134 Egypt
ment was defeated by four hundred and sixteen to
seventy-five (July 29, 1882). The new Government
accepted this as a definite decision against any French
intervention. Meantime, Italy was so far conciliated by
an invitation to co-operate that was notoriously impossible
of acceptance as to suggest to the Constantinople Con-
ference that Great Britain he given a "mandate11 in
Egypt—the first appearance of this term in Egyptian
affairs (Mackenzie Wallace, Egypt, 1883, p. 373).
As for Turkey, the bombardment had forced the Sultan
to be represented on the Conference, but had not made
it easier for him to send Ottoman troops. His long
negotiations with our Ambassador, Lord Dufferin, turned
on two points. The British required him to proclaim
Arabi a rebel and to proceed only as regulated by a
military convention with Great Britain. He, however,
desired to disembark his troops at Alexandria so that they
should garrison it instead of the British. Without the first
we obviously could not let loose Turks on Egypt. With-
out the second he could not appear there as the Liberator
of the Faithful from the infidel. Which negotiations con-
tinued revolving in their Oriental orbits, raising as they
went all manner of side issues, among which a ship load
of rnules from Smyrna assumed prominence, until the
Conference, disregarding Turkish protests, adjourned in-
definitely, and events in Egypt were left to take their
course.
In Egypt the bombardment had blown away all the
bridges that had kept communications open between the
conflicting camps. The proof of overwhelming military
superiority given by the destruction of the forts had had
its political effect. Up till then both the Khedive and
Dervish had associated themselves with the Council's
decision to reject Seymour's ultimatum; and in the sub-*