3*4	Egypt
Eastern peoples ; a more favourable settlement of the
Capitulations and Canal questions than would otherwise
be obtainable ; and, above all, the acquisition by Egypt
eventually of such rights over the Sudan as other
Dominions have obtained over their imperial hinter-
lands. It is, indeed, obvious that Egypt, as a Dominion
of the Empire and a member of the League, would have
internationally a better position than as an independent
third-class State.
Whether such a solution becomes practical politics
will depend on how far Egyptian Nationalism, as repre-
sented by Zaglul and the Wafdists, adopts the point of
view and policy of the Liberal Co-operators and«alienates
itself from the Watanist extremists. So far it is only
possible to say that the idea is opposed by such National-
ists, but not spurned with opprobrium. If it were ever
supported by Zaglul he could probably get a majority
for it; but such support is no more than a remote possi-
bility at present.
Gratifying as it would be to our pride to prevent the
first secession from the Empire in a century, yet the
practical advantages to us would be much less than to
Egypt. The transfer of our disputes with Egypt back
to the imperial relationship would mean that we should
have to make surrenders in practice that would more than
outbalance our success on the point of principle. Debt
control, Capitulations, Canal, and even the Sudan would
all in time be surrendered to an Egypt that was de facto
independent, though de jure a Dominion. In fact, the
present position would be just reversed. And even in
principle it seems more sound that Dominion status should
be reserved for States that are culturally in a real racial
relationship with us and with each other. Egypt, with
its Oriental race and a culture half French, half Arabic,