roof,  the 
whole  building  presents  one  uniform  style  of  architecture, 
and  that  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  how  the  roof  and  the 
circular  part  at  the  western  end  were  originally  finished.  We 
cannot  but  think  these  observations  somewhat  precipitate,  as 
there  are  several  pieces  of  masonry  observable  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  walls  of  the  nave,  which  seem  to  have  belonged 
to  a  parapet.  The  form  of  the  upper  part  of  the  west  end 
was  probably  hexagonal,  as  that  is  the  plan  of  the  arches 
below  ;  it  may,  however,  have  been  circular,  and  the  annexed 
view  of  the  church  of  St.  Jean  le  Rond,f  at  Paris,  will 
clearly  show  the  manner  in  which  this  part  of  the  building 
may  have  been  finished  originally.     The  similarity  between 

*  The  effect,  as  regards  the  light,  would  be  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the 
eastern  end  of  the  Catholic  Chapel,  Moorfields,  which  building  was  erected  from 
the  designs  of  John  Newman,  Esq.,  F.S.A, 

t  This  church  was  destroyed  during  the  French  revolution.  The  annexed 
representation  is  taken  from  a  French  work,  in  which  it  is  described  as  having 
been  a  structure  of  the  greatest  interest,  owing  to  its  peculiar  form,  and  the 
character  of  its  details. 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH.  157 

this  church  and  that  at  Maplestead  consists  not  only  in  the 
circular  form,  but  also  in  the  character  of  the  buttresses. 


The  views  (plates  2  and  5)  will  convey  to  the  reader  an 
accurate  idea  of  the  appearance  of  the  church  externally ;  it 
seemed  unnecessary  to  introduce  any  elevations,  inasmuch  as 
the  only  interesting  features  are  the  doorway  and  windows, 
which  are  represented  in  plates  6  and  7. 

An  erection  has  been  raised  at  the  west  end  of  the  church, 
(as  represented  in  the  frontispiece,)  and  appropriated  to  the 
use  of  the  Sunday-school.  This  unseemly  excrescence  wholly 
conceals  the  beautiful  doorway,  which  is  much  to  be  de- 
plored, its  connexion  with  the  church  not  being  absolutely 
necessary  ;  as,  owing  to  the  small  population  of  the  parish  of 
Little  Maplestead,  and  the  distance  of  the  church  from  the 
residences  of  the  cottagers,  the  school-room  would  be  much 
more  convenient  if  situated  in  the  village.  Its  removal  from 
its  present  situation  would  add  very  considerably  to  the 
appearance  of  the  church ;  independently  of  which,  the  orna- 
ments of  the  doorway  would  escape  the  gradual  obliteration 
which  they  are  now  suffering  from  every  additional  coat  of 
whitewash  that  the  school-room  receives. 

Dr.  Franklin,  in  one  of  his  essays,  gives  a  ludicrous 
account  of  the  annual  whitewashings  to  which  the  houses 
are  subjected  in  America,  where  the  ladies  turn  their  liege 
lords  out  of  house  and  home,  in  order  that  they  may  in- 
dulge in  their  favourite  propensity.  Although  this  mania  has 
not  seized  the  ladies  of  our  own  country,  it  seems  to  be 
making  rapid  strides  among  those  of  the  other  sex,  who  are 


158  LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 

officially  connected  with  our  churches  and  cathedrals.  No- 
thing is  more  common  in  entering  such  buildings,  than  to 
notice  alternate  streaks  of  yellow,  black,  and  white,  intro- 
duced to  distinguish  the  various  mouldings  of  the  clustered 
pillars ;  and  not  unfrequently  the  grotesque  heads,  introduced 
as  corbels  to  support  the  roof,  are  made,  by  the  assistance 
of  the  village  painter,  to  look  smilingly  and  contentedly 
under  the  superincumbent  weight. 

This  beautifying  may  please  the  vulgar,  but  it  entirely 
removes  the  venerable  aspect  so  impressively  assumed 
by  mouldering  stone.  The  awe-inspiring  grandeur  of  our 
cathedrals  and  churches,  creates  an  instinctive  feeling  of 
their  age  and  connexion  with  by-gone  days  ;  but  no  sooner 
has  the  brush  of  the  "  improver "  been  passed  over  the 
graceful  and  delicate  enrichments  which  characterise  the 
Gothic  style  of  architecture,  than  that  sombre  effect,  which 
produces  so  powerful  an  impression  upon  the  mind,  is 
entirely  destroyed. 

Denon,  in  speaking  of  the  temples  of  Egypt,  says,  "  they 
are  open  volumes,  in  the  pages  of  which  history  is  recorded, 
morality  taught,  and  the  useful  arts  practised  ; "  and  the 
same  observation  may  be  applied  with  propriety  to  the 
venerable  structures  that  adorn  our  native  country. 

There  are  few  persons,  we  should  presume,  who,  upon 
entering  a  church  and  beholding  the  monumental  brasses  of 
their  forefathers,  do  not  feel  disposed  to  remove  their  thoughts 
from  the  present,  turn  them  back  upon  the  past,  and 

"  Live — not  in  themselves,  but  become 
Portion  of  that  around  them." 

The  structures  of  former  ages  are  the  text-books  of  the 
Architect  and  Antiquary;  to  them  they  are  indeed  open 
volumes,  in  the  pages  of  which  the  history  of  their  favourite 
science  is  recorded  ;  and  if  the  whole  structure  form  the  vo- 
lume, its  constituent  parts  may  be  regarded  as  the  means  by 
which  the  original  architect  possessed  the  power,  even  after 
death,  of  addressing  himself  in  a  language  comprehensible 
to  the  initiated,  though  not  so  to  the  generality  of  mankind. 


LITTLE    MAPLESTEAD    CHURCH. 


159 


The  importance  of  Architecture  is  so  great,  as  to  require  no 
extraneous  recommendation:  it  stands  pre-eminently  con- 
spicuous as  the  elder  sister  of  the  Arts,  and  as  that  from 
which  every  other  art  derives  spirit  and  energy. 

These  observations  will  prove  to  those  who  have  the  power 
of  preserving  the  Architectural  remains  of  former  ages,  that 
the  wanton  spoliation  of  any  structure,  and  the  obliteration  of 
even  a  moulding,  is  an  injury  not  only  to  the  Architect,  but 
to  the  nation ;  since  it  is  by  the  careful  study  of  the  details 
of  a  building  that  the  student  becomes  conversant  with  the 
principles  of  his  art,  that  he  is  enabled  to  imbibe  the  spirit 
which  actuated  the  mind  of  the  original  Architect,  and  to 
imitate  that,  of  which  he  would,  under  less  favourable  cir- 
cumstances, be  merely  the  copyist.  The  preservation  of  those 
structures  which  are  rendered  venerable  by  their  having 
become  the  depositories  of  departed  virtue,  cannot  be  too 
strongly  insisted  upon;  indeed,  an  increasing  desire  has  lately 
been  evinced  to  effect  this  object,  and  if,  by  the  present  work, 
the  attention  of  the  public  be  directed  to  the  dilapidated 
condition  of  the  church  at  Little  Maplestead,  the  object 
we  have  in  view  will  be  attained.  There  are  not  many 
such  remains  of  antiquity,  and  for  that  reason  we  have  here 
given  some  draughts  of  it ;  to  which  we  were  the  more 
inclined,  because  it  is  possible  it  may  ere  long  be  levelled, 
and  not  only  the  figure  of  it  forgot,  but  the  very  place  also 
where  it  stood. 


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APPENDIX. 


A.-(P.  5.) 

Erasmus  says,  that  "  if  the  fragments  of  the  cross  were  collect- 
ed together,  enough  would  be  found  for  the  building  of  a  ship  ;" 
and  the  following  extracts  from  various  wills  of  eminent  English 
persons  in  the  middle  ages  seem  to  bear  out  this  remark. 

Will  of  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Northampton,  dated  1356.— "  I 
do  will  to  the  church  of  Friar  Preachers,  London,  the  cross  made 
of  the  very  cross  of  our  Saviour's  cross,  wherein  is  contained  one 
of  the  thorns  of  his  crown." — Nicholas's  Testamenta  Vetusta, 
vol.  i.,  p,  60. 

Will  of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Warwick,  dated  1369.— "  To  the 
Bishop  of  Lichfield,  a  cross  of  golde,  wherein  is  a  part  of  the 
very  cross  of  Christ :  and  to  Sir  J.  Beauchamp,  a  cross  of  gold, 
wherein  part  of  the  very  cross  of  Christes  cross  is  contained, 
enamelled  with  the  arms  of  England!"  (p.  80.) 

Will  of  Thomas,  Earl  of  Oxford,  dated  1371.—"  To  Maud,  my 
wife,  all  my  reliques  now  in  my  own  keeping,  and  a  cross  made 
of  the  very  cross  of  Christ's  cross."  (p.  87.) 

Will  of  Philippa,  Countess  of  March,  dated  1378.—"  To  Ed- 
mund, my  son,  a  gold  ring,  with  a  piece  of  the  true  cross,  with 
this  writing, '  In  nomine  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti.  Amen.'  " 
(p.  101.) 

Will  of  William  Wykeham,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  dated  1403. 
— "  I  bequeath  to  my  church  at  Winchester,  one  cross  of  gold, 
with  relics  of  the  cross  of  our  Lord."  (vol.  ii.,  p.  768.) 

B.-(p.  5.) 
"  The  space  enclosed  in  the  Campo  Santo  is  filled  to  the  depth 
of  ten  feet  with  earth  brought  from  the  Holy  Land  by  the  galleys 

M 


162  APPENDIX. 

of  Pisa  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  is  supposed  to  have  had  the 
peculiar  quality  of  corroding  the  bodies  deposited  in  it,  and 
destroying  them  in  twice  twenty-four  hours"  —  Eustace's 
Classical  Tour,  vol.  ii.,  p.  287. 

In  Cresy  and  Taylor's  excellent  work  on  the  Architecture  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  there  is  an  interesting  description  of  the  Campo 
Santo  at  Pisa,  in  which  it  is  said  that,  "  according  to  common 
report,  the  sacred  soil  had  the  effect  of  reducing  a  corpse  interred 
in  it  to  dust,  in  the  short  space  of  fourteen  hours ;  this  power 
has,  however,  long  since  been  lost." 

C.-(P.  5.) 
"  The  question  as  to  the  circumstances  under  which  Julian 
was  deterred  from  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  is  not  yet 
exhausted ;  a  very  plausible  explanation  of  the  phenomenon  has 
been  recently  published,  and  received  with  an  attention  of  which 
it  is  not  undeserving.  It  may  reasonably  be  supposed,  that 
during  the  long  period  that  intervened  between  Titus  and  Juliau, 
the  vast  caverns,  by  which  the  greater  part  of  Jerusalem  was  un- 
dermined, being  obstructed  by  rubbish,  would  remain  untenanted, 
and  probably  unexplored ;  and  thus  the  workmen  of  Alypius,  when 
they  proceeded  with  torches  to  examine  and  penetrate  the  gloomy 
labyrinths,  might  be  terrified,  and  expelled  by  frequent  explosions 
of  inflammable  air." — Wadding ton 's  History  of  the  Church, 
p.  112. 

E.— (p.  33.) 
An  interesting  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  lance,  and  a  very 
beautiful  illumination  representing  the  same,  may  be  found  in 
Eoyal  MS.  (Brit.  Mus.)  15  E.  1. 

F.-(P.  34.) 
"  Cette  magnifique  plate-forme,  preparee  sans  doute  par  la 
nature,  mais  evidemment  achevee  par  la  main  des  hommes,  etait 
le  piedestal  sublime  sur  lequel  s'elevait  le  temple  de  Salomon ; 
elle  porte  aujourdhui  deux  mosquees  Turques  :  l'une,  El-Sakara, 
au  centre  de  la  plate-forme,  sur  l'emplacement  meme  ou  devait 
s'etendre  le  temple ;  l'autre,  a  l'extremite  sud-est  de  la  terrasse, 
touchant  aux  murs  de  la  ville.     La  mosquee  d'Omar,   ou  El- 


APPENDIX.  163 

Sakara,  edifice  admirable  d' architecture  Arabe,  est  un  bloc  de 
pierre  et  de  marbre  d'immenses  dimensions,  a  huit  pans  ;  chaque 
pan  orne  de  sept  arcades  terminees  en  ogive;  au-dessus  de  ce 
premier  ordre  d'architecture  un  toit,  en  terrasse  d'ou  part  tout  un 
autre   ordre    d'arcades  plus  retrecies,    terminees    par    un   dome 

gracieux  couvert  en  cuivre,  autrefois  dore. Les  murs  de  la 

mosquee  sont  revetus  d' email  bleu;  a  droite  et  a  gauche  s'etendent 
de  larges  parois  terminees  par  de  legeres  colonnades  moresques 
correspondant  aux  huit  portes  de  la  mosquee.  Au-dela  de  ces 
arches  detachees  de  tout  autre  edifice,  les  plates-formes  con- 
tinuent  et  se  terminent,  l'une  a  la  partie  nord  de  la  ville  (de 
Jerusalem)  l'autre  aux  murs  du  cote  du  midi.  De  hauts  cypres 
dissemines  comme  au  hasard,  quelques  oliviens  et  des  arbustes 
verts  et  gracieux,  croissant  ca  et  la  entre  les  mosquees,  relevent 
leur  elegante  architecture  et  la  couleur  eclatante  de  leurs  mu- 
railles,  par  la  forme  pyramidale  et  la  sombre  verdure  qui  se  de 
coupent  sur  la  facade  des  temples  et  des  domes  de  la  ville." — 
Voyage  en  Orient,  par  M.  Alphonse  de  Lamartine,  tome  ii., 
p.  170. 

The  reader  will  also  find  a  very  interesting  account  of  the 
mosque  of  Omar  in  the  Modern  Traveller,  (volume  on  Palestine.) 
See  also  Clarke's  Travels  in  Greece,  Egypt,  and  the  Holy  Land, 
vol.  ii.,  4to.,  p.  601,  and  Dr.  Richardson's  Travels. 

G.— (p.  36.) 
List  of  Masters  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers. 

FROM   DUGDALE's  MONASTICON. 

1.  Gerard,  who  was  guardian  of  the  hospital  of  the  poor  in 
Jerusalem,  and  found  there  when  Godfrey  of  Bologn  and  the 
Christians  took  Jerusalem,  anno  1099.    He  held  it  nineteen  years. 

2.  Raymond  de  Puy,  who  made  the  rule  for  the  Hospitallers, 
and  had  it  confirmed  by  Pope  Eugenius,  1118,  was  Master  thirty- 
two  years. 

3.  Auger  de  Balben,  a  most  religious  man,  1 160,  was  Master 
three  years. 

4.  Arnaud  de  Combs,  a  generous  man  and  advancer  of  the 
order,  1163. 

5.  Gilbert  Assali,  or  de  Sailly,  who  did  much  good  in  his  short 
time,  1167. 

m  2 


164  APPENDIX. 

6.  Gaston,  or  Castus,  of  singular  humility  and  goodness,  for 
whose  sake  the  order  was  much  favoured,  1169. 

7.  Jubert,  or  Jobert,  1169. 

8.  Geoffrey  de  Druston,  a  very  religious  and  good  man,  and  a 
great  lover  of  the  brothers,  and  of  the  sick,  1179. 

9.  Hermengard  d'Apt,  in  whose  time  Jerusalem  was  lost,  1181. 

10.  Roger  de  Molins,  who  made  good  statutes,  and  had  the 
rule  confirmed  by  Pope  Lucius,  1185. 

11.  Gamier  de  Napoli,  notable  in  feats  of  arms,  1193. 

12.  Alfonso,  a  Portuguese,  1194. 

13.  Geoffrey  Rat,  1194. 

14.  Guerin  de  Montaigne,  a  very  brave  man,  1206. 

15.  Bertrand  de  Gexi,  1230. 

16.  Gerin,  who  heaped  much  treasure,  1234. 

17.  Bertrand  de  Comps,  much  increased  the  dominion  of  the 
order,  1244. 

18.  Peter  de  Villebride,  1248. 

19.  William  de  Chateauneuf,  1251. 

20.  Hugh  de  Revel,  who  much  reformed  the  order,  1260. 

21.  Nicholas  de  Largue,  in  whose  time  a  white  cross  and  red 
armour  were  ordained,  1278. 

22.  Odo,  through  whose  ill  management  the  order  suffered 
much,  and  the  Pope  intermeddled  in  their  affairs,  which  had  not 
been  done  before,  1288. 

23.  William  de  Villaret,  1296. 

24.  Fulk  de  Villaret,  1308. 

25.  Maurice  de  Pagnac,  1317. 

26.  Leon  de  Velleneufve,  1323. 

27.  Deodatus  de  Gozon,  1346. 

28.  Peter  Cornillan,  1353. 

"  The  Monasticon  goes  no  further,  the  rest  shall  be  continued 
here  from  other  authors."  [Stevens.) 

29.  Roger  de  Pins,  1355. 

30.  Raymund  Beranger,  1364. 

31.  Robert  de  Juliers,  1373. 

32.  John  Ferdinand  de  Heredia,  1376. 

33.  Philibert  de  Naillac,  1396. 

34.  Antony  Fluvinny,  1421. 


A.PPENDIX.  J  65 

35.  John  de  Lastic,  1437. 

36.  James  de  Milly,  1454. 

37.  Peter  Raymond  Zacosta,  1461. 

38.  Baptist  Ursin,  1467. 

39.  Peter  d'Aubusson,  Cardinal,  1476. 

40.  Emery  d'Amboise,  1503. 

41.  Guy  Blanchefort,  1512. 

42.  Fabricius  de  Carrette,  1513. 

43.  Philip  de  Villiers  de  l'lsle  Adam,  settled  the  order  at  Malta, 
in  the  year  1530,  after  the  loss  of  Rhodes,  was  himself  before 
enthroned  in  1521. 

44.  Perrin  du  Pont,  1534. 

45.  Didier  de  St.  Jaille,  1534. 

46.  John  Diomede,  1536. 

47.  Claudius  de  la  Sengle,  1556. 

48.  John  de  la  Valette  Pansot,  1557. 

49.  Peter  du  Mont,  1568. 

50.  John  de  la  Cassicre,  1572. 

51.  Hugh  de  Loubens  de  Verdade,  Cardinal,  1582. 

52.  Martin  Garcia,  1595. 

53.  Adolphus  de  Vignacourt,  1601. 

54.  Alonso  Mendez  Vasconcelos,  1622. 

55.  Antony  de  Paula,  1623. 

56.  John  Paul  de  Lascaris,  1636. 

57.  Martin  de  Redin,  1637. 

58.  Anet  de  Gesson,  1660. 

59.  Raphael  Cotoner,  1660. 

60.  Nicholas  Cotoner,  brother  to  Raphael,  1663. 

H.-(p.  37). 
Rules  of  the  Order  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers. 

FROM    DUGDiLE's   MONASTICON. 

1.  That  they  make  and  observe  the  three  vows,  of  poverty, 
chastity,  and  obedience. 

2.  That  they  require  nothing  as  their  due  but  bread,  water,  and 
a  poor  garment. 

3.  That  the  clerks  serve  at  the  altar  in  white  surplices. 

4.  That  the  priest  carry  the  body  of  our  Lord  to  the  sick,  with 


]66  APPENDIX. 

a  surplice  on,  the  deacon  or  other  clerk  going  before,  with  a  light- 
ed candle  in  a  lanthorn,  and  a  sponge  with  holy  water. 

5.  The  brothers  always  to  go  abroad  two  or  three  together,  at 
the  appointment  of  the  Master ;  to  do  nothing  that  may  give 
offence. 

6.  No  woman  to  wash  their  heads  or  feet,  or  make  their  beds. 

7.  Both  lay  and  clergy-men  going  a  questing,  to  repair  to 
churches,  or  modest  people,  and  ask  their  diet  for  charity,  and 
buy  no  more ;  but  if  they  find  none  to  give  sufficient,  they  may 
buy  enough  to  subsist  on. 

8.  To  receive  nothing  but  what  they  account  for  to  the  Master, 
and  the  Master  to  transmit  the  same  to  the  poor. 

9.  The  Master  to  retain  the  third  part  of  all  provisions  and, 
if  any  thing  be  to  spare,  to  send  it  to  the  poor  of  Jerusalem. 

10.  No  brothers  to  go  to  quest,  but  such  as  are  sent  by  the 
Master  and  the  Chapter. 

1 1 .  The  brothers  to  be  satisfied  with  such  diet,  as  the  brothers 
where  they  go  have,  and  to  carry  light  with  them. 

12.  That  they  wear  no  clothes  misbecoming  the  order,  nor  any 
skins  of  wild  beasts. 

13.  That  the  brothers  eat  only  twice  a-day,  both  on  Wednesday 
and  Saturday,  and  eat  no  flesh  from  Septuagesima  till  Easter,  ex- 
cept the  sick  and  infirm. 

14.  That  they  never  lie  naked,  but  with  some  sort  of  garment 
on. 

15.  If  a  brother  commit  fornication  in  private,  let  him  repent 
privately,  and  have  proper  penance  enjoined  him ;  but,  if  he  be 
discovered  by  any,  he  is  to  be  stripped  the  next  Sunday  after 
mass,  in  the  church  of  the  same  town,  and  most  severely  scourged, 
and  then  expelled ;  but,  if  he  afterwards  return  penitent,  he  may 
be  again  received.  He  is  to  be  enjoined  penance,  and  be  kept  a 
whole  year  without ;  and  then,  if  he  appear  penitent,  the  brothers 
to  do  as  they  think  fit. 

16.  If  one  brother  quarrels  with  another,  and  the  complaint  be 
brought  to  the  procurator  of  the  house,  he  shall  fast  upon  bread 
and  water  Wednesday  and  Friday,  and  eat  on  the  ground,  without 
a  napkin,  for  seven  days. 

17.  If  one  brother  strikes  another,  to  continue  as  above  forty 
days. 


APPENDIX.  167 

1 8.  If  any  brother  depart  from  his  house  or  master,  he  must 
eat  on  the  ground  forty  days,  feed  on  bread  and  water  Wed- 
nesdays and  Fridays,  and  be  as  long  out  of  the  house  as  he  was 
abroad,  unless  the  chapter  think  fit  to  moderate  the  same. 

19.  The  brothers  to  observe  silence  when  eating,  and  in  their 
beds,  and  not  to  drink  after  complin. 

20.  Any  brother  misbehaving  himself,  and  not  amending  after 
two  or  three  admonitions,  to  be  sent  a-foot  to  the  Master  to  be 
corrected. 

21.  No  brother  to  strike  any  servant. 

22.  Any  brother  keeping  any  thing  of  his  own,  and  dying  with- 
out revealing  the  same,  to  have  his  money  tied  about  his  neck, 
and  be  severely  whipped  in  the  presence  of  the  rest. 

23.  Masses  to  be  said  during  thirty  days  for  all  brothers  in  the 
houses  where  they  die,  and  alms  to  be  given  for  them,  &c. 

24.  That  they  give  righteous  judgment  in  all  cases. 

25.  Any  such  person  to  be  received,  to  confess  and  communi- 
cate, and  to  be  charitably  entertained  according  to  the  ability  of 
the  house. 

26.  The  Epistle  and  Gospel  to  be  sung  on  all  Sundays,  a  pro- 
cession to  be  made,  and  holy  water  sprinkled.  Any  brother  be- 
stowing the  money  of  the  poor  to  make  a  party  against  the  Master, 
to  be  expelled. 

27.  If  two  or  three  brothers  live  together,  and  one  of  them  mis- 
behaves himself,  the  other  to  reprove  him,  without  defaming ;  if 
he  amend  not,  then  to  call  two  or  three  brothers  to  correct  him ; 
and  if  still  he  persist,  then  to  transmit  the  matter  in  writing  to  the 
Master. 

28.  No  brother  to  accuse  another  without  good  proof. 

29.  All  the  brothers  to  wear  the  cross  on  their  breasts. 

I.— (p.  42.) 
"  King  Henry  II.  gave  the  lands  and  houses  of  the  canons  of 
Buckland,  in  Somersetshire,  to  Gamer  de  Neapoli,  prior  of  Saint 
John  in  England,  for  the  endowment  of  a  priory  of  Sister  Hospi- 
tallers for  the  benefit  of  the  order  of  Saint  John,  under  a  stipula- 
tion that  sisters  of  that  order  should  never  be  received  into  any 
other  of  their  houses  in  the  kingdom.  After  which,  the  said 
Gamer    called   together    the   sisters   from   the   several  hospitals 


168  APPENDIX. 

in  England,  and  appointed  nine  to  be  the  first  sisters  in  Buck- 
land. 

"The  office  of  the  sisters  in  Jerusalem  was  to  be  nurses  to  the 
sick  pilgrims,  besides  whom  there  were  other  charitable  women, 
who,  in  several  parts  of  Christendom,  made  it  their  business  to 
assist  and  take  care  of  sick  and  indigent  people.  The  similarity 
of  their  vocations  was  probably  the  reason  of  their  assuming  the 
habit  of  the  sisters  of  Jerusalem,  and  made  them  choose  to  reside 
in  or  near  the  preceptories  of  the  Hospitallers.  Of  such  of  these, 
the  first  nine  sisters  established  at  Buckland  were  chosen."— 
Collinsoris  History  of  Somersetshire,  vol.  iii.,  p.  96. 

K.-(P.  42.) 

"  The  tombs  of  Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  and  Baldwin  his  brother, 
(which  drew  forth  the  enthusiastic  apostrophe  of  Chateaubriand 
in  favour  of  his  countrymen,)  have  been  spitefully  destroyed  by 
their  rivals  the  Greeks,  so  that  not  a  vestige  of  them  remains  to 
mark  even  the  spot  whereon  they  stood." — BuckingJiam 's  Travels 
in  Palestine,  p.  248. 

Dr.  E.  Clarke  says,  "the  tombs  were  close  by  the  entrance  of  the 
lower  chapel  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre."  The  following  is  the  trans- 
lation given  by  Fuller  of  the  Latin  inscription  on  Baldwin's  tomb. 

9$altJfotn*  anotfjo;  Jftaccafa*  for  mtgf)t 
?^ope,  i)t\v  of  fyt  j£tate  ano  fcotf)'s  tJcltg^t ; 
©*0ar,  fotti)  lEggpt'g  ^an  of  i)tm  afrato, 
9&louOg  iBamagcug  to  i)tm  tribute  pa(t), 
&la$!  \)txt  in  tins  tomfo  te  lata. 

L.-(p.  44.) 

The  leaders  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  crusades,  were  in- 
duced to  engage  in  those  enterprises,  in  order  to  expiate  their  sins. 
Peter  the  Hermit  had  been  dissolute  in  his  youth,  and  visited  the 
Holy  Land  as  a  penance.  Louis  VII.,  for  having  cruelly  put  to 
death  the  inhabitants  of  Vetri,  determined  to  undertake  the  se- 
cond crusade,  in  order  to  atone  for  his  crime.  Henry  II.  was 
pardoned  for  the  presumed  murder  of  A'Becket,  upon  condition 
that  he  promised  to  undertake  a  crusade.    His  son,  Richard,  upon 


r 
APPENDIX.  169 

his  death,  undertook  to  fulfil  this  promise,  and  was  urged  to  this 
line  of  conduct  from  a  desire  to  do  penance  for  his  unfilial  con- 
duct towards  his  deceased  parent. 

M.— (p.  47.) 

The  conduct  of  the  Hospitallers  at  the  siege  of  Ascalon, 
called  forth  the  commendation  of  the  Pope,  who,  in  a  bull 
directed  to  the  Grand-Master,  speaks  thus  favourably  of  the 
order : — 

"  As  you,  my  brethren,  make  so  worthy  an  use  of  your  goods 
and  possessions,  employing  them  for  the  maintenance  of  the  poor, 
and  entertainment  of  pilgrims,  we  forbid  all  the  faithful,  of  what 
dignity  soever  they  are,  to  exact  the  tythe  of  your  lands,  or  to 
publish  any  ecclesiastical  sentence  of  interdict,  suspension,  or 
excommunication,  in  the  churches  belonging  to  you ;  and  in  case 
of  a  general  interdict  laid  upon  whole  countries,  you  may  still 
continue  to  have  divine  service  said  in  your  churches,  provided  it 
be  done  with  the  doors  shut,  and  without  ringing  of  bells.  We 
grant  you  likewise  the  liberty  of  admitting  priests  and  clerks,  as 
well  into  your  principal  house  of  Jerusalem,  as  into  the  other 
subordinate  houses  that  depend  upon  it.  And  if  any  bishops  or 
ordinaries  oppose  it,  you  may  nevertheless,  in  virtue  of  the  autho- 
rity of  the  holy  see,  receive  them  after  proper  testimonials  of 
their  conduct ;  and  such  priests  and  clerks  shall  be  absolutely 
exempted  from  their  jurisdiction,  and  be  subject  only  to  the  holy 
see  and  your  chapter.  You  may  likewise  receive  laiks  of  free 
condition  for  the  service  of  the  poor.  And  as  for  such  brothers 
as  have  been  once  admitted  into  your  society,  we  forbid  them  to 
quit  it,  or  to  enter  into  any  other  order,  under  pretence  of  greater 
regularity.  And  with  regard  to  the  dedication  of  your  churches, 
the  consecration  of  your  altars,  and  the  ordination  of  your  clergy, 
you  shall  ayjply  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  if  he  be  in  com- 
munion with  the  holy  see,  and  will  confer  holy  orders  gratis ;  but 
if  not,  you  are  authorised  by  the  holy  see  to  chuse  any  bishop 
you  shall  see  fit.  Moreover,  we  confirm  anew  all  grants  of  lands 
and  seignories  in  the  present  possession  of  your  house,  or  which 
you  shall  hereafter  acquire  on  this  side  the  sea  or  beyond  it ;  as 
well  in  Europe  as  in  Asia.  In  fine,  when  it  shall  please  God  to 
take  you  to  himself,  we  ordain  that  your  brother-hospitallers  shall 


170  APPENDIX. 

have  full  and  entire  liberty  to  elect  your  successor,  any  force  or  con- 
trivance to  the  contrary  whatsoever  notwithstanding." — Vertot's 
History  of  the  Knights  of  Malta. 

N.— (p.  47.) 
The  subject   of  the   disputes  between   Foucher,  patriarch   of 
Jerusalem,  and  the  Knights  Hospitallers  is  thus  detailed  in  the 
Boyal  MS.  (Brit.  Mus.)  15  E.  1,  p.  294.  cap.  xiii.  xiiij.  (294). 

"  Comment  les  prelats  apres  le  complainte  des  Hospitalliers  se 
partirent  du  JPappe  sans  pouvoir  auoir  aucun  droit. 

"  Le  patriache  et  les  autres  prelats  d'orient  se  presentment 
devant  le  sainct  pere  et  les  cardinaulx.  Ilz  ne  leur  furent  mye 
trop  bien  receus.  Aracois  leur  firent  tous  moult  laide  chiere 
tellement  que  des  le  premier  iour  de  leur  entree  se  peuvent  au- 
cunement  appercevoir  a  quelle  fin  leur  besogne  viendroit.  Mais 
ilz  estoient  saiges  hommes  si  n'en  firent  nul  samblant  et  pour  ce 
ne  laisserent  oncques  a  venir  a  la  court,  toutes  les  fois  qu'ilz 
peurent  entrer.  De  leurs  besongnes  parloient  moult  songneuse- 
ment  aux  cardinaulx  et  sie**oient  le  sainct  pere  par  les  eglises  ou 
il  alloit. 

"  Maintes  fois  requirent  qu'on  les  ouyst  contre  les  hospital- 
liers adfin  de  leur  faire  droit.  Beaucoup  furent  delayes  mais  au 
devrain  leur  donna  Ten  congie  de  racompter  leur  fait.  Ceulx 
eurent  asses  saige  conseil  et  fut  leur  raison  moult  bien  contee. 
Apres  ce  iour  on  leur  ordonna  ung  autre,  puis  le  tiers,  le  quart, 
le  quient,  et  moult  estoient  loing  a  loing. 

"  Longuement  eurent  la  demoure  ne  de  riens  n'estoient  leurs 
besongnes  avancees.  Sy  s'en  commencerent  a  plaindre  tant  que 
bonnes  gens  vindrent  au  patriache  qui  eurent  pitie  de  son  travail 
et  lui  dirent  que  par  leur  conseil  il  ne  se  tarderoit  plus  la  et  le 
firent  certain  que  les  hospitalliers  feroient  contre  lui  et  contre  les 
eglises  tout  ce  qu'ilz  vOuldroient.  Le  bon  homme  qui  bien  le 
penssoit  parce  qu'il  l'avoit  veu  le  creut  moult  legierement.  Sy 
prindrent  congie  lui  et  ses  compaignons  sans  plus  faire.  Au 
retour  se  mist  moult  greve  des  cousts  et  des  despens  tout 
honteux. 

"  De  tous  les  cardinaulx  ne  peurent  oncques  trouver  qui  deuers 
eulx  se  tenissent  par  droit  que  deux.  L'un  d'eux  avoit  nom  Octo- 


APPENDIX.  171 

vien  l'autre  Jehan  de  Sainct  Martin  cestui  avoit  este  archediacre 
de  Sur  quant  le  patriache  en  avoit  este  archevesque.  Bien 
eussent  voullu  ces  deux  qu'on  fist  raison  a  ces  preudhommes 
mais  ilz  n'avoient  mye  le  povoir  contre  tous  les  autres.  Le  sainct 
pere  se  partit  de  Ferentine  et  passa  champaigne  tant  qu'il  vint 
a  Benevent." 

0.— (p.  55.) 
"  The  Earl  of  Albemarle,  and  others,  went  with  the  first  cru- 
sade, and  several  English  noblemen  accompanied  Louis  VII.  in 
the  second ;  but  the  cause  was  not  national,  nor  by  any  means 
general." — Mills's  History  of  the  Crusades,  vol.  ii.,  p.  9. 

0.-(p.  71.) 
The  cross-legged  figures  which  are  so  numerous  on  sepulchral 
monuments,  are  supposed  to  have  been  representations  of  those 
who  assumed  the  cross,  or  contributed  to  the  expense  of  the  cru- 
sades, as  well  as  of  those  who  actually  visited  Palestine. 

P.-(p.  71.) 
"  Hubert  Walter,  the  fifth  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  was  elected  at 
Pipewell,  September  15,  1188,  and  consecrated,  according  to  Le 
Neve,  at  Westminster,  October  22  following.  In  the  year  1190, 
he  accompanied  King  Richard  the  First  on  his  expedition  to  the 
Holy  Land  ;  and  .soon  after  his  return  to  England,  he  was  elected 
to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Canterbury,  in  1193." — Brittons 
Salisbury  Cathedral,  p.  17. 

Q.-(p.  74.) 
"  There  had  been  settled  for  several  ages,  in  the  mountains  of 
Phoenicia,  between  Tortosa  (or  Antaradus,  as  it  was  then  called) 
and  the  town  of  Tripoli,  a  sort  of  banditti,  who  seemed  to  be 
Mahomedans,  but  in  reality  had  scarcely  borrowed  any  thing  from 
that  sect,  but  their  hatred  of  the  Christian  name.  Their  com- 
mander took  on  him  no  title  but  that  of  OLD,  or  Senior,  a  term 
from  whence,  in  those  times,  was  derived  that  of  Seignior,  which, 
in  bastard  Latin,  signifies  the  same  thing ;  and  he  was  called 
*  The  Seignior,  or  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain,'  on  account  of 
the  mountainous  country  which  these  banditti  inhabited.      The 


172  APPENDIX. 

Seignior  of  the  Mountain  made  use  of  his  followers  to  dispatch 
his  particular  enemies.  Their  palace  was  a  sort  of  school  of  as- 
sassins, and  it  was  not  customary  for  these  barbarians  to  carry  any 
other  arms  than  a  poniard,  called  in  the  Persian  language  Has- 
sisin,  from  whence  we  have  formed  the  word  assassin." — Vertofs 
History  of  the  Knights  of  Malta. 

R.— (p.  99.) 
"  The  Chronicle  compiled  at  Saint  Albans,  anno  1483,  printed 
by  William  Caxton,   1502,  particularly  relates  the  poysoning  of 
King  John.     The  Kyng  came  by  the  Abbey  of  Swynesheade,  and 
there  hee  abode  two  dayes ;  and  as  he  sate  at  mete,  he  axed 
a  Monke  of  the  House,  How  moche  that  loaf  was  worth  that  was 
sette  before  hym  uppon  the  table  ?    And  the  Monke  said,  That 
the  loaf  was  worth  but  an  halfpenny.     0  said  the  King  tho,  Here 
is  grete  chepe  of  brede ;  Now  sayd  he  tho,  an  I  may  lyve  ony 
while,   such  a  loaf  will  be  worth  xx  shillings  or  half  a  year  be 
gone.     And  so  when  hee  sayd  this  worde,  moche  hee  thought, 
and  often  hee  sighed,  and  toke  and  ete  of  the  brede,  and  sayd ; 
By  the  worde  that  I  have  spoken  it  shall  be  soth.      The  Monke 
that  stode  before  the  Kynge  was  for  this  worde  full  sory  at  his 
herte,  and  thought  rather  hee  would  hymselfe  suffre  deth,  and 
thought  yf  he  might  ordeyne  therefore  some  manere  remedye. 
And  anone  the  Monke  wente  unto  his  Abbot  and  was  shriven  of 
hym,  and  tolde  the  Abbot  all  that  the  Kynge  had  sayd ;   and 
prayed   his  Abbot  for  to   assoyle  him,  for  he  would  gyve  the 
Kynge  such  a  drynke,  that  all  Englonde  shold  be  glad  thereof 
and  joyfull.     Tho  yede  the  Monke  into  a  gardeyne,  and  founde 
a  grete  Tode  therein,  and  toke  her  up  and  put  her  in  a  cuppe,  and 
prycked  the  Tode  thorugh  with  a  broche  many  tymes,  tyll  that 
the  venym  came  out  of  every  syde  in  the  cuppe.     And  tho  toke 
the  cuppe  and  filled  it  with  good  ale,  and  brought  it  before  the 
Kynge,  knelynge  sayenge  ;  Sir,  sayd  hee,  wassayll,  for  never  the 
dayes  of  all  your  lyfe  dronke  ye  of  so  good  a  cuppe.     Begyn 
Monke,  sayd  the  Kynge ;  and  the  Monke  drank  a  grete  draught, 
and  toke  the  Kynge  the  cuppe,  and  the  Kynge  dranke  also  a  grete 
draught  and  set  down  the  cuppe.     The  Monke  anone  ryght  went 
into  fyrmerye  and  there  dyed  anone,  on  whoos  soule  God  have 
mercy.    Amen.     And  fyve  Monke  synge  for  his  soul  specially, 


APPENDIX.  173 

and  shall,  whyle  that  the  Abbaye  standeth.  The  Kynge  rose  up 
anone  full  evyll  at  ease,  and  commanded  to  remove  the  table, 
and  axed  after  the  Monke;  and  men  tolde  hym  that  hee  was 
dead,  for  his  wombe  was  broken  in  sundre.  Whan  the  Kynge 
herde  this,  he  commaunded  for  to  trusse,  but  it  was  for  nought, 
for  his  belly  began  to  swelle  for  the  dryncke  that  he  had  dronke, 
and  in  the  two  days  hee  deyed ;  on  the  morrowe  after  Saynt 
Luke's  daye." — Prynne,  p.  37. 

S.— (p.  109.) 
In  the  Retrospective  Review,  there  are  the  following  judicious 
remarks  (in  the  review  of  a  work  entitled  Nicolai  Gutleri  His- 
toria  Templariorum,  Jlmstelodam,  8vo.,  1703,)  upon  the  subject 
of  the  suppression  of  the  order  of  the  Knights  Templars.  "  The 
quarrel  of  the  French  king  with  the  sovereign  pontiff,  Boniface 
VIII.,  is  the  first  circumstance  of  his  reign  which  seems  in 
any  degree  to  elucidate  this  question.  The  imperious  obstinacy 
and  the  unappeasable  rancour  of  the  French  monarch,  gave  this 
contest  a  character  of  personal  animosity,  which  raised  in  the 
mind  of  Philip  an  insuperable  feeling  of  hatred  towards  all 
those  who  had  rendered  any  assistance  to  his  great  enemy.  The 
Templars,  it  seems,  had  been  guilty  of  this  offence.  {Ventura 
Chron.  Astense,  c.  xxvii.  t.  xi.  p.  192,  cited  by  Sismondi,  Rep. 
Ital,  vol.  iv.,  c.  26.) 

"  Although  possessed  of  considerable  revenues,  Philip  was 
always  poor ;  and  to  supply  his  wants,  he  resorted  to  means 
alike  disgraceful  to  himself,  and  injurious  to  his  subjects.  But  to 
accomplish  the  destruction  of  a  noble  and  gallant  order,  whose 
riches  and  influence  were  alike  to  be  dreaded,  and  who  reckoned 
among  their  numbers  some  of  the  highest  and  the  proudest  of  the 
land,  was  a  task  which  required  the  most  subtle  contrivance.  The 
golden  reward,  however,  was  sufficient  to  tempt  the  avarice  of 
Philip,  and  his  unfeeling  and  obstinate  temper  was  a  guarantee 
for  his  success.  It  is  true,  that  by  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of 
Vienne,  the  estates  of  the  Templars  were  all  conferred  on  the 
order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem ;  but  it  was  nearly  ten  years  before 
the  French  king  could  be  prevailed  upon  entirely  to  yield  them 
up.  It  required  the  utmost  exertion  of  the  joint  influence  of  the 
Pope  and  Philip  to  induce  Edward  II.  of  England  to  unite  in  this 


174  APPENDIX. 

foul  conspiracy.  Strongly  convinced  of  the  innocence  of  the 
accused,  he  applied  to  the  Pope  in  their  behalf.  He  even  addressed 
letters  to  several  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  beseeching  them 
not  to  give  ear  to  the  injurious  aspersions  which  had  been  cast  on 
the  characters  of  this  faithful  and  valiant  soldiery. 

"  But  the  malignity  of  Philip*  would  not  be  thus  disappointed. 
He  despatched  ambassadors  to  the  court  of  England,  and  his  son- 
in-law,  yielding  at  last  to  his  repeated  instances,  consented  to 
investigate  the  conduct  of  the  order.  The  English  Templars  were 
cast  into  prison,  but  the  atrocities  which  marked  the  proceedings 
against  the  order  in  France  were  not  committed  here,  though  the 
Pope,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  fatherly  affection,  mildly  censured 
the  English  monarch  for  having  forbidden  the  use  of  the  torture." 

We  refer  the  reader  to  the  following  works  for  further  matter 
relating  to  the  suppression  of  the  Knights  Templars : — Nicolai 
Gutleri  Historia  Templariorum ;  Monumens  Historiques  relatifs 
a  la  Condemnation  des  Chevaliers  du  Temple,  par  M.  Eaynouard; 
Mills's  History  of  the  Crusades  ;  Stebbing's  History  of  Chivalry 
and  the  Crusades ;  Fuller's  Holy  War,  book  v.,  c.  3 ;  Wilkin's 
Concilia,  ii.,  329 ;  Rymer's  Fcedera,  vol.  ii.,  p.  10,  &c. ;  Dugdale's 
Monasticon  Anglicanum  (new  edit.) ;  Proces  contra  Templar,  cited 
in  Raynouard,  p.  60  ;  Bower's  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  vi., 
p.  402. 

T.— (p.  120.) 
"  In  addition  to  this  present,   Henry  VIII.   promised  Villiers 
twenty  thousand  crowns,  the  value  of  which  he  afterwards  paid 
in  artillery  and  fire  arms." 

U.— (p.  130.) 
Nuper  Prior-       Compota  omnium  et  singulorum  Ballivorum  prsepo- 

atus  sive  Hos-  -r-,.  ~,   •,,      .  ,.  ~»    • 

pitalis  Sancti  sltorum  Jb  irmarum  Collectorum  ac  aliorum  officiorum 

Johannis  Jero-  et  ministrorum  quorumcunque  omnium  et  singulorum 

solumm  in  j  . 

Anglid.  dommiorum  manenorum  terrarum  tenementorum  rec- 

toriarum  decimarum  pentionum  portionum  ac  aliorum 

*  The  following  was  the  respectful  mode  in  which  one  of  her  most  Christian 
sons  addressed  the  head  of  the  holy  Catholic  Church  :  "  Philip,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  &c.  to  Boniface,  the  pretended  Pope,  little  greeting  or  uone.  Be  it  known 
to  your  Supreme  Foohhip,"  &c.  (Sciat  maxima  tua  fatuitas.  Rayn.  vii.) 


APPENDIX.  175 

possessionum  et  hereditamentorum  tarn  temporalium 
quam  spiritualium  eidem  nuper  Prioratui  sive  Hos- 
pitali  Sancti  Johannis  Jerusalem  in  Anglia  praedicto' 
pertinentium  sive  spectantium.  Quae  dudum  ad  manus 
domini  nostri  nunc  Henrici  octavi  Dei  gratia  Angliae 
et  Franciae  Regis  fidei  defensoris  domini  Hiberniae  ac 
in  terra  supremi  capitis  Anglicanoe  Ecclesiae  existenti 
devenerunt  ratione  et  praetextu  ejusdam  actus  Parli- 
amenti  inde  edita  et  provisa  tenta  apud  Westmonas- 
5ic>        terium  die  mensis  anno  regni  dicti  domini  Regis 

xxxiid0  prout  in  eodem  actu  apparer'  poterit.  Vide- 
licet de  exitibus  et  reventionibus  omnium  et  singu- 
lorum  dominiorum  maneriorum  terrarum  tenemento- 
rum  et  caeterorum  praemissorum  supra  dictorum  a 
festo  Sancti  Michaelis  Archangeli  anno  regni  dicti 
domini  Regis  xxximo  usque  idem  festum  Sancti 
Michaelis  Archangeli  extunc  proximum  sequens  anno 
regni  praedicti  domini  Regis  xxxiido  scilicet  per  unum 
annum  integrum. 


Manerium  de      Compotus  Henrici  Hale  firmarii  ibidem  per  tempus 

Maplested    in   prsedictum> 

Comitatu   Ls-   c 
sexva. 

Arreragia.  Nulla  quia  primus  compotus  pro  domino  ipsius 
nunc  computant  post  dissolutionem  dicti  nuper  prio- 
ratui. a  Summa  nulla. 
Firma.  Set  redditus  de  xl.  xiiis.  iiii^.  de  praedicto  Henrico 
Hale  pro  firma  manerii  de  Maplested  praedicti  cum 
omnibus  terris  et  tenementis  pratis  pascuis  et  pasturis 
redditibus  et  serviciis  cum  omnibus  proficuis  com- 
moditatibus  qualitercumque  spectantibus  et  pertinen- 
tibus  boscis  subboscis  wardis  maritagiis  et  medietate 
omnium  relevium  finium  et  escaetriae  advocationum 
ecclesiarum  tantummodo  except'  sic  ei  dimiss'  per 
indenturam  sub  sigillo  communi  nuper  Prioratui 
Sancti  Johannis  Jerusalem  in  Anglia  dat'  xviii  die 
Maii  anno  regni  Regis  Henrici  octavi  xm0  habend 
sibi  et  assignatis  suis  a  festo  Annunciationis  Beatae 


176  APPENDIX. 

Firma.  Mariae  Virginis  ultimo  praeterito  ante  dat  praesentium 
usque  ad  finem  et  terminum  xxix  annorum  extunc 
proximum  sequentem  et  plenarie  complend'  reddend' 
inde  per  annum  ad  festa  Annunciationis  Beatae  Mariae 
Virginis  et  Sancti  Michaelis  Archangeli  equaliter  ut 
supra  ac  supportand'  omnia  onera  ordinaria  et  extra- 
ordinaria  exeuntia  de  praedicto  manerio  cum  perti- 
nentiis  durante termino  praedicto.  Et  dictus  firmarius 
et  assigiiati  sui  sufficienter  reparabunt  dictum  mane- 
rium  cum  pertinentiis  ut  in  sepibus  fossatis  et  palis 
durante  termino  praedicto  praeteria  dictus  firmarius 
et  assignati  sui  habebunt  sufficienter  hedgebote 
ploughbote  cartbote  foldbote  housebote  et  fyrebote 
in  et  de  boscis  subboscis  eidem  manerio  pertinen- 
tibus  rationabi liter  et  sine  vasto  expenden'  durante 
eodem  termino  prout  in  eadem  indentura  plenius 
apparet. 

Summa  firmae  xl.  xiiis.  iiik?.  de  quibus  exoneratur 
hie  cvis.  viiid.  de  et  pro  tanto  denario  per  Williel- 
mum  Weston  militem  nuper  priorem  prioratus  prae- 
dict'  receptor'  pro  firma  manerii  praedicti  debit'  ad 
festum  Annunciationis  Beatae  Mariae  Virginis  ante 
tempus  dissolutionis  dicti  nuper  prioratus  infra  tem- 
pus  hujus  compoti  acciden'  per  sacramentum  dicti 
firmarii  coram  auditor'  praestit.  Et  debet  cvis.  viiid. 
q'  liberavit  Mauricio  Dennys  armigero,  receptore 
omnium  terrarum  et  possessionum  nuper  prioratus 
praedicti  xi  die  Novembris  anno  xxxiido  domini  Regis 
nunc  Henrici  octavi  prout  per  billam  inde  super  hunc 
compotum  restitut'  apparet. 

V._ (p.  139.) 
We  are  not  aware  of  the  number  of  chapels  now  belonging  to 
the  Sabbatarians,  or  the  places  where  they  are  situate ;  but  it  is 
collected  from  the  deeds  belonging  to  the  Davis's  Charity  estates, 
that  in  the  year  1706,  there  were  chapels  at  London,  Norwalston, 
Woodbridge,  Chertsey,  Braintree,  Wallingford,  Tewkesbury, 
Salisbury,  and  Sherbourn.  In  1780,  the  chapels  at  the  above 
places,    with   the    exception   of  that  at    Tewkesbury,    were   left 


APPENDIX.  177 

without  congregations,  but  one  existed  at  Nattin,  near  Tewkes- 
bury, and  another  at  Cripplegate,  London.  We  are  informed, 
that  there  are  only  six  members  of  the  Sabbatarian  persuasion 
connected  at  this  time  with  the  chapel  in  Mill  Yard,  London. 

W.— (p.  141.) 
Thomas  Park,  Esq.,  (a  trustee  of  Davis's  Charity  estates,)  for- 
merly F.S.A.,  died  Nov.  26,  1835,  at  Church  Eow,  Hampstead. 
He  was  a  poet,  and  well  known  editor  of  early  literature.  Among 
his  original  works  are  the  following : — "  Sonnets,  and  other  small 
Poems;"  "Poetic  Illustrations  to  Cupid  turned  Volunteer;" 
several  poetical  articles  in  Nichols's  Progresses  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth;  "  Nugae  Modernae,  —  Morning  Thoughts  and  Midnight 
Musings,  in  prose  and  verse."  In  the  introduction  to  this  last 
volume,  our  author  alluded  to  several  parochial  appointments  held 
by  him  at  Hampstead,  and  stated  that  he  "  indulged  a  conscien- 
tious persuasion,  that  the  duties  connected  with  them  were 

"  More  befitting  to  a  head  grown  grey, 
And  heart  much  travell'd  in  affliction's  way, 
Than  UNCIAL  characters  of  F.S.A." 

Mr.  Park  published  several  works  of  a  religious  character,  viz. 
an  excellent  "Treatise  on  the  Advantages  of  Early  Rising;" 
"  Solacing  Verses  for  Serious  Times,  and  for  all  Times,"  and  some 
cards  of  "  Christian  Remembrance,  or  Plain  Clue  to  the  Gospel 
of  Peace." 

The  works  edited  by  Mr.  Park  were  as  follows,  viz. — "  Nugse 
Antiquae;"  "  Walpole's  Catalogue  of  Royal  and  Noble  Authors;" 
"  Ritson's  Collection  of  English  Songs  ;"  and  "  Heliconia,"  con- 
sisting of  poetry  of  the  Elizabethan  age.  He  was  also  engaged 
in  superintending  the  reprint  of  the  Harleian  Miscellany,  and 
was  a  coadjutor  of  Sir  Egerton  Brydges  and  the  late  Mr. 
Hazlewood  in  the  Censura  Literaria,  British  Bibliographer,  and 
other  bibliographical  works.  Mr.  Park  had  an  only  son,  the  late 
John  James  Park,  Esq.,  (also  a  trustee  of  Davis's  Charity  estates,) 
who  held  the  chair  of  Professor  of  English  Law  and  Jurispru- 
dence at  King's  College,  London.  When  quite  a  youth,  he  pub- 
lished the  Parochial  History  and  Antiquities  of  Hampstead, — a 
work  which  would  have  conferred  credit  on  an  author  of  mature 
years,  and  which  is  indeed  one  of  the  most  judicious  and  most 

N 


178  APPENDIX. 

complete  parochial  histories  that  have  ever  been  published.  The 
following  are  among  his  other  works  :  —  a  Tract  on  Tithes  ;  a 
Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Dower ;  Three  juridical  Letters,  under 
the  name  of  Eunomos,  addressed  to  the  Right  Honourable  Robert 
Peel,  in  reference  to  the  Crisis  of  Law  Reform  ;  an  Opening 
Lecture  on  his  appointment  to  the  Chair  of  the  Professor  of  Law 
and  Jurisprudence  at  King's  College,  and  several  others  inserted 
in  the  Legal  Observer.  Mr.  Park  was  created  a  Doctor  of  Laws 
by  the  university  of  Gottingen.  His  merits  were  duly  estimated 
by  the  few  intimate  friends  with  whom  he  associated,  and  with 
this  he  was  satisfied.  He  died  at  Brighton,  June  23,  1833,  aged 
thirty-eight. 

The  bereavement  which  Mr.  Park,  sen.  suffered  by  the  death 
of  his  highly  talented  and  amiable  son,  was  not  merely  an  afflic- 
tion to  his  parental  feelings,  but  it  was  also  a  serious  deprivation 
to  his  pecuniary  circumstances ;  for  he  had  advanced  his  means 
to  the  utmost  towards  assisting  his  son  in  his  arduous  profession, 
and  the  return  which  he  had  expected  from  his  son's  eminent 
talents  was  thus  suddenly  snatched  from  him.  To  this  and  every 
other  dispensation  of  the  Almighty,  Mr.  Park  submitted  without 
a  murmur,  for  he  was  influenced  by  a  deep  sense  of  Christian 
piety.  He  has  left  four  daughters,  (one  of  them  married,)  the 
survivors  of  a  numerous  family. 

Condensed  from  the  Obituary  of  the  Gentleman's  Magazine 
for  1833  and  1835. 

X.— (p.  143.) 

Register  Munimentorum  Nominum  Magistrorum    Prioratus  Hospitalis 

Sancti  Joan.  Jerusalem  in  Anglia. 

BIBL.   COTTON.    NERO,   E.    VI. 

Mapeltrested.     Folio  305,    ^f  viij. 

Confirmacio  sive  institutio  in  ecclesiam  de  parva  Mapeltrestede 

per  Episcopum  Londonensis. 
Donacio  ville  de  parva  Mapeltrestede  per  Julianam  filiam  Roberti 

Dosnelli. 
Confirmacio  Wilhelmi  filij  Aldelini  de  villa  de  parva  Mapletres- 

tede. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Ver   Comitis  Oxoniee  de  ij   solidatis  redditus 

ibidem. 


APPENDIX.  179 

Carta  hospitalis  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  quadam  crofta  in  villa  de 

Markeshalla. 
Carta  Hugonis  de  Hodyngges  de  una  acra  terre  in  parochia  de 

Mapeltrestrede  magna  cum  alijs. 

Folio  306. 

Carta  Hugonis  de  Hodynges  de  Warino  longo  cum  terra  quam 
tenuit  in  Mapeltrestede. 

Quieta  clamacio  Kadulphi  filij  Hugonis  de  Hodynges  de  una  libra 
cummini. 

Carta  Johannis  Dyn  militis  de  dimidia  acra  pasture. 

Carta  dominae  Margerie  Dyn  de  tribus  acris  una  roda  ac  xiiij. 
perticates. 

Carta  Johannis  de  Hodingges  de  terra  sua  in  villa  de  Mapeltres- 
tede. 

Folio  307. 

Concordia  fmalis  de  septem  acris  Alneti. 

Carta  Abbatis  et  Conventus  de  Strateforde  de  quinque  acris  et  una 

roda  terre  cum  alijs  in  Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  Stephani  de  Cameis  de  terra  sua  in  Mapeltrestede. 

Folio  308. 

Carta  Willielmi  Joy  de  una  roda  terre  cum  pertinentijs. 

Carta  Willielmi  Joie  de  duobus  denarijs  datisa^  lumen  Capelle  de 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  ejusdem  Willielmi  de  quatuor  acris  terre  in  Mapeltrestede 

parva. 
Carta  eiusdem  Willielmi  Joie  de  una  pecia  terre  in  parochia  de 

parva  Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Willielmi  de  duabus  acris  terre  ibidem. 
Convencio  inter  Willielmum  Joie  et  Simonem  Odwell  de  predictis 

duabus  acris. 
Carta  e  Willielmo  filio  Willielmi  Joie  de  terris  suis  in  villis  de 

Mapeltrestede,  Hansted  et  Gestingthorpe. 

Folio  309. 

Carta  Willielmi  filij  Willielmi  Joie  de  una  acra  terre  in  parva 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  Simonis  de  Fonte  de  Sexdecim  denarijs  annui  redditus  in 

eadem. 

n  2 


180  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Rogeri  le  Bockere  de  predictis  sex  denarijs  annui  redditus 
in  eadem. 

Carta  Walteri  Lovedai  de  quodam  crofto  ibidem. 

Carta  domini  Osberti  de  Gladfen  de  connrmacione  de  tribus  de- 
narijs redditus  quos  Walterus  predictus  dedit. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  Warino  longo  cum  sequela  et  terra  sua. 

Carta  Ricardi  Gernun  filij  Osberti  Gladefen  de  Waltero  Lovedaie 
cum  omnibus  bonis  suis. 

Folio  310. 

Carta    Roberti    de    Herlane  de  quatuordecim  denarijs  redditus 

ibidem. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Herlane  de  septem  acris  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  de  duodecim  denarijs  annui  redditus  in 

parva  Mapeltrestede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Roberti  de  Herlane  de  redditu  in  Hokhofte. 
Carta  Jobannis   Herlane  et  vxoris    sue   de   una  particula   prati 

ibidem. 
Carta  Andree  de  Heliun  de  quatuor  denarijs  redditus  de  duabus 

acris  in  Holemedewe. 
Carta  Johannis  filij  Lamberti  de  Bumstede  de  dimidia  libra  pipe- 

ris  pro  prato  de  Holemede. 

Folio  311. 
Carta  Jocelini  de  Enfelt  de  una  acra  terre  in  parochia  de  Tilburi. 
Carta  Cristine  quondam  vxoris  Gilberti  de  Londonio  de  novem 

denarijs  redditus  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Phillippi  filij  Acceline  de  terra  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Ide  quondam  filie  Ricardi  Utlaw  de  quinque  acris  terre  et 

dimidia  acra  prati  cum  pertinentijs. 
Quieta  clamacio   dicte   Ide  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  et  redditu 

duorum  caponum. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicte  Ide  de  quinque  acris  terre  et  dimidia  acra 

prati  predicti. 
Carta  Ricardi  Burre  de  Selewe  de  sex  denarijs  annui  redditus  in 

villa  de  Selewe. 

Folio  312. 

Carta  Rogeri  de  Hanhaule  de  una  acra  terre  in  parochia  de  Se- 
lewes. 


APPENDIX. 


181 


Carta  Rogeri  Sweyn  de  viginti  denarijs  in  villa  de  Ouitune  pro 

quadam  terra  vocata  Brecteslonde. 
Quieta  clamacio  Henrici  de  Ouynton  de  septem  denarijs. 
Carta  Mauricij  de  Olmestede  de  Gilberto  filio  Huberti  de  Swape- 

ham  nativo  cum  sequela,  &c. 
Carta  Galfridi  filij  Willielmi  de  Swapham  de  uno  mesuagio  et 

decern  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Olmstede. 
Carta  Willielmi  Baldewine  de  Hamsted  de  duobus  denarijs  annui 

redditus. 
Quieta  clamacio  Johannis  Cristemasse  de  Olmstede  de  una  via 

ibidem. 

Folio  313. 

Carta  Johannis  filij  Alfwini  de  obolo  annui  redditus. 

Carta  Laurencij  filij  Hugonis  de  duobus  denarijs  in  Mapeltrestede. 

Carta  Walteri  filij    Hervei  de  tercia  parte  bonorum  suorum  et 

heredum  suorum  in  obitu. 
Carta  Miehaelis  de  Bencham  de  sex  quarterijs  frumenti  et  avenc. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Miehaelis  de  quodam  tenemento  in  pa- 

rochia  de  Alfemastone. 
Quieta  clamacio  Henrici  filij  Johannis  de  Lamburne  de  diversis 

terris. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicti  Johannis  et  vxoris  sue  de  dictis  terris. 
Carta  prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  una  Roda  prati  cum  perti- 

nentijs  in  parochia  de  Mapeltrestede. 

Folio  314. 

Carta  Ide  de  Gelham  de  Warino  longo  nativo  cum  sequela  sua  in 

Mapeltrestede  parua. 
Carta  dicte  Tde  de  servicio  dicti  Warini  longi  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  dicte  Ide  de  una  libra  Cumini  in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  domini  Willielmi  Giffard  Militis  de  tribus  acris 

et  una  roda  terre  cum  pertinentijs. 
Carta    dicti    Willielmi    de    octodecim  denarijs   in  parochia   de 

Rawere. 
Carta  Walteri  Pulaine  de  terra  sua  in  parva  Mapeltrestede. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Walteri  de  terra  sua  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Willielmi  Colum  filij  dicti  Walteri  de  terra  sua  in  eadem. 
Quieta  clamacio  predicti  Walteri  de  terra  ibidem  quam  habuit  in 

escambio  pro  ecclesia  de  parva  Maplestrestede. 


182 


'APPENDIX. 


Folio  315. 

Confirmacio  Willielmi  filij  Walteri  Poleine  de  terra  quam  pater 
suus  dedit  in  parva  Mapeltrestede. 

Carta  Radulphi  Gernun  de  redditu  eujusdam  tenementi  in  eadem 
villa. 

Carta  Willielmi  de  Arde  de  terra  sua  et  mesuagio  in  Mapeltres- 
tede magna. 

Carta  Cristine  filie  Roberti  de  predictis  terrae  et  mesuagio. 

Carta  Prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  quodam  Chimino  in  Mapel- 
trestede parva. 

Carta  Mauricij  Hurande  de  uno  denario  annualis  redditus  ibidem. 

Concordia  inter  Priorem  Hospitalis  et  Warinum  Pestur  de  decern 
et  octo  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa 

Folio  316. 

Carta  Prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  terra  in  Quendene. 

Carta  Ricardi  Huggele  filij  Johannis   de  quinque   solidis  annui 

redditus  in  villa  de  Huggele. 
Carta  Walteri  filij  Nigelli  de  duobus  denarijs  annui  redditus  pro 

dimidia  acra  terre  in  Lindesella. 
Quieta  clamacio  Godfridi  de  Liston  de  homagio,  &c.  que  habuit 

in  Waltero  de  Hanckwod  et  heredibus  suis. 
Quieta  clamacio   Roberti  de  Heringeia  de  terra  in  parocbia  de 

Bilichangre. 
Quieta  clamacio  Nigelli  filij  Willielmi  de  duodecim  denarijs  annui 

redditus  in  Esteforde. 
Quieta  clamacio  Galfridi  de  Sericho  de  duodecim  denarijs  in  pa- 
rocbia de  Assendona. 
Quieta  clamacio  Thome   filij   Michaelis   Fifyde  in  uno   denario 

annualis  redditus. 

Folio  317. 
Carta  hospitalis  de  quinque  acris  terre  cum  perthaentijs  in  parva 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Willielmi  de  Stubleghe  de  octo  denarijs. 
Carta  Galfridi  Gurray  de  Hanstede  de  sex  denarijs  annui  redditus. 
Carta  Radulphi  Martin  de  sex  denarijs  annui  redditus. 
Quieta  clamacio  Roberti  de  Shelton  de  Radulpho  Attemere  cum 

sequela  sua. 
Quieta  clamacio  Roesie  Lotricis  de  tenemento  in  parva  Mapeltrestede. 


APPENDIX. 


183 


Carta  Radulphi  de  Essoot  de  sex  denarijs  annuatim  per  ipsum 

solvendis 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Henrici  de  Halsted  de  quadraginta  solidis 

solvendis. 
Carta  Christine  Produmes  de  terra  quam  tenuit  de  Hospitali  in 

Mapeltrestede. 

Folio  318. 
Quieta  clamacio  Thome  de  la  Brok  de   una  pecia  terre  quam 

Walterus  Pistor  tenuit. 
Quieta  clamacio   domini   Roberti  le  Oterer   Militis   de  quodam 

tenemento. 
Carta  Roberti  filij   Rogeri  Fabri   de   quatuor   denarijs  annualis 

redditus. 
Carta  Simonis  de  Nerforde  de  tribus  denarijs  redditus  in  villa 

de  Pebners. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Warwik  de  tribus  denarijs  annui  redditus. 
Carta  Huberti  de  Munchenesy  de  duabus  acris  et  una  roda  terre 

in  parva  Mapeltrestede. 
Carta  Nicholae  de  Sancheuerelle  de  tribus  denarijs  redditus  in  villa 

de  Newham. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Crikeshey  de  redditu  in  villa  de  Crikeshey. 

Folio  319. 

Conuencio  inter  Walterum  nlium  Dauid  et  Galfridum  de  Helum 
de  sexdecim  acris  terre,  &c. 

Carta  Galfridi  de  Biskeleya  de  homagio  et  servicio  de  terra  in  villa 
de  Mapeltrestede  magna. 

Carta  Johannis  Fraunces  de  una  pecia  prati  et  una  crofta  in 
eadem  villa. 

Quieta  clamacio  Roesie  at  Thorne  de  una  virgata  terre  cum  alijs 
in  Mapeltrestede  et  Gestingthorpe. 

Convencio  inter  Radulphum  de  Wethirden  et  Robertum  Wall  de 
tenemento  in  Mapeltrestede. 

Carta  Thome  de  Huntercombe  de  tercia  parte  prati  sui  in  Mapel- 
trestede magna. 

Folio  320. 

Carta  Sarre  vxoris  Radulphi  Wethirden  de  tribus  rodis  terre  in 

eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Sarre  de  una  pecia  terre  in  eadem  villa. 


184  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Thome  Harewarde  de  tribus  denarijs  annualis  redditus  in 

eadem. 
Acquietancia  Thome  Herewarde  de  quadraginta  solidis  pro  terris 

in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Thome  de  tribus  solidis  et  tribus  denarijs 

in  eadem. 
Carta  eiusdem  Thome  de  sex  solidis  et  octo  denarijs. 
Carta  eiusdem  Thome  de  predicto  redditu  sex  solidorum  et  octo 

denariorum. 

Folio  321. 

Carta  Johannis  de  Shepherde  de  duobus  denarijs  in  Mapeltrested 
parua. 

Carta  Roberti  Perpounde  de  Centum  et  quatuor  viginti  acris  terre 
cum  alijs  in  Mapeltrestede. 

Carta  Katerine  de  Panimere  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  domibus  super- 
edificatis  in  Mapeltrestede  parva. 

Quieta  clamacio  Thome  at  Portweie  de  quodam  cotagio  in  Mapel- 
trestede. 

Carta  Johannis  Forester  vicarij  de  Mapeltrestede  de  tribus  rodis 
terre  in  eadem  villa. 

Carta  Ricardi  at  Wode  et  Ricardi  Frere  de  dictis  tribus  rodis 
terre  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  322. 

Convencio  interPrioremetfratres  Hospitalis  et  Robertum  Muskam 

et  Thomam  Scwale  de  libera  via  inter  Mapeltrestede  et  Mane- 

rium  de  Odwella. 
Carta  E.  Bolomensis  Comitis  de  terra  in  Cristeshallia. 
Carta  Roberti  Lucy  de  eadem  terra  in  Cristeshallia  cum  incre- 

manto. 
Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  de  terra  ilia  quam  Odo  tenuit  in  eadem  villa. 
Confirmacio  Roberti  Lucy  de  lxxx  acris  ibidem. 
Carta  Ricardi  de  Lucy  de  viginti  solidis  redditus  in  Angra. 
Carta  Beatricis  de  Lucy  de  decern  acris  terre  in  Cristeshallia  cum 

alijs  decern  in  Elmedone. 
Carta   Jordani   de   Avenilla    de   confirmacione    dictarum   decern 

acrarum  in  Elmedone  cum  alijs. 
Carta  Prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  tota  terra  in  Cristeshallia 

facta  Jordano  Camerario. 


APPENDIX.  185 

Confirmacio  Petri  de  Val.  de  terra  de  Lamburne  quam  Willielmus 

de  Bosco  dedit. 

Folio  323. 
Carta  Johannis  le  Sawier  et  vxoris  sue  de  terra  sua  cum  alijs  per- 

tinentijs  in  villa  de  Lamburne. 
Concordia  finalis  inter  Priorem  Hospitalis  et  Johannem  le  Sawyer 

de  quindecim  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Lamburne. 
Carta  Andree  filij  Philippi  de  duodecim  denarijs  redditus  in  villa 

de  Lamburne. 
Carta  Johannis  Nasinge  de  uno  denario  redditus  in  parochia  de 

Lamburne. 
Carta  Edwardi  Bisshop   de  una  acra  et  dimidia  terra  cum  uno 

mesuagio  et  curtilagio  in  Lamburne. 
Quieta  clamacio  Matildis  filie  Walteri  Spark  de  decern  acris  terre 

in  Lamburne. 
Quieta  clamacio  Cecilie  filie  Walteri  Spark  de  quinque  acris  terre 

in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  324. 
Carta  Rogeri  filij  Ricardi  de  una  acra  terre  cum  uno  curtilagio  et 

alijs  in  villa  de  Lamburne. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Rogeri  de  tota  terra  sua  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Rogeri  de  una  crofta   terre  cum  pertinentijs  in 

parochia  de  Lamburne. 
Confirmacio  Mauricij    de  Totham  de  tribus  solidis  in  villa  de 

Totham  magna. 
Carta  eiusdem  Mauricij  de  mansura  et  terra  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Roberti  Jop  de  terra  quam  tenuit  de  priore  de  Newarc  in 

Tholeshunt  parva. 
Carta  Rogeri  Feringes  Militis  de  terra  quam  habuit  de  dono  dicti 

Ricardi  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  325. 
Carta  Amicie  filie  Roberti  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  in  Tolles- 

hunte. 
Carta  Radulphi  de  Bello  Campo  de  quatuor  acris  terre  in  Bello 

Campo. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  dictis  quatuor  acris  terre. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Ricardi  de  Homagio  et  servicio  quod  Gal- 

fridus  clericus  debuit  de  iij  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 


186  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Thome  Daunmartin  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  parochia  de 

Beuchampe. 
Quieta  clamacio  Alexandri  Bunche  de  uno  denario  redditus  cum 

alijs  in  villa  de  Bello  Campo. 
Carta  Constancie  Hovinge  de  sexdecim  denarijs  redditus  in  villa 

de  Colecestria. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Constancie  de  Mesuagio  cum  edificijs  in 

eadem  villa. 

Folio  32b'. 
Carta  Magistri    de    Mapeltrestede  in    domo   in  parochia   sancti 

Nicholai  Colcestrie. 
Quieta  clamacio  Constancie  Hovinge  de  domo  in  predicta  pa- 
rochia Colcestrie. 
Littera  attornata  Henrici  de  Lacy  de  tenemento  cum  alijs  perti- 

nentijs  in  foro  Colcestrie. 
Quieta  clamacio  Elie  de  Salcote  de  quodam  mesuagio  in  parochia 

Sancti  Nicholai  Colcestrie. 
Carta  Simonis  Petri  filij  de  sexdecim  denarijs  annui  redditus  in 

villa  de  Colcestria. 
Quieta  clamacio  Henrici  Wensy  et  Gilherti  Hardelli  de  tenemento 

in  foro  Colcestrie. 
Carta  Simonis  filij  Godfridi  de  tribus  soli datis  redditus  in  suburbio 

Colcestrie. 

Folio  327. 
Carta  Prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  tenemento  quod  Walterus 

Hovynge  tenuit  Colcestria. 
Carta  Ricardi  Bercholte  de  Mesuagio  quod  emit  de  domo  Hos- 
pitalis sancti  Nicholai  Colcestria. 
Carta  Johannis  de  Berholte  et  Thome  filij   Ricardi  Clerici   de 

seruicijs  de  quodam  tenemento  predicto  in  Colcestria. 
Carta  Johannis  filij  Roberti  de  duabus  Cameris  in  Colcestria. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  uno  Mesuagio  in  Colcestria. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Nicholai  Medici  de  quatuor  denarijs  in  suburbio 

Colcestrie  extra  portam  orientalem. 

Folio  328. 
Carta  Ambrosij  de  parva  Perenden  de  Willielmo  Potier  de  terra  sua. 
Carta  Roberti  Perendune  de  terra  quam  Willielmus  et  Baldwinus 
tenuerunt. 


APPENDIX.  187 

Quieta  clamacio  Petri  Clerici  de  Westcomstowe  de  tenemento  in 

villa  de  Perendone. 
Carta  Reginaldi  de  Perendone  de  terra  quam  pater  suus  dedit 

cum  alijs  undecim  acris  terre. 
Carta  Alexandri  de  Wikes  de  terra  sua  in  Colcestria. 
Carta  Ricardi  de  Essars  de  terra  in  Halsted. 
Confirmacio   Roberti   de  Wateville   de   tribus   acris  terre   quas 

Thebaldus  et  heredes  sui  dederunt. 
Carta  Henrici  de  Essexia  Constabulary  Regis  de  una  marca  de 

Manerio  suo  de  Estwod. 

Folio  329. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Canteleu  et  uxoris  sue  de  quatuor  acris  terre. 
Carta  Ingeleri  de  Cantelupo  de  sepi  in  parochia  de  Pebners. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  eadem  sepi  et  de  quodam  fossato  ibidem. 
Carta  eiusdem  Ingeleri  de  quadam  particula  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  terra  in  villa  de  Pebners. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Canteleu  de  terra  quam  Hugo  Broc  dedit. 
Carta  Radulpbi  filij  Walteri  et  Willielmi  filij  sui. 
Carta  Ricardi  de  Badenen  de  decern  acris  terre  in  Acheleia. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Helum  de  quinque  acris  terre  et  dimidia  cum 

mansura  in  Haverhille. 
Carta  Fulcheri  filij  Willielmi  de  una  acra  terre  in  Benflete. 

Folio  330. 
Carta  Lamberti  de  Kerlevilla  de  quatuor  acris  terre  in  Liverichie. 
Carta  Roberti  Monachi  de  tribus  acris  terre  apud  Cakesbrige. 
Carta  Gilberti  Anglici  de  duabus  acris  terre  et  vna  roda  terre. 
Carta  Eutropij  de  Merk  de  una  acra  terre. 
Carta  Hugonis  de  Buteneia  de  terra  in  Wahefennia. 
Carta  Galfridi   de  Offintone  de   Johanne  Wilde  nativo  et  terra 

quam  de  ipso  tenuit. 
Carta  Willielmi  dictus  fades  lupi  de  una  acra  terre  et  Humfrido 

nativo. 
Carta  Hugonis  Furrett  de  quinque  acris  terre  in  Haiden. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Henrici  de  duabus  acris  in  Bradwella  cum  alijs 

ibidem. 
Carta  Ricardi  Whitinge  de  quatuor  acris  terre  et  una  tofta. 
Carta  Graelinge  de  Thame  de  terra  sua. 
Carta  Junij  filij  Eruisij  de  terra  sua  quam  Peuerell  tenuit. 


188  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Roberti  filij   Hamonis  de  una  acra  terre  quam  Gilbertus 

filius  Angodi  dedit. 
Carta  domini  Mahel  Peverell  et  uxoris  eius  de  vj  acris  terre,  &c. 
Carta  Eustachij  de  Cortun  de  terra  de  tenura  de  Tendringes. 

Folio  331. 
Carta  Ricardi  Wastenelli  de  una  acra  et  una  roda. 
Carta  Baldewini  Tirelli  de  una  acra  terre. 

Carta  Warini  Juvenis  de  terra  Johannis  de  la  Stane  iuxta  Whitwell. 
Carta  Philippi  filij  Vitalis  de  Waltham  de  terra  sua  et  duabus 

acris 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Taiden  et  Beatricis  uxoris  sue  de  duabus  acris 

in  Wacheringe. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Capra  de  duodecim  denarijs. 
Carta  Ricardi  Witinge  de  dimidia  acra  terre. 
Carta  Gilberti  filij  Marie  de  una  acra  terre  in  Mesbury. 
Carta  Hugonis  de  sancto  claro  de  una  virgata  terre  in  Citona. 
Carta  Radulphi  de  Marci  de  quinque  acris  terre  in  Langfare. 
Carta  Turoldi  de  Barbam  de  terra  in  Smethet. 
Confirmacio  Arnulfi  de  Curtenia  de  terra  quam  pater  suus  dedit 

in  Bradfelde. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Mabilie  de  terra  de  Hobrigges. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Clintuna  de  redditu  trium  solidorum  in  Stisted. 
Confirmacio   Willielmi   de   Bosco    de   dimidia   virgata   terre   in 

Taidena. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Bosco  de  undecim  acris  terre. 

Folio  332. 
Carta  Petri  de  Bosco  de  servicio  Ricardi  filij  Willielmi  de  Sudbury. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Gilberti  de  una  acra  terre. 
Carta  Ricardi  de  Chippenham  de  una  hoga. 

Carta  Galfridi  filij  Rogeri  de  servicio  quod  frater  suus  sibi  debuit. 
Carta  Ade  filij  Warini  de  quadam  terra  in  campo  vocato  Bin- 

nesley. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Radulphi  de  terra  apud  Binnesleiam. 
Carta  Roberti  de  la  Marc  de  confirmacione  doni  patris  sui  in 

Perendune  parva. 
Carta  Walteri  de  Mandevilla  de  sex  acris  terre  in  Bromfelde. 
Confirmacio  Galfridi  Comitis  de  Mandevilla   de  quinque   acris 

terre  in  Sabrightesworthe. 


APPENDIX.  189 

Confirmacio  Thome  de  Mandevilla  filij  Gilberti  de  Mandevilla  de 

sex  acris  terre  in  Bromfelde. 
Confirmacio  eiusdem  Thome  de  decern  denarijs  redditus  in  campo 

vocato  Bromcrofte. 

Folio  333. 
Carta  Michaelis  Beseuile  de  terra  de  Wrethewella  in  parochia  de 

Sabrightes  worth . 
Confirmacio  Roberti  de  Helum  de  terra  que  fuit  Godwini  fabri  de 

Sturmere. 
Confirmacio  dicti  Roberti  de  terra  quam  Willielmus  frater  suus 

dedit  in  villa  de  Sturmere. 
Carta  Ailwardi  Camerarij  et  uxoris  sue  de  octo  acris  et  dimidia 

terre  et  dimidia  acra  prati  in  Sturmere. 
Carta  Damisele  Roise  de  Helum  de  undecim  acris  terre  in  villa 

de  Sturmere. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  triginta  acris  terre  in  Sturmere  et  tribus  solidis 

redditus. 
Carta  Vincencij    filij    Willielmi   filij    Mabilie   de   tenemento   in 

eadem  villa. 
Carta   Willielmi  filij   Mabilie   de  servicio  quod  Galfridus  filius 

Spakingi  debuit  in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  le  White  de  quodam  mesuagio  cum 

domo  cum  terra  in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  Isabelle  Forolte  de  tercia  parte  unius  pecie  terre. 

Folio  334. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicte  Isabelle  de  alia  tercia  parte  pecie  terre. 
Carta  Walteri  de  Burhallia  de  uno  denario  in  villa  de  Sturmere. 
Carta  Frarici  de  Burnham  de  duobus  denarijs  in  Sturmere. 
Carta  Galfridi  Monachi  de  quinque  solidis  redditus  in  villa  sua 

de  Aistana. 
Carta  Baldewini  de  Witsand  de  Guidone  cum  dimidia  acra  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  tribus  virgatis  terre  in  Elvesham. 
Carta  Roberti  Hustard  de  una  acra  terre. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Roberti  filij  Godebaldi  de  terra  quam  Semarus 

Molendinarius  tenuit. 
Carta  Petri  de  Halstede  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  Bello  Campo. 

Folio  335. 
Carta  Silvestri  filij  Simonis  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  Hallingburne. 


190  APPENDIX. 

Carta  A.  Peuer  de  terra  Willielmi  Diaboli  cum  xij  denarijs. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Besevile  et  Albre  de  Tresgod  de  terra  in  villa  de 

Aspehallia. 
Carta  Alani  de  Scredintune  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  Sortegraue. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Galimi  de  terra  in  Bilichangre. 
Carta  Walteri  filij  Roberti  de  dextrario  et  armis  suis. 
Carta  Galfridi  Ailwarton  de  tofto  in  Euerwardeston. 
Carta  Willielmi  Faucelli   de  terra  sua  iacente   inter   nemus  de 

Euchai  et  cheminum  qui  extenditur,  &c. 
Confirmacio  Idonis  de  Hispania  de  una  acra  terre  et  una  pertica 

prati. 
Carta  Ade  de  Berneford  et  vxoris  sue  de  iiijta  parte  dominij  sui  in 

Derneforde,  &c. 

Folio  336. 

Carta  Simonis  del  Hirste  de  duabus  acris  terre. 

Carta  Baldewini  Witsande  de  tribus  virgatis  terre  in  Elvesham. 

Carta  Ricardi  filij  Mauricij  de  octo  acris  terre  in  parocbia  sancte 

Osithe. 
Carta  Osberti  filij  Willielmi  de  Gladfen  de  terra  quam  Reginaldus 

et  Ailmarus  tenuerunt. 
Carta  Rogeri  de  Eiswello  de  mansura  cum  domo  vbi  Nigellus 

faber  mansit. 
Confirmacio  Petri  Wastinelli  de  sex  acris  terre  in  Hatenho  quas 

pater  suus  dedit. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij   Otonis   de  Lewino  Ledmeham  nativo  cum 

sequela  sua. 
Carta  Simonis  de  Roinges  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  Roinges  sancte 

Margarete. 

Folio  337. 

Carta  Elie  filij  Ricardi  de  una  acra  terre  in  Bridebrook. 
Carta  Alexandri  de  Berkynges  de  Managio  iuxta  Lokesforde. 
Carta   Triende   Hugelli   de  mesuagio  quod  erat  Hugonis  patris 

sui. 
Convencio  inter  fratres  Hospitalis  et  Fulconem  de  dimidia  hida 

terre. 
Carta  Mathei  de  Franktere  de  terra  Radulphi  mercatoris. 
Carta  Roberti  Bloy  de  terra  in  campo  vocato  Sparkehache. 
Carta  Edeline  de  Tutbrigge  de  terra  in  villa  de  Samdona. 


APPENDIX.  191 

Folio  338. 
Carta  Bartholomei  Faucilon  de  una  acra  terre  in  campo  vocato 

Gravelinge. 
Carta  Roberti  Trinheye  de   duabus  acris   terre  in  parochia  de 

Rauree. 
Carta  Johannis  de  Bernes  de  iiijor  denariatus  redditus  in  Nastoke. 
Carta  Walteri  filij  Johannis  de  terra  iuxta  Wakeringe. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Trindeheye  de  terris  in  Ragere. 
Carta  Ricardi  Rokeleia  de  terra  in  bosco  suo  de  Willinghele. 

Folio  339. 
Carta  filij  Mengi  de  Willingehale  de  septem  acris  terre. 
Carta  Rogeri  de  Clare  Comitis  Hertfordiae  de  tenemento  et  iiijor 

acris  terre  in  villa  de  Nortune. 
Carta  Galiene  de  Turney  de  terra  in  villa  Nortune. 
Carta  Willielmi  Baconi  de  tribus  solidatis   redditus  in  villa  de 

Esthamma. 
Carta  Oliveri  filij  Ernis  de  terra  in  villa  de  Edfelde. 
Carta  Britonis  de   Chelveston   de  tercia   parte   decime   dominij 

sui,  &c. 
Carta  Radulphi  Brico  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  in  Chelvestona. 
Carta  eiusdem  Radulphi  de  Johanne  Brett  et  alijs  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  340. 
Carta  Algari  de  Pentelawe  de  duabus  acris,  &c.  in  Chelvestona. 
Carta  Ernoldi  le  Enuise  de  una  Mesuagio  et  tribus  acris. 
Carta  Gilberti  Enuise   de  terra  tota  quam  pater  suus  Willielmi 

Enuise  tenuit. 
Carta  Alicie  vxoris  Willielmi  Hert  de  tribus  acris  terre. 
Carta  Johannis  de  Marisco  de  acquietando  Robertum  de  quercu 

Willielmi  le  Enuise  et  Matildam  uxorem  eius. 
Concordia  finalis  inter  Willielmum  le  Enuise,  &c.  de  xiiij  denarijs 

et  una  placea,  &c. 
De  fine   de    quodam   tenemento   inter    Robertum   le   Enuise  et 

Willielmum  le  Enuise. 

Folio  341. 
Conuencio  facta,  &c.  inter  Robertum  Goderiche  et  Willielmum  le 

Enuyse,  &c. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Mabilie  de  terra  quam  dedit  Helte. 


192  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Geroldi  Marescalli  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  Wicham. 

Carta  Hugonis  de  Lasrander  de  crofto  cum  pertinentijs  in  parva 

Wicham. 
Carta  Hugonis  Springolde  de  tribus  denarijs  in  Waltham  sancte 

crucis. 
Carta  Adelize  de  terra  in  Uggeleia, 
Carta  Galfridi  de  Estre  de  terra  in  villa  de  Estre. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Besuile  de  una  virgata  terre  et  dimidia  in  villa 

de  Pilcheden. 

Eolio  342. 
Carta  Michaelis  Besuile  de  quodam  angulo  terre  in  Plukeden,  &c. 
Carta  Ade  de  Claverham  de   duabus  acris  terre  in  parochia  de 

Waltham  sancte  Crucis. 
Carta  Johannis  de  Flatherwyk  de  homagio  et  servicio  Walteri  le 

Haiwarde  in  Hengham  Castri. 
Carta  Willielmi  Rum  de  homagio  et  servicio  de  terra  in  parochia 

de  Hengham. 
Carta  Ricardi  le  Archer,  &c.  de  duabus  acris  terre  cum  pertinentijs 

in  villa  de  Hengham  ad  Castrum. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicti  Ricardi  le  Archer   de  duabus  acris  terre 

quondam  Jordani  Pistoni  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  343. 
Carta  Amicie  at  Grene  de  Hengham  ad  Castrum  de  predictis 

duabus  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Thome  de  Hundercombe  de  dimidia  acra  pastura  et  una 

pecia  prati  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Thome  at  Parke  de  una  crofta  terre  cum  pecia  prati  in 

eadem  villa. 
Carta  Thome  filij  Thome  at  Parke  de  eadem  terra. 
Carta  Sarre  Dyne  de  Gestingthorpe  de  eadem  terra. 

Eolio  344. 
Carta  Sarre  Dyne  de  una  pecia  terre  in  parochia  de  Hengham  ad 

Castrum. 
Carta  Thome  at  Parke  de  Gestingthorpe  de  eadem  terra. 
Quieta  clamacio  ejusdem  Thome  de  eadem  terra. 
Carta  Thome  at  Parke  de  eadem  terra. 
Carta  ejusdem  Thome  de  una  crofta  terre  in  eadem  villa. 


APPENDIX. 


193 


Carta  Roberti  de  Helion  de   quinquaginta  acris  terre  et  tribus 
acris  prati  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 

Folio  345. 
Carta  dicti   Roberti  Heliun  de  quindecim  acris  terre  et  duabus 

acris  prati  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  de  una  virgata  terre  cum  mansura  et  alijs 

in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  Heliun  de  xx  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  de  Willielmo  filij  Brighmeri. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  octo  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Confirmacio  eiusdem  de  mansura  que  fuit  Brightmari  in  Bumstede 

cum  duabus  acris  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  septem  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  346. 
Carta  Gilberti  de  Baillun  de  una  acra  terra  iuxta  ecclesiam  de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  quatuor  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  octo  acris   terre  et   alijs   diversis   in  eadem 

villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  Ade  Elwelli  de  quodam  mesuagio  in  eadem. 
Convencio  inter  preceptorem  de  Mapeltrestede  et  Edelinam  nuper 

vxorem  Gilberti  de  Heliun. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Heliun  de  quinque  acris  terre  in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Heliun  de  quatuor  acris  terre  et  dimidia  cum 

dimidia  acra  prati  in  eadem. 

Folio  347. 
Carta   Willielmi  de   Heliun  de   quinque   acris  terre  in  villa   de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Willielmi  de  duodecim  denarijs  redditus. 
Carta  Amicie  de  Heliun  de  quieta  clamacione  de  nonem  acris  terre. 
Quieta  clamacio  Angnes  que  fuit  vxor  Willielmi  de  Heliun  de 

tercia  parte  quinque  acrarum  terre  in  Bumsted. 
Quieta  clamacio  Johannis    la   Lande   de   quodam   tenemento  in 

parochia  de  Bumstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Ricardi  Camm  de  duabus  acris. 
Carta  Andree  de  Heliun  de  viij  acris  terre  et  una  acra  prati. 
Carta  eiusdem  Andree  Heliun  de  terra  quam  Johannes  la  Lande 

tenuit  in  Bumstede. 

o 


194  APPENDIX. 

Folio  348. 
Carta  Andree   de  Heliun  de  sex  denarijs  redditus   in  villa  de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  Andree  de  Heliun  de  sex  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Carta  Isabelle  filie  Andree  Heliun  de  confirmacione  de  sex  acris 

terre  quas  pater  suus  dedit. 
Quieta  clamacio  Andree  Heliun  de  predictis  sex  acris  terre  cum 

alijs  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 

Folio  349. 
Carta  Michaelis  Joce  de  servicio  quod  pater  suus  tenuit. 
Carta  eiusdem  Michaelis  de  campo  suo  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Michaelis  de  duodecim  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Michaelis  de  campo  vocato  Sibbesley. 
Carta  eiusdem  Michaelis  de  terra  quam  Osbertus  Molendinarius 

tenuit  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Michaelis  de  homagio  et  servicio  que  Willielmus 

films  Radulphi  tenuit  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  quinque  denarijs  reddendis  Hospitali  de  duabus 

acris  terre. 

Folio  350. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  tenemento  suo  quod  Willielmus  films  Radulphi 

tenuit  in  eadem  et  de  viginti  et  septem  denarijs. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  una  acra  prati  in  eadem  villa  cum  alijs. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  Alicie  quondam  vxoris  Michaelis  Joce  de  una 

acra  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Quieta  clamacio  Alicie  quondam  vxoris  Michaelis  Joce  de  terra 

quam  dictus  Michael  dedit. 
Carta  quiete  clamacionis  eiusdem  Alicie  de  terra  dotis  sue  quam 

vir  suus  dedit  Hospitali. 
Carta    Gilberti    Bailolli  de   una   acra    terre  juxta    ecclesiam    de 

Bumstede. 
Confiraiacio  Walteri  Bailolli  et  vxoris  sue  de  vna  virgata  terre. 

Folio  351. 
Carta  Walteri  Bailolli  de  duobus  acris  terre  de  feodo  Hospitalis 

in  Webcrofte. 
Carta  eiusdem  Walteri  de  tenemento  suo  in  villa  de  Bumsted. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Radulphi  de  una  acra  prati  in  eadem  villa. 


APPENDIX.  195 

Carta  eiusdem  Roberti  de  sex  solidatis  terre  in  villa  de  Haverhilla. 
Carta  Galfridi  filij  Radulphi  de  terra  vocata  Estwod. 
Carta  Willielmi  clerici  Rectoris  ecclesie  de  Campes  de  terra  in 
campo  vocato  Stokwell  in  Bumstede. 

Folio.  352. 
Carta  quiete  clamacionis  Hunrichi  filij  Galfridi  de  tribus  acris 

terre  in  villa  de  Bumsted. 
Carta  Johannis  filij  Ade  de  uno  angulo  terre  in  longitudine  iiij°* 

perticarum. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Radulphi  de  decern  acris   terre  in  villa  de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij   Radulphi  de   omnibus  terris  et  redditibus 

suis  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Carta  Matildis  Watville  de  quindecim  acris  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta   Hospitalis   de  v    solidis    annuatim   solvendis   Matilde   de 

Watevilla  et  heredibus  suis  pro  predictis  terris. 
Confirmacio  Hamonis  Wateville  de  eisdem. 

Folio  353. 
Quieta  clamacio  Johannis  filij  Willielmi  de  Wateville  de  dictis 

quatuor  solidis  redditus  in  Bumsted. 
Carta  Lancelini  filij  Radulphi  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  villa  de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  quatuor  acris  terre  et  dimidia  in  villa  de 

Bumsted  ad  Turrim. 

Folio  354. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  filij  Willielmi  de  Sturmere  de  viginti 

tribus  acris  terre,  kc.  in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Willielmi  Huberde  de  dimidia  terre  quam  tenuit  de  Mau- 

ricio  de  Bumstede. 
Convencio   inter    Galfridum   filium   Willielmi   et   Moricium    de 

Olmestede  de  terra  in  Olmestede. 
Carta  Johannis  de  Olmestede  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  Olmestede. 
Convencio  inter  preceptorem  de  Mapeltrestede  et  Johannem  Ol- 
mestede de  tenemento  in  Bumstede. , 

Folio  355. 
Carta  Johannis  filij  Willielmi  Alfwini  et  vxoris  sue  de  una  pecia 
terre  in  parochia  de  Bumstede. 

o2 


196  APPENDIX. 

Quieta    clamacio    Willielmi   Alfwini   et    vxoris    sue  de  terra  in 

parochia  de  Bumstede. 
Carta   Hospitalis    de   uno   mesuagio    cum   edificijs    in    villa   de 

Olmestede  et  alijs  ibidem. 
Carta  Hospitalis   de  quodam  mesuagio   cum  suis  pertinentijs  in 

villa  de  Bumstede. 

Folio  356. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  Goldingham  Militis  de  quodam  me- 
suagio in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Agnetis  filie  Simonis    Pecchese   de   mesuagio   et   alijs   in 

Bumstede  et  Halstede. 
Convencio  inter  Hospitalem  et  Agnetem  predictam  de  una  acra 

et  dimidia  in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Cassiandrie  filie  Boberti  de  Insula  de  duabus  acris  terre  in 

eadem  villa. 

Folio  357. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicte  Cassiandrie  de  tribus  rodis  terre  in  parochia 

de  Bumstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Alicie  del  Ydle  de  predictis  tribus  rodis  terre  et 

una  acra  prati  in  eadem. 
Convencio  inter  Hospitalem  et  Alexandrum  filium  Ricardi   de 

London  de  terris  in  Bumstede. 

Folio  358. 

Concordia  finalis  inter  Priorem  Hospitalis  et  dictum  Alexandrum 
et  vxorem  eius  de  triginta  et  septem  acris  terre  cum  alijs  in 
Bumstede. 

Carta  dictorum  Alexandri  et  vxoris  sue  de  predictis  triginta 
septem  acris  terre  cum  alijs. 

Obligacio  Prioris  Hospitalis  et  fratrum  de  ix  marcis  solvendis. 

Carta  Willielmi  de  Hiche  de  quatuor  denarijs  redditus  in  Bum- 
stede. 

Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  le  Bloy  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  in 
Stepelbumstede. 

Carta  Ricardi  Adgar  de  tenemento  in  eadem. 

Folio  359. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  Luydy  de  Bumstede  de  terra  in  Bum- 
stede Heliun. 


APPENDIX.  197 

Carta  quiete  clamacionis  de  sex  denarijs  et  obolo  redditus  cum  ij 

caponibus  in  eadem. 
Carta  Hugonis  filij  Roberti  de  terra  sua  iuxta  croftam  Roberti 

Luydi. 
Carta  Roberti    filij    Godwini  Compaynun  de  una  acra  terre   in 

Bumstede. 

Folio  360. 
De  concordia  facta  inter  Hospitalem 
Quieta  clamacio  Ricardi  de  Wintonia,  &c.  de  una  acra  terre  et 

dimidia  in  Bumstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Olimpiadis  de  uno  mesuagio  et  tribus  acris  terre 

in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  de  Hoo  de  decern  acris  terre  et  dimidia 

acra  prati  in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Walteri  de  Hersam  de  uno  mesuagio  in  Est-medewe. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Rogeri  filij  Bernardi  de  terra  sua  in  villa  de 

Bumstede. 

Folio  361. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Henrici  de  Halstede  de  mesuagio  quondam 

Willielmi  Pistoris  in  Bumstede. 
Carta  Gilberti  filij  Rogeri  de  Helyun  de  dimidia  acra  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem  Gilberti  de  dimidia  acra  terre. 

Folio  362. 
Carta  Alicie  filie  Willielmi  de  Hethe  de  tenemento  in  villa  de 

Bumstede. 
Carta  Prioris  et  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  viij  acris  cum  pertinentijs 

in  villa  de  Bumstede. 
Carta  Henrici  filij  Galfridi  de  vna  acra  et  dimidia  terre  in  Web- 

crofte. 
Carta  Thome  Mervile  de  eadem  terra. 
Carta  Henrici  de  Surnens  de  Bumstede  de  eadem  terra. 

Folio  363. 

Carta  Willielmi  Brun  de  quatuor  acris  terre  cum  alijs  in  villa  de 
Bumstede. 

Carta  Willielmi  Brun  de  quatuor  acris  et  dimidia  terre  in  Bum- 
stede. 

Carta  Simonis  de  Bublowe  de  una  acra  terre  in  Bumstede  magna. 

Carta  eiusdem  Simonis  de  eadem  terra. 


198  appendix. 

Folio  364. 
Carta  eiusdem  Simonis  de  dimidia  acra  terre  in  Bumstede  magna. 
Carta  Isabelle  Bublowe  de  una  acra  terre  ibidem. 
Carta  Alani  filij   Galfridi   de  tribus   acris  terre  in  parochia   de 
Bumstede  magna. 

Folio  365. 

Carta  Henrici  filij  Galfridi  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  Bumstede. 

Convencio  inter  Willielmum  filium  Badulphi  et  Henricum  filium 
Galfridi  de  duabus  acris  terre  ibidem. 

Quieta  clamacio  Agnetis  Juliane,  &c.  de  una  acra  terre  et  dimidia. 

Carta  Walteri  filij  David  de  viij  acris  terre  et  alijs  in  Bumstede. 

Carta  eiusdem  Walteri  de  sexdecim  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Bum- 
stede. 

Folio  366. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  duabus  acris  terre  et  grana  ibidem. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  terris  et  tenemento  in  Bumstede  que  tenuit  de 
Willielmo  Wateuile. 

Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  de  tenemento  tenuit  de  Matilda  Wate- 
uile. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  toto  feodo  quod  tenuit  de  fratribus  Hospitalis 
in  Bumstede. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  tenemento  et  servicio  ac  homagio  Willielmi  filij 
Radulphi  in  villa  de  Bumstede. 

Carta  Hawisie  filie  Willielmi  David  de  novem   acris  terre  cum 
prato  ibidem. 

Folio  367. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  tenemento  quod  pater  suus  tenuit  de  fratribus 
Hospitalis  in  Bumstede. 

Carta  Walteri  filij  David  de  terra  quam  Hawisia  mater  sua  dedit 
Willielmo  filio  Badulphi. 

Confirmacio   eiusdem  de   terra  quam   Hawisia   mater   sua   dedit 
ibidem. 

Carta  quiete  clamacionis  Beatricis  quondam  Walteri  filij  David 
de  omnibus  terris  in  Bumstede. 

Carta  eiusdem  de  tercia  parte  vnius  virgate  terre  in  Bumstede. 

Carta  Petri  de  Badua  de  terra  de  Badua  cum  alijs. 

Carta  Boberti  de  Bodewe  de  decern  acris  terre  in  Akeleia  cum 
alijs  tribus  acris. 


APPENDIX. 


199 


Folio  368. 
Carta  Basilie  de  Begham  de  quadam  divisa  in  Begham. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Chelmesho  de  tribus  denarijs  annui  redditus. 
Carta  Galfridi  Ridelli  de  Willielmo  Colehose  cum  tota  terra  sua. 
Carta  Radulphi  de  Offintonia  de  una  acra  et  dimidia  terre. 
Carta  Ricardi  de  Harlan  e  Militis  de  sex  denarijs  redditus  annui 

in  parochia  de  Herlane. 

Folio  369. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Arnoldi  de  quadam  terra  in  magna  Hokesleia, 
Carta  Radulphi  filij  Willielmi  de  una  acra  cum  pertinentijs  in 

parochia  Wrattyngges. 
Carta  Radulphi  de  Buello  de  terra  in  tribus  croftis  cum  alijs. 
Confirmacio  Baldewini  Filolli  de  una  acra  terre  in  Kenlenedon 

quam  pater  suus  dedit. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Ulnardi  de  sexdecim  denarijs  in  Felstede. 
Carta  Willielmi  Glamrvile   de  duobus  solidis  annui  redditus  in 

eadem  villa. 

Folio  370. 
Carta  Ricardi  Warelemunde  duobus  denarijs  in  villa  de  Felstede. 
Carta  Alani  de  Creppinges  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  parochia  de 

magna  Teye. 
Carta  Michaelis  de  Fordeham  de  tenemento  cum  pertinentijs  in 

parochijs  de  Colun  et  Fordeham. 
Carta  Arnoldi  Anglici  de  terra  in  villa  de  Teye. 

Folio  371. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Willielmi  de  vno  mesuagio  in  villa  de  Teye 

et  iiij  acris  terre  cum  alijs. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  Goldyngham  Militis  cum  duabus  acris 

terre. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Benedicti  de  Bromfelde  de  terra  sua  in  villa 

de  Pachinge  Picott. 
Carta  Cristine  nuper  vxoris  Stephani  Prudumme  de  terra  vocata 

Hoxeneheye,  &c. 

Folio  372. 
Carta  Johannis  Morey  de  uno  denario  dato  ad  fraternitatem  Hos- 

pitalis  in  ecclesia  de  Bolbyngeworthe. 
Quieta  clamacio  Walteri  filij  Roberti  de  Roberto  Ailwardo  cum 

tota  sequela. 


200  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Ade  de  Herthilla  de  tofto  in  villa  de  Balidene. 

Quieta  clamacio  Johannis  filij  Roberti  de  Hertford  de  tenemento 

in  Eppingges. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Willielmi  Midelton  de  dimidia  acra  terre  in 

parochia  de  Midelton  cum  alijs. 
Carta  Roberti  Ribbelesdale  de  duabus  bonatis  terre  in  Scardecline. 

Folio  373. 
Carta  Ade  filij  Alani  de  tresdecim  denarijs  in  Southerton. 
Carta  Mabilie  filie  Rogeri  de  uno  mesuagio  in  villa  de  Horseia. 
Carta  Galfridi  filij  Petri  de  duodecim  denarijs  redditus  in  villa  de 

Stepeltona. 
Carta  Petri   filij   Alelini  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  campo  vocato 

Livingeslanda. 
Carta   Galfridi  filij   Willielmi    de  quinque  rodis    terre   in   Col- 

lingehoo. 

Folio  374. 
Carta  Rogeri  le  Gardiner  de  vna  acra  terre  in  magna  Berdefenda. 
Carta  Simonis  de  Coppeforde  de  una  acra  terre  in  parochia  de 

Berdefelde. 
Quieta  clamacio  Agnetis  de  Weninton  de  terra  in  parochia  de 

Sudbery. 

Folio  375. 
Carta  Stephani  del  Helle  de  duobus  solidis  redditus  in  Sodbery. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Ricardi  Longi  de  mesuagio  in  parochia  omnium 

sanctorum  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Alicie    de  Barham  de  quatuordecim  solidatis  redditus  in 

eadem  villa. 

Folio  37b". 
Quieta  clamacio    Radulphi   de    Cruce    de   quodam  mesuagio  in 

eadem  villa. 
Carta  Ade  de  Berdfelde  de  prato  de  Brademade. 
Carta  Nicholai  de  Hadle  de  terra  quam  Adam  Berdefelde  tenuit 

vocata  Wiggefelde. 
Carta  Johannis  Warrewik  de  una  placea  terre  in  Fenne. 

Folio  377. 
Carta  Henrici  filij  Henrici  Sirewelli  de  terra  in  StifForde. 
Carta  Rose  de  Bradfote  de  terris  et  tenementis  cum  quadan  domo 
in  parochia  de  Himbeshot. 


APPENDIX.  201 

Carta  Magistri  Godwini  de  una  acra  terre. 

Carta  Huberti   de  Bottingham  de   domibus,  &c,   in   Coppeford 

Briche  et  Estorpe. 
Quieta  clamacio  Radulphi  filij  Willielmi  de  Briche  de  terra  de 

Impheo. 

Folio  378. 
Carta  Hamonis  de  sancto  Quintino  de  confirmacione  in  magna 

Briche. 
Carta  Huberti  de  Munchannsi  de  sex  denarijs  redditus. 
Carta  Thome  filij  Nicholai  de  Homagio  et  servicio  de  dimidia 

acra  prati. 
Carta  Galfridi  le  Chinaler  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  alijs  in  villa  de 

Bolmere. 
Carta  Rogeri  le  Denys  de  duobus  solidis  annui  redditus  in  villa 

de  Bolmere. 

Folio  379. 

Carta  Huberti  filij   Roberti  de  tribus  obolis  annui  redditus  in 

parochia  de  Bolmere. 
Quieta  clamacio  Albrede  filie  David  de  particula  terre  in  parochia 

de  Bolmere. 
Carta  Ade  Coppe  de  una  virgata  terre  in  Edringhale. 
Confirmacio  Ade  Coppe  de  predicta  acra  terre. 
Carta  eiusdem   confirmacionis  et  de  redditu  octo  solidorum  in 

dicta  villa. 

Folio  380. 
Carta  Edithe  le  Seler  de  Curtilagio  in  villa  de  Reileghe. 
Carta  Thome  Doo  de  quodam  stagno. 
Convencio  inter  Ricardum  Mussegrose  et  Agnetem  de  Planes  de 

dominico  suo  in  Esthaddone. 

Folio  381. 
Carta  Huberti  filij  Willielmi  de  terra  de  Shortemerse. 
Carta  R.  de  Marcy  de  terra  sua  in  Bullefan. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Ade  de  terra  sua  in  villa  de  Cokesfelde. 
Carta  Thome  Tostoke  de  vno  mesuagio  in  villa  de  Tostoke  cum 

terra  ibidem. 
Carta  Godfridi  de  Bulun  de  sex  denarijs  et  obolo  redditus  cum  alijs. 

Folio  382. 
Carta  Gilberti  de  Odwell  de  terra  in  parochia  de  Briddebrok. 


202  APPENDIX. 

Carta  Rogeri  Molendinarij  de  Curtilagio  et  cum  crofto  in  Nor- 

tona. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Johannis  de  eiusdem  mesuagio  cum  crofto. 
Carta  Johannis  Cok  de  quinque  acris  in  Wathele. 

Folio  383. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  Hanewode  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  crofto 

in  Hambury. 
Carta  Roberti  de  Watervilla  de  terra  que  fait  Elrici  in  Hampstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  Willielmi  de  Waterville  de  una  acra  et  dimidia 

terre  in  Hampstede. 
Carta  Petri  filij   Ricardi  de  redditu  et  homagio  Edmundi  filij 

Fullonis. 
Carta  Petri  filij  Ricardi  de  homagio  et  servicio  Alicie  de  Stubley 

in  Halstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Petri  de  homagio  et  servicio  Willielmi  de  la  Brake 

in  eadem. 

Folio  384. 
Carta  eiusdem  Petri  de  terra  quam  Augustinus  tenuit  in  eadem 

villa. 
Carta  eiusdem  Petri  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  pertinentijs  in  eadem 

villa. 
Carta  Petri  de  Halstede  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  Bello  Campo. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  terra  Simonis  Clerici  ad  pontem  de  Halstede. 
Carta  Petri  de  Halstede  de  donacione  terre  predicti  Simonis  cum 

redditu  ad  pontem  ibidem. 
Quieta  clamacio  Ricardi  filij  Petri  de  redditu  et  servicio  de  dono 

patrissui. 

Folio  385. 
Carta  Gilberti  filij  Radulphi  de  una  particula  terre  in  parochia  de 

Halstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Radulphi  de  predicta  particula  terre  ibidem. 
Carta  Gilberti    filij   Radulphi    de    quadam    parte    terre    sue    in 

Halstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  dicti  Gilberti  de  terra  vocata  Senleyga  in  parochia 

de  Halstede. 

Folio  386. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Astelote  de  Alneto  iuxta  Halstede. 
Carta  Ailmari  de  Fraxino  de  terra  in  Alurichesley. 


APPENDIX.  203 

Carta  Gilberti  filij  Radulphi  de  servicio  quod  Ricardus  Richer 

debuit. 
Carta  eiusdem   Ailmari    de    duabus    acris  terre   in   parochia  de 

Halstede. 

Folio  387. 
Carta  eiusdem  de  una  grana  ac   duabus  acris  terre  et  vna  roda 

in  eadem. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Ailmari  de  vna  acra  et  dimidia  terre  in  eadem 

parochia. 
Carta  Johannis  Bidoy  de  quatuor  denarijs  redditus. 
Carta  dicti  Johannis  de  tenemento  cum  pertinentijs  in  villa  de 

Halstede. 

Folio  388. 
Carta  Gilberti  filij  Henrici  de  uno  mesuagio  in  villa  de  Halstede. 
Carta  eiusdem  Gilberti  de  tenemento  quondam  Johannis  Biddoy 

in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Walteri  filij  Gilberti  de  una  placea  terre  in  villa  de  Hal- 
stede. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Gilberti  de  parte  mesuagij  Walteri  fratris  sui. 

Folio  389. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Gilberti   de  redditu  duodecim  denariorum  in 

eadem. 
Carta  eiusdem  Ricardi  de  uno  denario  redditus  in  eadem  parochia. 
Carta  Willielmi  filij  Johannis  Longe  de  uno  mesuagio  cum  per- 
tinentijs in  eadem  villa. 
Carta   Petri  Albre   de   Halstede   de   septem   solidis   et  vndecim 

denarijs  in  eadem. 

Folio  390. 
Carta  Roberti  filij   Rogeri  de  Suandone  de  pastura  et  bosco  in 

villa  de  Halstede. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  una  pecia  terre  in  eadem  villa. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  parte  mesuagij  cum  domibus  quondam  Rogeri 

Fraunceis. 
Quieta   clamacio  Mauricij   Hurannt  de  terris  et  tenementis  que 

Rogerus  Fraunces  quondam  tenuit. 
Folio  391. 
Quieta  clamacio  Mauricij  Hurannt  et  Johannis  filij  eius  de  qua- 

dam  pastura  in  eadem. 


204  APPENDIX. 

Convencio  inter  Preceptorem  de  Mapeltrestede  et  dominum  Wil- 

lielmum  Hauyngefelde  de  predicta  pastura. 
Carta  Willielmi  le  Wright  de  uno  Alneto  in  villa  de  Halstede. 

Folio  392. 
Carta  Roberti  Moyne  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Hampstede 

et  de  xiij  denarijs. 
Carta  Gilberti  Moyne  de  quatuor  denarijs  redditus,  &c.  in  villa  de 

Hampstede. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  mesuagio  et  duabus  acris  terre  et  tribus  rodis 

prati  in  eadem  villa. 

Folio  393. 
Carta  Mathei  le  Moyn  de  terris  et  tenementis  in  villa  de  Lanncynge. 
Carta  Rogeri  filij  Petri  de  duodecim  denarijs  redditus  in  villa  de 

Halstede. 
Carta  Rogeri  filij  Petri  de  uno  mesuagio  in  Stubleya  in  parochia 

de  Halstede. 
Carta  Walteri  de  la  Hoo  de  terra  redditu  et  homagio  in  eadem 

parochia. 

Folio  394. 
Carta  Hospitalis  de  vna  crufta  terre  cum  uno  mesuagio  in  Halstede. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Petri  de  uno  denario  annui  redditus  in  Halstede. 
Quieta  clamacio  eiusdem  Ricardi  de  homagio  et  servicio  Johannis 

Walebrunni  in  eadem. 
Convencio  inter  Aliciam  Gladefen,  &c.  de  terra  in  Alfameston. 

Folio  395. 
Carta  Radulphi  Geruni  de  tribus  acris  terre  in  villa  de  Halstede. 
Carta  Osberti  Gladfen  de  tenemento  quod  Alicia  Longe  tenuit. 
Carta  Roberti  filij  Ricardi  de  servicio  et  homagio  quod  Edmundus 

Fullonus  tenuit. 
Quieta  clamacio   Willielmi   filij    Edmundi  de  uno  mesuagio   in 

eadem  villa. 
Carta  Laurencij   filij  Willielmi  de  tresdecim  denariatis  redditus 

cum  obolo  in  eadem. 

Folio  396. 
Littera  attornata  predicti  Laurencij  ad  liberandam  seisinam  de 

predicto  redditu  xiij  denariorum  oboli. 
Quieta  clamacio  Roberti  de  Chippenham   de  vna  acra  terre  et 

dimidia  in  eadem. 


APPENDIX.  205 

Quieta  clamacio  Petri   de  Halstede  de  crufta  quam  pater    suus 

tenuit  in  eadem. 
Quieta  clamacio  Ade  Forestarij  de  tribus  acris  terre  cum  mesuagio 

in  Hamstede. 
Carta  Kicardi  Westhey  de  redditu  unius  crofte  et  unius  denarij  in 

Halstede. 

Folio  397. 

Carta  Saheri  de  duobus  denarij s  redditus  in  eadem. 

Carta  Willielmi  filij  Ricardi  de  uno  denario  redditus  in  parochia 

de  Halstede. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Rogeri  hominis  de  quatuor  denarijs  redditus 

in  eadem. 
Carta  Roberti  Wolnorth  de  duobus  denarijs  redditus  in  eadem. 

Folio  398. 
Quieta  clamacio  Walteri  Togod  de  tribus  denarijs  redditus  in  eadem. 
Carta  Ricardi  filij  Rogeri  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  eadem. 

Folio  399. 
Carta  Johannis  Alwyne  de  terra  vocata  Gerardeslonde. 
Carta  Johannis  Nunthey  de  quadam  crofta  ibidem. 
Carta  Martini  Polle  de  duabus  acris  terre  in  eadem. 

Folio  400. 
Carta  Andree  Polley  de  terris  et  tenementis  que  fuerunt  Johannis 

Enefelde  in  eadem. 
Carta  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  vno  mesuagio  et  vna  acra  terre. 
Carta  Prioris  Hospitalis  de  dictis  mesuagio  et  acra  terre. 
Carta  Willielmi  de  Coggeshale  de  crofta  vocata  Woodstratecrofte 
in  eadem. 

Folio  401. 
Carta  Simonis  Warde  de  tenemento  suo  in  Halstede. 

Y.— (p.  143.) 
"  The  cells,  or  subordinate  foundations  to  the  great  house  of  the 
Hospitallers  were  properly  called  Commanderies  ;  but,  like  those 
of  the  Templars,  they  were  almost  as  frequently  called  Precep- 
tories.  A  few  of  these  had  the  appearance  of  being  separate 
corporations,  so  much  so  as  to  have  a  common  seal;  but  the 
greater  part  were  no  more  than  farms,  or  granges. 


206  APPENDIX. 

"  It  is  possible  that  some  few  Preceptories  existed,  which  may 
not  be  included  in  the  present  enumeration. 

Preceptories  of  the  Hospitallers. 

1.  Ansty,  in  the  county  of  Wilts. 

2.  Aslakeby,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln. 

3.  South  Badeisley,  in  Hampshire. 

4.  Balshall,  in  Warwickshire. 

5.  Barrow,  in  Cheshire. 

6.  Batisford,  in  Suffolk. 

7.  Beverley,  in  Yorkshire. 

8.  Brimpton,  in  Berkshire. 

9.  Bruern,  or  Temple  Bruer,  in  Lincolnshire. 

10.  Carbroke,  in  Norfolk. 

11.  Chippenham,  in  Cambridgeshire. 
]  2.  Temple  Comb,  in  Somersetshire. 

13.  Temple  Cowley,  or  Sandford,  in  Oxfordshire. 

1 4.  Temple  Cressing,  in  Essex. 

15.  Dalby,  in  Leicestershire. 

16.  Dingley,  in  Northamptonshire. 

17.  Dynmore,  in  Herefordshire. 

18.  Temple  Dynnesley,  in  Hertfordshire. 

19.  Egle,  or  Aquilse  Ballivatus,  in  Lincolnshire. 

20.  Gilsingham,  in  Suffolk. 

21.  Godesfield,  in  Hampshire. 

22.  Gosford,  in  the  parish  of  Kidlington,  in  Oxfordshire. 

23.  Halston,  or  Hawston,  in  Norfolk. 

24.  Hampton,  in  Middlesex. 

25.  Hether,  in  Leicestershire. 

26.  Hogshaw,  in  Buckinghamshire. 

27.  Maltby,  near  Lowth,  in  Lincolnshire. 

28.  Little  Maplestead,  in  Essex. 

29.  Mayne,  or  Fryer-Mayne,  in  Dorsetshire. 

30.  Melchburn,  in  Bedfordshire. 

31.  Mere,  in  Lincolnshire. 

32.  Mount  St.  John,  in  the  deanery  of  Bulmer,  and  arch- 

deaconry of  Cleveland,  in  Yorkshire. 

33.  Newland,  in  the  deanery  of  Pontefract,  in  Yorkshire. 

34.  Little,  or  West  Peccham,  in  Kent. 


APPENDIX.  207 

35.  Pooling,  in  Sussex. 

36.  Queinington,  in  Gloucestershire. 

37.  Ribstane,  in  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire. 

38.  Temple  Rockley,  in  Wiltshire. 

39.  Rotheley,  in  Leicestershire. 

40.  Shengay,  in  Cambridgeshire. 

41.  Skirbeke,  in  Lincolnshire. 

42.  Slebach,  in  Pembrokeshire. 

43.  Standon,  in  Hertfordshire. 

44.  Sutton  at  Hone,  in  Kent. 

45.  Swinford,  in  Leicestershire. 

46.  Swingfield,  in  Kent. 

47.  Trebigh,  or  Turbigh,  in  Cornwall. 

48.  Waingrif,  near  Rippele,  in  Derbyshire. 

49.  Warwick,  in  Warwickshire. 

50.  Great  Wilburgham,  in  Cambridgeshire. 

51.  Wileketone,  in  Lincolnshire. 

52.  Witham,  or  South  Wytham,  in  Lincolnshire. 

53.  Yeveley,  alias  Stede,  in  Derbyshire. 

"  The  Messrs.  Lysons,  in  their  Magna  Britannia  for  Berkshire, 
vol.  i.,  p.  387,  mention  Greenham,  in  the  parish  of  Thatcham, 
as  a  Preceptory  for  Knights  Hospitallers  ;  but  the  present  editors 
know  no  more  of  this  foundation." — DugdaWs  Monasticon. 


THE    END. 


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