Egypt
abuse from the Nationalists and at no small risk to the
workers. On their side, intransigent Nationalism con-
sidered itself as still at war with the British, and looked
on all co-operators, including the King, as traitors to their
country. On our side, by keeping Zaglul out of Egypt
until the Constitution and the general reconstruction was
complete, we undoubtedly avoided the risk of fresh
ruptures. But, on the other hand, we ran very great
danger of having the whole work repudiated, or at least
revised, as soon as public opinion and popular representa-
tion was again set free.
The realisation that "traitors" like the King, and
the co-operators and "tyrants5' like the British, were
establishing the institution of the new nation on lines
that they would have great difficulty in changing caused
the most bitter resentment in the nationalist ranks. This
expressed itself in a '' hate'' against the British more
violent than any that had gone before. This seems to
have been the explanation—it is no excuse—for the last
phase of Egyptian rebellion, a phase that was wholly
criminal in its methods, and all the more culpable in
that, apparently, the main objective of the rebellion had
been already obtained. The campaign of assassination
against British officials that began with attacks on
British officers in the autumn of 1921, and broke out
again in May, 1922, was carried on during 1923, cost-
ing in that year some thirteen lives. The murder of
Dr. Newby Robson (December 22, 1922) had caused
the prolongation of martial law; and the whole cam-
paign created an atmosphere most unfavourable to the
task of constitution making. It was the work of a secret
organisation of extremists, whose object was no doubt
to provoke the British to such reprisals as would cause
a fresh rebellion. It was not apparently the policy of the