232 Egypt
patriots from recourse to such dangerous weapons. We
had neglected the political education of a conservative
ruling-class. The legislature under our rule had offered
no career, scarcely even a curriculum, to native states-
men. The only practical education given to Egyptians
had been through the Bar and the Bench. Almost with-
out exception the Ministers of the new nation have been
promoted lawyers, like Saad Zaglul, Mohamed Said,
Hussein Rushdi, Abdul Khalih Sarwat, Youssef Wahba,
Tewfik Nessim, and Yehia Ibraham. But lawyers do not
make good rulers in the conditions that were now to arise
in Egypt. These men became either like Zaglul, trucu-
lent public prosecutors of the British, or, like Youssef
Wahba, counsel for the defence so supine as to be suspect.
Nevertheless, these puppet premiers were not such
ciphers as they seemed, and the previous chapter will
have already suggested occasions when Egyptian state-
craft in no way deterred British stupidity from filling up
the cup of war grievances.
When the Armistice came it found Egypt prepared by
counsel with a strong case for independence, built up on
the principles of peace as laid down by President Wilson,
and on the promises made by ourselves to neighbouring
nations, like Arabia, whose war services and stage of
civilisation gave them less claim to our consideration than
had Egypt. No sooner was the Armistice signed than
Saad Zaglul, at the head of a deputation representative
of all points of view, asked the High Commissioner, Sir
R. Wingate, for leave to submit Egypt's case in London.
This request, though recommended by the High Com-
missioner, was curtly rejected by the Foreign Office
(December i, 1918). ZagluFs reply (December 3) was
carefully reasoned and quite reasonable; and recon-
sideration of the refusal was urged by Wingate, whose