98 Egypt strongly by the French and less strongly by the British. And both eventually agreed in insisting on a maintenance of the succession as provided in the firman ; while the French secured a maintenance of the right of Egypt to make treaties, and the British secured a restoration of the restrictions on the size of the army and on the con- traction of loans—which difference in the policies of British and French is easily explained by their divergent imperial objects. Thus the British were protecting inter- nationally their communications by the Canal. The French were preparing further extensions for their empire in North Africa. And the future Egyptian historian will no doubt draw a moral from the miscarriage of policies that were little concerned with the interests of Egypt itself. For the consequence of either policy was the con- trary of its purpose. The French, as it turned out, had facilitated the future British occupation, while the British had heavily handicapped it. The Sultan thus put in his place, there remained the reorganisation of the Dual Control. The Egyptian Con- stitutional Nationalists, under Sherif, strongly opposed a reappointment of European Ministers or a reassignment of executive powers to the Controllers. So it was even- tually settled that the British and French Controllers were to have advisory powers only and a consultative voice in the Cabinet. But they were no longer to be revocable by the Egyptian Government, and in that respect, as Mr. Gladstone later pointed out (House of Commons, July 27, 1882), the foreign financial control had become political. The division of functions between them, which had previously favoured the British, was left undefined. They were generally charged with helping Egypt to pay its debt, while payment Itself was in charge of the Debt Commission, on which Germany now got